***************************************************************** 05/19/02 **** RADIATION BULLETIN(RADBULL) **** VOL 10.128 ***************************************************************** RADBULL IS PRODUCED BY THE ABALONE ALLIANCE CLEARINGHOUSE ***************************************************************** NUCLEAR POLICY 1 Israelis want Iranian nukes included in U.S.-Russia talks 2 US: TVA should exploit opportunity 3 SA: Winds of Change 4 Russia seals deal with Myanmar 5 N.K. experts visit South to pave way for direct air link 6 Korea: NK Team Arrives to Inspect Airports and Reactor 7 US: Alert sparks nuke debate: Plant security rapped, defended NUCLEAR REACTORS 8 US: Federal regulators approve transfer of Yankee's operating 9 US: Davis-Besse Nuke plant probe involves Congress 10 Nuclear reactor reduces capacity after malfunction in Ukraine 11 US: Radioactive remains: The state's decommissioned Yankee Rowe 12 US: With future of nation's nuclear waste uncertain, Yankee Rowe 13 US: Nuclear Reactor Could be Restarted After 17 Year Shutdown NUCLEAR SAFETY 14 US: Fired Official Is Critical of County Plan for Emergency NUCLEAR FUEL CYCLE 15 US: Yucca: Desert showdown over nuclear waste 16 US: Hodges Asks For Plutonium Injunction 17 UK: CALL FOR NUCLEAR TRAINS TO BE MONITORED 18 US: Abraham: Yucca Not Enough for Waste 19 US: The New Republic Online: Nuclear Waste 20 US: Bush administration raises Yucca stakes 21 US: State GOP against Yucca, but wants negotiations if it's OK'd 22 US: Bush backs desert nuclear dump 23 US: Yucca EDITORIAL: The senators do well 24 US: Republicans adopt anti-Yucca statement 25 US: Insure Nuclear Waste 26 US: SUWA Hates Hansen Plan 27 US: Profit is the motive behind push for Yucca 28 US: N-Board Rejects Utah Plea 29 US: Critics of Yucca disposal have no alternative 30 US: Leavitt seeking N-waste support NUCLEAR WEAPONS 31 Peace Action: Treaty Not All Its Cracked Up to Be 32 Congress Endorses NATO Expansion 33 Martin Schram: Keeping nukes in the right hands 34 US Wants Better Russia Nukes Count 35 US: The New Nuclear Danger: George W. Bush's Military-Industrial Com 36 Cold War Redux 37 Gambling with nuclear war 38 Russia hones its nuclear skills 39 Cold War Legacy 40 Swissinfo International News 41 Russian nuke defences maintained 42 The Warheads Left Out in the Cold 43 Russia hones its nuclear skills 44 Russia may be boosting Iran's nuclear arms US DEPT. OF ENERGY 45 Savannah River (SC) and Wackenhut (WAK) 46 DOE drops plutonium shipping plan 47 Plutonium packaging a problem at Flats 48 Rocky Flats won't use contested containers ***************************************************************** ***************************************************************** FULL NEWS STORIES ***************************************************************** ***************************************************************** 1 Israelis want Iranian nukes included in U.S.-Russia talks Chicago Sun-Times - News May 17, 2002 The Israeli government is lobbying Washington to place Iranian nuclear proliferation high on the agenda of next week's summit between President Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin, which is expected to go a long way toward codifying a new world order. The topic of the transfer of nuclear and missile technology from Russia to Iran was discussed at high-level U.S.-Israeli talks in Washington over the last two weeks. According to senior Israeli diplomatic officials, the topic was discussed Monday during the Israeli-U.S. strategic dialogue between Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and his staffers, and Israeli government officials. A week before, a high-ranking delegation went to Washington to specifically talk with the administration about the nuclear and missile technology "leakage" issue. This delegation met with Undersecretary of State John Bolton. One diplomatic official said it is both presumptuous and unrealistic for Israel to ask the United States to hold up an agreement with the Russians to cut nuclear stockpiles by two-thirds, or not to form a new Russian-NATO committee to coordinate policy on a number of issues unless they put an end to nuclear and missile leakage to Iran. The idea, he said, is to "weave" the Iranian proliferation issue "into the fabric" of the overall U.S.-Russian dialogue. Jerusalem Post ***************************************************************** 2 TVA should exploit opportunity @@HEAD:REVIVAL - @@SUBHEAD: The Paducah Sun Paducah, Kentucky Saturday, May 18, 2002 The devil may be in the details of how the Tennessee Valley Authority decides to finance the restart of a mothballed nuclear reactor, but the agency definitely needs a plan to recoup its staggering $6.3 billion investment in dormant nuclear power plants. With the nation facing an increasing threat from energy shortages such as the disruptions in the natural gas supply that wreaked economic havoc in some parts of the country two winters ago, the time is right for TVA to expand its nuclear power program. It certainly helps that the Bush administration sees the advantages of nuclear power, and is trying to help the nuclear power industry regain some of the momentum it lost in the wake of the Three Mile Island accident. The post-Three Mile Island hysteria almost devastated TVA, which had to abandon several nuclear projects, including the unfinished Bellefonte plant in Hollywood, Ala. TVA officials shut down the Browns Ferry station in 1985. Much of the $27 billion debt TVA accumulated in the 1980s and early 1990s stemmed from the agency's abortive investments in nuclear power. Not surprisingly, agency officials are trying to recover some of those investments by restarting dormant nuclear units and, perhaps, finishing the Bellefonte plant. The TVA board voted Friday to restart the mothballed Unit 1 reactor at Browns Ferry. Again, not surprisingly, this move alarmed environmentalists. The environmental lobby has adopted the view that all things nuclear are to be greatly feared. The fact is, nuclear power is clean — it creates very little pollution. If TVA switches some of its power generation capacity from coal to nuclear, the air in the Tennessee Valley will be cleaner. Coal is the fuel source for about two-thirds of the power produced by TVA. These old coal-burning plants are relatively "dirty," and they're increasingly expensive to operate given Environmental Protection Agency regulations that require the installation of pollution control equipment. "Going nuclear" is a strategy for protecting the environment, not harming it. Environmentalists point to the "unsolved" problem of nuclear waste — a problem they've tried to keep the nation from solving — but the Bush administration is making progress in developing the Yucca Mountain waste repository in Nevada. As for safety, the nuclear power industry in western Europe and the United States has an outstanding record. At one time, TVA received criticism — much of it deserved — for safety lapses at its nuclear plants. But two years ago the Nuclear Regulatory Commission gave TVA's nuclear program top grades for safety. Over the past decade nuclear power production in the United States has become safer and much more efficient than it was in the early 1980s. An example is TVA's Sequoyah plant near Chattanooga, which has operated without interruption for nearly eight years. From the standpoint of efficiency, safety and environmental responsibility, TVA has a strong case for restarting the Browns Ferry reactor and finishing the Bellefonte facility. The question that looms over the agency's nuclear ambitions is cost. TVA officials estimate it will cost $1.8 billion to bring Unit 1 at Browns Ferry back on line. Finishing construction at Bellefonte could cost TVA as much as $3 billion. The agency has made only modest progress in reducing its massive debt burden. That calls into question TVA officials' claim that they can reduce the $25 billion debt and pay for the Browns Ferry restart with existing revenues. Agency officials have said in the past they hope to find a private partner to help finance the reactor restart. Private financing would remove the most serious objection to the revival of TVA's nuclear program. Over the long term, nuclear power can play a significant role in meeting the growing demand for power in the Tennessee Valley. If TVA officials can solve the financing problem, they owe it to their customers to fully develop the agency's nuclear assets. ***************************************************************** 3 SA: Winds of Change allAfrica.com: Mail & Guardian (Johannesburg) ANALYSIS May 17, 2002 Posted to the web May 17, 2002 Muna Lakhani One clear indicator of poverty worldwide is access to affordable energy. If we had not been misinformed about the reliability of sources of energy that are alternatives to the current fossil fuels (coal and oil) that we use today, South Africa would have been a world leader in providing not only clean and safe energy to all our people, but also in exporting indigenous technologies that would have built on proven technologies from elsewhere. Renewable energy technologies constitute an alternative source of energy that remains largely untapped in South Africa. This includes free energy from the sun via both photovoltaic panels, that convert sunlight to electricity, and solar thermal (heat) technologies, which, through the heating process, can either heat water for use directly or generate steam to produce electricity. Renewable energy also includes free energy from the wind - the most mature technology worldwide, and one that is growing at a rate of up to 62% a year. Even off a low starting point wind alone could generate the world's electricity by 2030. Other technologies also being used commercially include: wave and tidal power that can be hidden under water given that the motion of the ocean never stops; biomass energy- the use of organic material that is grown for both its methane and heat value - as plants use carbon dioxide while growing and release it when burnt; micro-hydro power (small dams) for generating electricity on a small scale as opposed to the large dams that constitute environmental and social disasters; as well as geo-thermal energy, which uses the heat from underground. The established fossil and nuclear fuel industries do not accept these as valid solutions. Their argument is that coal is cheaper - if you don't mention the health hazard to people living in the vicinity of coal-power plants. In the United States recent studies show that, even without the subsidies that the fossil and nuclear industries receive, wind is cheaper than coal by simply including the health costs to people as a result of being harmed by emissions and general pollution. "Nuclear power will be too cheap to meter" - is the strident voice of the nuclear industry. However, every state in the US that uses nuclear power charges on average 25% more for electricity, and there is also the related danger posed by radioactive waste. It is also often stated that renewable energy is "intermittent". Only 0,2% of the world's coastlines, or 2% of deserts, could generate enough electricity for the whole world at today's consumption rates. Wind has, in large areas along our coastlines and escarpment, at least a 35% availability. So, why are we not going along the route of clean and safe energy for our people? Is it that vested interests do not want communities to own the means of producing energy, both for themselves and for sale to the national grid? Or is it because the simple technologies outlined previously are not challenging enough? Or is it simply that decision-makers are being fed biased information? Whatever the reason, we need to address these issues as a matter of urgency. Not only is it only a matter of time before we will be expected to pay for our greenhouse gas emissions from coal, but attempting to grow the nuclear industry will be extremely inefficient (the manufacture of nuclear fuel is an energy-intensive process) and will simply result in higher costs for consumers. We must move away from the mindset that energy generation must be centralised - distributed generation not only helps ensure security of supply, but also minimises the need for long transmission lines. A number of countries are racing along the renewable energy path and setting targets of at least 50% of electricity from renewable energy. There must be something wrong with our thinking if we continue to pursue failed and abandoned technologies, such as Eskom's proposed pebble bed nuclear reactor, which is in trouble as we speak. Its US investor, Exelon, has pulled out and the British investor, British Nuclear Fuel Limited, is technically insolvent owing to its inability to pay for its radioactive clean-ups. The South African Industrial Development Corporation is on record as wishing to sell its shares. This reactor will produce 10 times more radioactive waste than other nuclear processes. Our government's expert panel was recently unable to establish whether it is feasible from either a financial or technical viewpoint. The amount Eskom is planning to spend on the 10 reactors could supply more electricity if it were spent on renewable energy. Renewable energies are not rocket science, but simply proven technologies that produce minimal pollution, are pretty much free to run once built, and will produce immediate benefits for communities who can be taught how to manufacture South African versions of renewable energy technologies. Zimbabwe and India are doing very well building wind turbines. South Africa can build wind turbines with at least 60% local content - unlike the proposed nuclear reactors, which will mainly be imported. The economics work - many more jobs are created from renewable energy, no matter what proponents of dinosaur technologies may say. The world's leading economies, mainly in the European Union, are moving away from coal, oil and nuclear power. It makes sense for fossil and nuclear energy companies in those countries to look elsewhere for new markets, but it should not be Africa or anywhere in the South. We are not the dumping ground of the North's failed technologies. We deserve better. Muna Lakhani is a member of Earthlife Africa Johannesburg and Gauteng campaign coordinator for the Nuclear Energy Costs the Earth Campaign Copyright © 2002 Mail & Guardian. All rights reserved. ***************************************************************** 4 Russia seals deal with Myanmar WorldNetDaily: MAY 17 2002 Plan to build nuclear reactor reduces China's influence Posted: May 17, 2002 Editor's note: In partnership with Stratfor, the global intelligence company, WorldNetDaily publishes daily updates on international affairs provided by the respected private research and analysis firm. Look for fresh updates each afternoon, Monday through Friday. In addition, WorldNetDaily invites you to consider STRATFOR membership, entitling you to a wealth of international intelligence reports usually available only to top executives, scholars, academic institutions and press agencies. © 2002 WorldNetDaily.com The Russian government announced yesterday that it signed an agreement with Myanmar's military regime to build a nuclear reactor, a deal that likely will reduce China's influence in the Southeast Asian state. Although the Myanmar regime's opposition claims the deal could lead to nuclear proliferation in their country, the nation does not have the capabilities for such goals, according to Stratfor, the global intelligence company. The new nuclear center will include a 10-megawatt research reactor, two laboratories and a nuclear waste site, Agence France-Presse reported. Russia did not indicate the cost or the commencement date of the project. Because of its strategic proximity to China and India, Myanmar plays an important role in their attempts to both increase their influence in the region and reduce that of the other. Russia also likely hopes that its involvement in the reactor project will raise its geopolitical relevance to the players with an interest in Myanmar. Despite concerns over the reactor's use, the military junta in Yangon maintains that it will be used for medical and research purposes that they hope will lead to the production of energy. Despite having significant gas resources, Myanmar suffers from a severe energy and electricity shortage, with regular blackouts lasting up to three days, The Associated Press reported. Though the country has an abundance of rivers and therefore hydropower plants, it does not generate nearly the amount of energy required to supply the whole country. Yangon does not have the economic resources with which to build the necessary energy generators and must look to aid from other countries. Japan announced May 10 it would give the military regime $4.9 million to renovate a hydroelectric power plant built in the 1950s that is currently running below capacity. Tokyo reported that the total renovations for the plant would cost $24 million. China is also helping Myanmar build three hydropower plants in Paunglaung, Mone and Thaphanseik. This electricity shortage only serves to worsen Myanmar's pitiful health-care system. The World Health Organization has called the health services in the country the second-worst among 191 countries, with more than 500,000 Myanmar citizens having the HIV virus, according to U.N. statistics, and one-third of children under the age of five malnourished. Although the country obviously has more pressing needs, the junta may very well wish to develop nuclear weapons. The regime has shown extreme reluctance to loosen its grip on power, despite releasing democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest May 6. Although the international community would condemn such a move, the possession of nuclear weapons would extend the already isolated regime's importance and influence. But developing nuclear weapons takes considerable monetary resources (which Myanmar doesn't have), considerable knowledge of nuclear development (which the state's scientists do not possess) or cooperation from another country. North Korea presents a viable option for Myanmar, and in a February report the CIA alleged that the regime has produced enough plutonium for one, possibly two nuclear warheads. Pyongyang, however, is not known for proliferating nuclear technology, and Yangon doesn't have the cash to convince them to change their tune. Furthermore, Russia would not cooperate in the advancement of Yangon's nuclear capabilities. Russian President Vladimir Putin has operated with a newfound pro-Western orientation since the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks. Moscow and Washington are set to sign an agreement at the end of May that would require each to reduce their nuclear arsenals from about 6,000 to the range of 2,200 to 1,700 in 10 years, Agence France-Presse reported. Despite the arguments against their claims, Myanmar's opposition is trying to further its own political goals with its warnings that the junta could use the reactor project to attain nuclear technology. The opposition wants to take control of the government -- after the military refused to recognize the National League for Democracy's electoral victory in 1990 -- and knows that if it can convince Washington that the junta is actively seeking to amass such capabilities, the United States will openly seek the removal of the military from the government. But this is not likely to happen, as Washington has not issued a condemnation of the Russia-Myanmar project, but rather urged for safeguards against the military use of the reactor. The issue of nuclear proliferation aside, the project will bring many benefits -- geopolitical and otherwise -- to those involved. With most in the West shunning and sanctioning Myanmar, it has limited options as far as which countries it can look to for aid, support, trade, etc. Although India is vying for influence in the country, its fervent support of the democratic opposition "left the door open for the blossoming of ties between Myanmar's junta and the Chinese government," Asia Times reported. Beijing has since expanded links with Myanmar to include military, economic and political relations. During Chinese President Jiang Zemin's visit to Yangon in December 2001, the junta freed 200 political prisoners as a sign of goodwill, and China promised over $9 million in aid without discussing the intentions for the money. India has tried to push back into Myanmar's sphere of influence. Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh has visited Yangon twice since November 2000. Myanmar's dependence on Russia for help in developing a nuclear reactor will reduce China's importance to the country and will help even the playing field for India. The junta itself does not want Beijing to have too much influence in the internal operations of Myanmar. Russia, for its part, will gain a greater position in the Southeast Asian political landscape. Russia in 2001 sold Myanmar 10 MiG-29 fighters for the price of $130 million. Helping the closed country build a nuclear reactor will give Moscow a bit more leverage in the political developments of Myanmar. With the argument about nuclear proliferation a non-issue, the nuclear reactor will benefit most of the countries with a stake in Myanmar. The Chinese are the only party left on the sidelines. But it won't take too long before they get back in the game with a play of their own. © 2002 WorldNetDaily.com, Inc. ***************************************************************** 5 N.K. experts visit South to pave way for direct air link Korea Herald!!_National http://www.koreaherald.com A group of 10 North Korean experts arrived in Seoul yesterday to look over South Korean airports in preparation for the proposed opening of a direct inter-Korean air route over the East Sea, officials here said. The air route, if opened, will link the North's Seondeok Airport in Hamheung, South Hamgyeong Province, and the South's Yangyang Airport in Gangwon Province, and will be used to transport workers and materials for the construction of nuclear reactors in the North. During its six-day stay in South Korea, the North Korean delegation will visit Yangyang Airport, Gimhae International Airport near Busan and nuclear power plants in Uljin in North Gyeongsang Province, said officials at the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO). KEDO, a U.S.-led international consortium, is building two 1,000-megawatt light water reactors in the energy-starved North under a 1994 deal, in which North Korea promised to freeze its suspected nuclear weapons program. Sources said the 10-strong delegation includes six experts from the North's Air Koryo, whose jetliners are expected to be used for the inter-Korean air link. "KEDO and North Korea are negotiating over the plan to open the direct air route, but nothing has been determined yet. The North Korean experts' visit is part of the negotiations," a KEDO official said. They are scheduled to visit Gimhae International Airport because it will be used as the substitute for Yangyang Airport in case of bad weather conditions, the official added. The North Koreans' trip came about two weeks after Pyongyang abruptly called off a scheduled round of economic talks with Seoul, after taking issue with South Korean foreign minister's controversial remarks made in Washington. In December, a 19-member delegation composed of North Korean officials and experts made a two-week visit to the South to observe South Korean nuclear facilities. (jihoho@koreaherald.co.kr By Kim Ji-ho Staff reporter 2002.05.20 (C) Copyright 2000 Digital Korea Herald. ***************************************************************** 6 Korea: NK Team Arrives to Inspect Airports and Reactor Digital Chosunilbo The Chosun Ilbo 05/19(Sun) 17:27 A team of 10 North Korean technicians related with the KEDO project to build nuclear reactors in the North, and Koryo Airlines arrived in Seoul, Sunday, by way of Beijing to inspect facilities at Yangyang International Airport, prior to launching direct flights to Seondeok Airport in the North's South Hamgyeong Province. The flights will ferry personnel and materials for the light water reactor program. The visit is the second since December 2001, when a team of 19 technicians paid a two-week visit to Seoul to explore education and training facilities for North Koreans who will run the reactors. The delegation, including chief delegate Ahn Yeong-hwan the chairman of the North Korean side of the KEDO project will check out Yangyang for six days; Gimhae International Airport, to be used when Yangyang is not available; and Ulgin nuclear power plant, which is the same design as that in the North. A South Korean delegation of aviation experts visited Seondeok airport in 1997. (Kim In-gu, ginko@chosun.com) Copyright (c)1995-2001, DIGITAL CHOSUN All rights reserved. ***************************************************************** 7 Alert sparks nuke debate: Plant security rapped, defended Bostonherald.com E-NEWS by Jules Crittenden Sunday, May 19, 2002 Last week's alert that terrorists might try to attack a nuclear power plant in the Northeast on the Fourth of July and use it to create a ``dirty bomb'' may have been only a false alarm. But the power-generating reactors dotting the region remain alluring targets that are inadequately defended despite Sept. 11's heads-up, critics say. Nuclear industry spokesmen counter that plant security is high and reactor containment structures probably are ``robust'' enough to thwart air attacks at Plymouth's Pilgrim plant and Seabrook Station on the New Hampshire border. But critics say sophisticated terror attacks were never figured into plant construction and security plans. They say the consequences of an attack are too dire not to take extreme security steps. ``If al-Qaeda could turn a nuclear power plant into a weapon, that would be the most devastating effect that could be made,'' said U.S. Rep. Edward Markey, D-Malden, noting that intelligence agencies have identified several cases of terrorist interest in the plants. He is pushing several measures intended to safeguard the plants. Pat Skibbee, a longtime activist who works near Seabrook, said, ``Since September 11, it's been even clearer that nuclear power plants are a constant vulnerability and a constant threat over the heads of millions of Americans.'' The death toll from a radiation release could range from hundreds to thousands within 10 miles of a plant, depending on the extent of damage, which way the wind is blowing, and even the time of day and the season - whether people are at home or at work or packed into a nearby vacation area. Long-term cancers could kill thousands more up to 100 miles away, and large tracts of land could be rendered uninhabitable, experts say. ``Something like this would wreak overwhelming economic havoc on whatever region was affected,'' Markey said. Industry officials, however, say security problems and the potential for a catastrophic attack have been grossly exaggerated. ``We have been doing everything possible to strengthen what we believe was always a strong security program for the plants,'' said Nuclear Regulatory Commission spokesman Victor Drick. ``The public should be assured that we take these threats seriously.'' He and others said that while plants weren't built to withstand air attacks, they rely on airport security to prevent hijackings, and the intelligence services and military to identify and respond to airborne threats. At Pilgrim and Seabrook, the reactors are surrounded by layers of reinforced concrete and steel between six and 10 feet thick. While spent fuel rod storage pools have less protection, spokesmen say the tanks also are heavily built with multiple, redundant systems to keep the rods wet and make sure they don't start burning. Critics have called for the dispersal of spent rods in ``dry cask'' containers in which they may be less susceptible to overheating - at a cost of tens of millions of dollars per plant - but nuclear officials say that step is unnecessary. ``This is not the World Trade Center,'' said Seabrook spokesman Alan Griffith. ``You've got an extremely well-fortified piece of design we think would withstand a massive impact. We're not talking about glass and steel . . . It would pose an incredible task for even the most talented pilot to hit the dome, let alone the spent-fuel pool.'' While critics have compared private plant security forces to poorly trained ``mall cops,'' Griffith called Seabrook's force ``paramilitary'' and said ``to even make that connection to what level of security we have is absurd . . . we're vigilant, we're prepared.'' To thwart truck bombs, vehicles now face barriers before they get near the plants. Plymouth's David Tarantino said security guards, many ex-military, are well-paid, receive weapons and tactical training, and operate under ``shoot-to-kill'' policies. Tarantino also disputed claims that plants conduct inadequate checks on employees, saying each worker undergoes several psychological, substance abuse and criminal background checks. Markey, noting that the Sept. 11 terrorists would have passed criminal background checks, countered that he wants to see full FBI security clearance investigations such as government officials undergo. ``We've told the NRC, we'll do what you and the military say,'' Tarantino said. ``We know how to produce electricity. We don't know what is necessary to defend against invasion. For that we rely on the military.'' Massachusetts Public Safety Secretary James Jajuga said several squads of National Guard troops patrol Pilgrim's perimeter on a 24-hour basis. He said intelligence gathering and sharing from local police and citizens up to state and federal agencies is happening at unprecedented levels, something he hopes will thwart terror attacks. Jajuga said he is satisifed with the results of two state police reviews of security at Pilgrim. As a former state senator on the New Hampshire border, he said he has toured Seabrook several times and is confident in that plant's security as well. ``As far as I'm concerned, they (private plant security forces) are well trained,'' he said. But Gordon Thompson, an engineering expert at the Institute for Resource and Security Studies in Cambridge who has studied nuclear security for two decades, said, ``The plants are lightly defended. They are not defended against air attack in any manner.'' While Thompson agrees with industry advocates that the plants are ``robust'' in construction, they have vulnerable points he declined to list. While the likelihood of a catastrophic incident is remote under normal circumstances, he said, ``If you introduce a determined and technically sophisticated enemy, the probability becomes what you choose to make it.'' Markey said that in the wake of Sept. 11, he managed to pass a House measure that, when signed, will require stockpiling of potassium iodide to thwart some forms of radiation illness. Markey also is calling for a federalized security force and otherwise heightened military presence while the al-Qaeda threat persists. Another Markey amendment awaiting Senate approval will require the NRC to revisit its ``design basis threat,'' the assumptions on which the NRC base its regulations. By reopening the regulatory process, Markey said, the NRC can be compelled to consider a range of post-Sept. 11 scenarios he said are not now addressed in plant defenses. Activist Skibbee said ultimately, she believes there is only one answer. ``They are undefendable. They are compromising U.S. national security and each person's personal security. Why? So each company can make a profit. The plants should be shut down.'' © Copyright by the Boston Herald ***************************************************************** 8 Federal regulators approve transfer of Yankee's operating license to Entergy Boston Globe Online: Print it! By Associated Press, 5/17/2002 17:59 BRATTLEBORO, Vt. (AP) The proposed sale of Vermont Yankee nuclear power plant to Entergy Corp. won federal approval on Friday. The Nuclear Regulatory Commission approved the transfer of the plant's operating license to the Mississippi-based company. The move was the second federal approval the deal has received, Vermont Yankee officials said. The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission unanimously approved the sale on Feb. 1., stating that the sale will ''not adversely affect competition, rates or regulation.'' The sale is awaiting a decision by the Vermont Public Service Board. The Department of Public Service told the board earlier this month that the proposed sale to Entergy Nuclear Inc. is in the best interests of the state and should be approved. Three environmental groups oppose the sale, while one consumer group says it should be conditioned on a requirement that some of the money received for the nuclear plant be returned to ratepayers. Vermont Yankee and Entergy are hoping for a decision from the board by mid-June. The final arguments earlier this month capped a process that began last August, when Vermont Yankee's utility owners announced they had reached a deal to sell the plant to Entergy Nuclear for $180 million. The deal also contains a power buyback agreement under which CVPS and GMP agree to continue taking their current allotment of power from the Vernon reactor, and to pay Entergy for it. ***************************************************************** 9 Davis-Besse Nuke plant probe involves Congress [http://www.daytondailynews.com] Associated Press WASHINGTON | A congressional committee will send investigators next week to the Davis-Besse nuclear plant in Ohio, where an acid leak burned a hole in the reactor cap. House Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman Billy Tauzin said he called for the review so lawmakers could get a firsthand account of the damage. ‘‘Public confidence in the safety of nuclear energy is critically important to our long-range energy needs,’’ said Tauzin, R-La. Rep. Paul Gillmor, R-Ohio, said Friday the investigators will help lawmakers determine why the damage wasn’t found earlier and what should be done to keep nuclear energy safe. In March, inspectors found leaks in reactor nozzles had allowed boric acid to eat a hole in the 6-inch-thick steel cap that covers the plant’s reactor vessel. It’s the most extensive corrosion found on top of a U.S. nuclear plant reactor. ‘‘We want to make sure that whatever problems that are taking place at Davis-Besse don’t happen at other plants,’’ said Gillmor, a Republican whose northwest Ohio district includes the plant along Lake Erie. An industrywide review by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission of the 68 other nuclear plants with similar designs and conditions has reported nothing similar to what led to the corrosion at Davis-Besse. Two staff members from the committee will visit the plant on Tuesday and meet with NRC officials and representatives from FirstEnergy Corp., which runs the plant located about 25 miles east of Toledo, Ohio. Gillmor said the committee will then decide whether it should hold a hearing on the topic and what, if any, legislation is needed to safeguard the nuclear industry. A spokesman for the Senate committee that oversees NRC operations said the panel wasn’t planning its own investigation. FirstEnergy spokesman Richard Wilkins said Friday the company welcomes congressional investigations. ‘‘The more people like this that go through the plant and get their questions answered, the better,’’ he said. The congressional probe comes as Reps. Marcy Kaptur, D-Ohio, and Edward Markey, D-Mass., are calling on the NRC to answer questions about the damage. Environmental and nuclear activists also have asked federal regulators for an independent review of the damage at the 25-year-old plant. The NRC plans to answer Kaptur and Markey’s questions by next month and has not yet made a decision on the request for an independent review of the plant, agency spokesman Jan Strasma said. He said the agency was expected this week to begin an internal review of the agency’s regulatory requirements and performance during the Davis-Besse investigation. The plant was shut down in February for refueling and isn’t expected to be restarted until September. The NRC must first approve the company’s proposal for repairing the reactor head. [From the Dayton Daily News: 05.18.2002] [http://www.daytondailynews.com] | Local index | Today's print edition local section Copyright © 2002, Cox Ohio Publishing. All rights reserved. ***************************************************************** 10 Nuclear reactor reduces capacity after malfunction in Ukraine Sat May 18, 8:37 AM ET KIEV, Ukraine - Operators reduced the capacity of a nuclear reactor at Ukraine's Zaporizhia atomic power plant by 35 percent Saturday after a malfunction in its circulation pump, officials said. The radiation level at the plant was normal, and works to repair the defect continue, the Emergency Situations Ministry said. Ukraine was site of world's worst nuclear accident in 1986, when a reactor at the Chernobyl plant exploded and spewed radiation over Europe. Chernobyl was closed down for good in 2000. Minor malfunctions at Ukraine's four nuclear power plants occur frequently, but don't usually cause radiation leaks. Currently, 10 Ukrainian reactors are functioning, while three others are under repair. (ms/jh) Copyright © 2002 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. The ***************************************************************** 11 Radioactive remains: The state's decommissioned Yankee Rowe nuclear power plant forced to relocate waste MetroWest Daily News.c o m - LOCAL NEWS By Adam Gorlick / Associated Press Sunday, May 19, 2002 ROWE - Tucked into the pristine stillness of the Berkshires, just a few hundred yards from the Vermont border, this seems like an unlikely place to find nuclear waste. But nestled in the forested hills rolling through this town of 360 people is the hulking shell of Yankee Rowe, one of the country's first nuclear power plants and home to the radioactive remains of a utility that produced enough electricity for 5,000 households. Shut down in 1992 after 31 years of operation, the plant began decommissioning a year later. The process was supposed to be helped by the federal government's promise to start carting away the plant's waste in 1998. Four years after missing that deadline, a bill is now moving through Congress to create a repository for the country's spent nuclear fuel. But with that facility's opening at least eight years away, Yankee Rowe is about to start a six-month procedure of moving its own waste to a new onsite storage system. "We were never intended to be a storage site," said Brian Wood, Yankee's site manager. "We've been waiting for the government to take this stuff away." After being submerged in a 40-year-old 150,000-gallon pool of water, more than 266,000 pounds of radioactive waste is about to resurface. Beginning next month, workers will raise the plant's 533 spent fuel assemblies and entomb them in 15 outdoor casks - 13-foot-tall concrete containers that officials say can withstand earthquakes, tornadoes and small plane crashes. Industry officials call it "dry cask storage," and say it's safer than keeping the waste in a pool. Dry storage costs about $1.5 million a year, $2 million less than maintaining the cooling pools, they say. Getting the waste outside also will allow workers to dismantle the plant, a task that can't be done with an indoor cooling pool in use. The radioactive waste will be air-cooled as it sits in ventilated casks. Water-cooling requires moving parts and manpower, increasing the cost and opportunities for error. But moving the high-level radioactive material is risky, and workers at Yankee Rowe spent the past week practicing how to make the move as safe as possible. The spent fuel - uranium pellets about the length of a thumbnail - is packed in long, thin rods bundled into 533 rectangular fuel assemblies. Unshielded, it generates enough radiation to kill. Cranes will lift the fuel assemblies into steel canisters. Those canisters will be hoisted from the cooling pool, dried off, and welded shut. Much of the operation will be remote-controlled, protecting workers from too much radiation exposure. Once the canisters are plugged, they'll be trucked about 300 feet to the outdoor storage site and sealed inside the 21-inch-thick concrete casks with 3.5-inch-thick steel liners. The casks, each weighing 110 tons fully loaded, will stand on a 3-foot-thick concrete pad until the Department of Energy takes them away. "They appear to be in good enough shape to move the spent fuel from the pool," said John Wray, a nuclear engineer with Nuclear Regulatory Commission who oversaw the past week's dress rehearsal. "They can safely operate the equipment to accomplish the task in a safe manner without exposing anybody to excessive levels of radiation." Security has been heightened at all working and decommissioned nuclear power plants since Sept. 11, and guards at Yankee Rowe holster pistols on their hips and have long guns slung across their backs. Jersey barriers, barbed wire fences and security checkpoints around the 10-acre plant ensure nobody stumbles onto the site. But the threat of terrorist attacks is still on the minds of plant workers and community members. "The fuel is safe just standing there untouched in the casks," said Gailanne Cariddi, chairwoman of the Citizens Advisory Board, a group of area residents and business leaders that serves as a liaison between Yankee and local communities. "The concern is the security on the outside," she said. "Everyone needs to be sure that's in place." There are now 21 dry cask facilities across the country. Two are at decommissioned plants. Within a year, the NRC expects six decommissioned plants to be using dry casks, agency officials said. The move at Yankee Rowe will come about a month after the U.S. House approved a plan to store 77,000 tons of used reactor fuel accumulating in 39 states at Yucca Mountain in the Nevada desert. If the Senate approves the plan this summer, it will be at least eight years before Yankee's fuel is moved. And if the government comes for it in 2010, there's no guarantee they'll take it all at once, said Kelley Smith, a Yankee Rowe spokeswoman. Given the uncertainty of Yucca Mountain, Yankee Rowe is licensed to keep the waste in dry storage for 20 years. The casks themselves will last at least 40 years, Wood said. "After that, we check the integrity of the structures if need be," he said. The federal government's inability to move Yankee's waste is at the center of a $71 million lawsuit the company filed against the Department of Energy. Yankee wants to be reimbursed for storing the waste for the 12 years from the time the federal government promised to take the waste until the earliest Yucca Mountain will be ready. "It makes no sense to keep waste here," Smith said. "But as long as we have to keep it here, we're going to do it as safely and cost-effectively as possible." On the Net: http://www.yankee.com/ © Copyright by the MetroWest Daily News and ***************************************************************** 12 With future of nation's nuclear waste uncertain, Yankee Rowe moves spent fuel to cheaper, safer storage bostonherald.com Associated Press Saturday, May 18, 2002 ROWE, Mass. - Tucked into the pristine stillness of the Berkshires, just a few hundred yards from the Vermont border, this seems like an unlikely place to find nuclear waste. But nestled in the forested hills rolling through this town of 360 people is the hulking shell of Yankee Rowe, one of the country's first nuclear power plants and home to the radioactive remains of a utility that produced enough electricity for 5,000 households. Shut down in 1992 after 31 years of operation, the plant began decommissioning a year later. The process was supposed to be helped by the federal government's promise to start carting away the plant's waste in 1998. Four years after missing that deadline, a bill is now moving through Congress to create a repository for the country's spent nuclear fuel. But with that facility's opening at least eight years away, Yankee Rowe is about to start a six-month procedure of moving its own waste to a new onsite storage system. ``We were never intended to be a storage site,'' said Brian Wood, Yankee's site manager. ``We've been waiting for the government to take this stuff away.'' After being submerged in a 40-year-old, 150,000-gallon pool of water, more than 266,000 pounds of radioactive waste is about to resurface. Beginning next month, workers will raise the plant's 533 spent fuel assemblies and entomb them in 15 outdoor casks - 13-foot-tall concrete containers that officials say can withstand earthquakes, tornadoes and small plane crashes. Industry officials call it ``dry cask storage,'' and say it's safer than keeping the waste in a pool. Dry storage costs about $1.5 million a year, $2 million less than maintaining the cooling pools, they say. Getting the waste outside also will allow workers to dismantle the plant, a task that can't be done with an indoor cooling pool in use. The radioactive waste will be air-cooled as it sits in ventilated casks. Water-cooling requires moving parts and manpower, increasing the cost and opportunities for error. But moving the high-level radioactive material is risky, and workers at Yankee Rowe spent the past week practicing how to make the move as safe as possible. The spent fuel - uranium pellets about the length of a thumbnail - is packed in long, thin rods bundled into 533 rectangular fuel assemblies. Unshielded, it generates enough radiation to kill. Cranes will lift the fuel assemblies into steel canisters. Those canisters will be hoisted from the cooling pool, dried off, and welded shut. Much of the operation will be remote-controlled, protecting workers from too much radiation exposure. Once the canisters are plugged, they'll be trucked about 300 feet to the outdoor storage site and sealed inside the 21-inch-thick concrete casks with 3.5-inch-thick steel liners. The casks, each weighing 110 tons fully loaded, will stand on a 3-foot-thick concrete pad until the Department of Energy takes them away. ``They appear to be in good enough shape to move the spent fuel from the pool,'' said John Wray, a nuclear engineer with Nuclear Regulatory Commission who oversaw the past week's dress rehearsal. ``They can safely operate the equipment to accomplish the task in a safe manner without exposing anybody to excessive levels of radiation.'' Security has been heightened at all working and decommissioned nuclear power plants since Sept. 11, and guards at Yankee Rowe holster pistols on their hips and have long guns slung across their backs. Jersey barriers, barbed wire fences and security checkpoints around the 10-acre plant ensure nobody stumbles onto the site. But the threat of terrorist attacks is still on the minds of plant workers and community members. ``The fuel is safe just standing there untouched in the casks,'' said Gailanne Cariddi, chairwoman of the Citizens Advisory Board, a group of area residents and business leaders that serves as a liaison between Yankee and local communities. ``The concern is the security on the outside,'' she said. ``Everyone needs to be sure that's in place.'' There are now 21 dry cask facilities across the country. Two are at decommissioned plants. Within a year, the NRC expects six decommissioned plants to be using dry casks, agency officials said. The move at Yankee Rowe will come about a month after the U.S. House approved a plan to store 77,000 tons of used reactor fuel accumulating in 39 states at Yucca Mountain in the Nevada desert. If the Senate approves the plan this summer, it will be at least eight years before Yankee's fuel is moved. And if the government comes for it in 2010, there's no guarantee they'll take it all at once, said Kelley Smith, a Yankee Rowe spokeswoman. Given the uncertainty of Yucca Mountain, Yankee Rowe is licensed to keep the waste in dry storage for 20 years. The casks themselves will last at least 40 years, Wood said. ``After that, we check the integrity of the structures if need be,'' he said. The federal government's inability to move Yankee's waste is at the center of a $71 million lawsuit the company filed against the Department of Energy. Yankee wants to be reimbursed for storing the waste for the 12 years from the time the federal government promised to take the waste until the earliest Yucca Mountain will be ready. ``It makes no sense to keep waste here,'' Smith said. ``But as long as we have to keep it here, we're going to do it as safely and cost-effectively as possible.'' Copyright 2001 Associated Press. All rights reserved. This ***************************************************************** 13 Nuclear Reactor Could be Restarted After 17 Year Shutdown Environment News Service: HUNTSVILLE, Alabama, May 17, 2002 (ENS) - The Tennessee Valley Authority has decided to seek permission to restart a reactor at the Browns Ferry nuclear power plant that was mothballed in 1985. On Thursday, the three member board of the federally owned utility approved a staff recommendation to return Unit 1, the oldest of the facilities three reactors, to service for another 20 years. Calling it the best business decision to meet long term power needs in the Tennessee Valley, the TVA board authorized the utility's staff to ask the Nuclear Regulatory Commission for a 20 year extension of the operating licenses for all three reactors at the North Alabama plant, and to begin work to recover Unit 1. [Browns Ferry] Two of the three nuclear reactors at Browns Ferry are now producing electricity; TVA wants to restart the third reactor. (Three photos courtesy TVA [http://www.tva.gov] ) If Unit 1 resumes operations, it will be the first major addition to the nation's nuclear power supply in more than a decade. "Returning Browns Ferry 1 to service is the best business decision for TVA and its customers in terms of power supply, cost, generation mix, delivered cost of power and the environment," said TVA chair Glenn McCullough Jr. "This decision advances our National Energy Policy, which calls for the safe expansion of nuclear energy, and it meets our objective of providing affordable, reliable power to the people of the Tennessee Valley." TVA says that engineering and planning estimates show that Unit 1 can be returned to operation safely, said TVA chief operating officer O. J. "Ike" Zeringue, who recommended approval of the restart to the board. Citing a detailed engineering estimate presented to the Board in March, the power supply forecast, an environmental review and a financial analysis, Zeringue said that returning Browns Ferry Unit 1 to operation will reduce the cost to consumers of TVA's power, while causing to "significant, adverse" environmental impacts. Restarting Unit 1 is expected to cost from $1.7 billion to $1.8 billion and will take five years to complete. TVA is still about $25.2 billion in debt from the original construction costs of its three nuclear power plants, built in the 1970s and 1980s. [turbines] Workers clean reactor feedwater pump turbine parts at Browns Ferry. On Thursday, TVA said its financial staff has determined that the agency can finance the restart while continuing to reduce the agency's massive debt, though at a slower pace. Unit 1 is expected to pay for itself after about eight years of operation, and the additional power it will produce will help lower TVA's average power costs, the agency said. "I believe this is a wise business decision for TVA," said TVA director Bill Baxter, one of the three board members. "This investment will pay dividends for the families, businesses and industry of the Valley in the forms of low cost power, cleaner air and economic growth." The two reactors now operating at Browns Ferry have set a number of records for continuous operating hours. Unit 1 has a history of problems, including a major fire in 1975 that caused major damage to the unit's safety systems just two years after it began operating. All three Browns Ferry reactors were shut down in 1985 after engineers learned that the completed plants did not exactly match their blueprint designs. After several refinements were made, the plant's Unit 2 was restarted in 1991, and Unit 3 was restarted in 1996. TVA said Unit 1 was left idle because its generating capacity was not needed at the time. Now, the agency facing growing power demand in a region with a major air pollution problem. Restarting the Unit 1 reactor, which emits no smog producing pollutants, will help meet energy needs without adding more air pollution. [worker] TVA worker Robert Smith logs the access of workers at Browns Ferry Unit 3. TVA wants to operate all the Browns Ferry units for another 20 years. "We must balance the responsibility to provide power to meet future needs with our objectives of protecting the environment and continuing the trend of debt reduction," said TVA director Skila Harris, one of the three board members. "Restarting Unit 1 will provide needed generating capacity without increasing air emissions, and the financial analysis shows that we can undertake this project while continuing the trend of debt reduction." Approval by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission is the only official hurdle the TVA must cross before restarting Unit 1, but some conservation groups say they object to the proposal. Stephen Smith, executive director of the Southern Alliance for Clean Energy in Knoxville, Tennessee, has long opposed the planned restart. "The plan stinks," Smith said. "Unit 1 was designed to operate for 40 years, but now TVA wants to add another 20 years on top of that. And they want the unit to produce 300 megawatts more than it was designed for, 1,300 instead of 1,000 megawatts. It's a prescription for a serious problem." [map] TVA operates three nuclear power plants, including Browns Ferry in Alabama. (Map courtesy Energy Information Agency [http://www.eia.doe.gov/] ) Asked whether TVA was making the right decision in opting to increase its nuclear resources, rather than its fossil fuel powered plants, Smith said "there are a lot better alternatives for the [Tennessee] Valley's energy needs than continuing to generate more radioactive wastes." David Lochbaum, a nuclear safety engineer at the Union of Concerned Scientists, a group that petitioned the NRC in 1998 to revoke the operating license for Browns Ferry Unit 1, noted that no nuclear power plant in any nation has ever been restarted after such a long shutdown. TVA, the nation's largest public power producer, provides power to large industries and 158 power distributors that serve 8.3 million consumers in seven southeastern states. The agency operates three nuclear power plants, 11 fossil fueled plants and 29 hydroelectric dams. © Environment News Service (ENS) 2002. All Rights Reserved. WEEKEND EDITION: May 19, 2002 Listening to nuclear-power proponents, you might believe the industry could be the solution to America's energy problems. Coal plants vomit huge amounts of black, acrid smoke into the air. Nuclear plants don't. Natural gas-fired plants don't pollute much, but the cost of electricity that they produce gyrates wildly. When natural gas prices soar -- as they did last year -- so does the price of the electricity produced. Nuclear plants don't have this problem -- fuel costs are steady, and so is the cost of electricity produced. Nuclear plants can also produce massive amounts of electricity, far more than any other kind of power plant. A single nuclear plant can provide sufficient electricity to power a major U.S. city singlehandedly, and it can run for as long as two years before refueling. Today 103 nuclear plants supply one-fifth of the electricity used in the United States. Even Nevada, which has no nuclear plants, draws 8 percent of its electricity from nuclear sources. But there's one rock-solid law in economics: Any benefit must come with an associated cost. And nuclear power has a massive cost: nuclear waste, one of the most toxic and dangerous substances known to man. Radiation from unshielded nuclear rods is intensive enough to kill a human within minutes -- and these spent rods currently sit in storage at every nuclear plant in the country. Nevada officials estimate the rods will remain dangerously radioactive for the next million years. That is more than five times longer than modern man -- Homo sapiens -- has existed on Earth. So it's not surprising that this nuclear material is a hot potato that no state wants. In April, for example, Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham tried to force South Carolina to take possession of 34 metric tons of weapons-grade plutonium at the Energy Department's Savannah River nuclear site, where it could be reprocessed. South Carolina has more nuclear plants than all but three states, and draws more than half its power from nuclear sources. South Carolina Gov. Jim Hodges responded by threatening to block the route with armed state troopers -- and even said he was willing to block the road with his own body -- until the federal government puts the plutonium elsewhere. Hodges, however, has no such qualms about dumping the waste on Nevada. "The nation's most constructive long-term course is to proceed with the licensing and eventual operation of the Yucca Mountain facility to relieve South Carolina and other involved states from the heavy burden of nuclear waste and other materials stored on site," Hodges wrote in an October letter to Abraham -- even though he admitted later in the letter that guaranteeing Yucca's suitability for long-term storage was "unachievable." Burying 77,000 tons of nuclear waste under a mountain ridge in Southern Nevada will free states such as South Carolina, Illinois, New York and Pennsylvania from keeping waste that their plants generate. And it will open the door for an ever-shrinking group of nuclear power operators to expand business, something unheard of since the Three Mile Island disaster in 1979. "The big push to get Yucca Mountain open is really just about getting the waste away from the reactor sites so they can build more reactors in the future," said Bob Loux, Nevada Nuclear Waste Project director. Nuclear operators reply that the federal government already promised it would remove the waste when Congress passed the Nuclear Waste Policy Act in 1982. So far they've paid $18 billion into a fund to deal with permanent waste disposal -- and //gotten nothing. "The federal government has an obligation to take possession of this material," said Craig Nesbit, spokesman for Chicago-based Exelon Corp., the single largest operator of U.S. nuclear plants. "Whether it's Yucca Mountain or another site is another issue." Nuclear industry officials aren't willing to predict that their budding renaissance will be dead if Yucca Mountain dies. But they acknowledge it will become much more difficult. "I don't know if there is a yes or no answer, but I'd say it certainly makes it less feasible," Nesbit said. A reborn industry Nuclear power has been discussed in such glowing terms before -- in the 1950s and '60s. To cover the huge costs of building a plant, utilities and municipal power agencies often split the investment and ownership of new plants. In 1979 the near-meltdown at Three Mile Island, a nuclear plant 10 miles southeast of Harrisburg, Pa., put the clamps on any further expansion of the nuclear industry. Within 100 miles of TMI lie Baltimore and Philadelphia; within 200 miles are Washington, New York and Pittsburgh. Orders for new plants vanished. Those that were already under construction saw price tags explode as new safety requirements went into effect. Nuclear plants went from gold mines to white elephants. The situation remained into the 1990s. Then came deregulation -- and nuclear power was back in vogue. Under deregulation, many regulated utilities were forced to sell their generation assets, which put nuclear plants onto the market. With the nation's demand for electricity soaring, nuclear power plants became valuable assets -- even more so because electricity can be sold at higher profit margins into deregulated markets. First to move was New Orleans utility holding company Entergy Corp., which acquired Massachusetts' Pilgrim nuclear power plant in July 1999 for $81 million. Since then, nine nuclear plants have been sold. The latest was April 15 when FPL Group, a Florida utility holding company, announced it would buy New Hampshire's two-reactor Millstone plant for $836.6 million. Prices for nuclear plants began shooting up after natural-gas prices soared last year, Richard Myers, Nuclear Energy Institute director of business policy, said. "Companies learned that volatility can be very painful," Myers said. "Certainly recent sales have been more costly, but they (nuclear plants) still look like very dependable, low-cost sources of electricity." Just four companies have been buyers: Entergy, Exelon, Virginia's Dominion Resources and FPL Group. Ironically, one plant was the remaining Three Mile Island reactor, sold to a joint venture of Exelon and British Energy in December 1999 for $20 million. Following this buying spree, Exelon stands as the nation's largest nuclear plant operator, with ownership interests in 19 plants. Catching up is Entergy, which owns nine and has signed a deal to acquire a 10th. Charlotte, N.C.-based Duke Energy Corp. owns seven, followed by Dominion Resources and Atlanta-based Southern Co. with six each. Combined, these five companies control nearly half of all U.S. nuclear generators. When a nuclear plant is purchased, it is placed within a separate subsidiary that sells electricity outside of a regulated utility. By doing so, companies are able to generate far higher profits than their previous owners. For a power plant owner, one of the biggest expenses is depreciation, the gradual reduction in an asset's value. Eventually, an asset can be completely depreciated, and the expense disappears. But the end of depreciation does little to benefit a regulated utility, which has a fixed profit margin. The elimination of an expense such as depreciation is passed directly to ratepayers as lower rates. This isn't the case with a nonregulated power seller. The end of depreciation simply increases profit margins, making older nuclear plants tremendously profitable. "Then it's just a question of keeping them running safely," Mitch Singer, Nuclear Energy Institute spokesman, said. "Then it's pure gravy down the line." By specializing in nuclear generation, the small core of companies is squeezing more and more electricity out of their plants. Prior to the industry shift, the nation's nuclear plants never ran, on average, higher than 80 percent of capacity -- the theoretical maximum amount of electricity that the plants could produce. In 1999 industry performance jumped to 87 percent, and in 2000 to 90 percent. By January the industry was running at 98.5 percent capacity. These numbers were achieved by shortening the periods nuclear plants are taken out of service while fuel rods are changed and maintenance is performed. As a result of greater efficiency and the economics of deregulation, nuclear power is becoming quite profitable. For example, in 1999 when Entergy bought its first nuclear plant, its nuclear business accounted for 1 percent of its revenues and 3 percent of its net income. Last year it owned four plants, which provided $789 million in revenues, 8 percent of the company's total. On a net-income basis, nuclear power accounted for 17 percent of Entergy's total profit in 2001. Considerable risk Some suggest that these kinds of profits are coming at a considerable risk. Arjun Makhijani, president of the Maryland-based Institute for Energy and Environmental Research, said that nuclear operators performed routine maintenance during refueling periods. "Now they don't even have time to do that," Makhijani said. "They're taking backup systems offline while operating (for maintenance). There are times when they don't have backup systems." It's a claim the nuclear industry hotly denies. "Absolutely not," Nesbit said. "You just don't go outside those (safety) limits." Squeezing more life out of these plants is the immediate goal of the industry. Many older plants have only a few years left on operating licenses -- and that's started a push for license renewals. The Nuclear Energy Institute says eight reactors so far have received 20-year renewals. Another 15 have filed for renewal while 27 more are expected to do so soon. These have proceeded without a permanent repository, although waste continues to pile up at the plants. However, the next step goes beyond simply extending the lives of plants. What nuclear operators and the Bush administration have in mind is nothing less than the drastic expansion of nuclear power. It's a simple formula, Myers figures. The United States now has 800,000 megawatts of generation capacity. Twenty years from now, it will need an additional 400,000 megawatts. "We believe that nuclear can and should and must represent some portion of that new building, perhaps 50,000 to 60,000 megawatts," Myers said. "Having a diverse portfolio of fuels is a good thing. Like an investment portfolio, you don't want to be 100 percent in equities." Construction on new plants could begin around 2006 or 2007, with "a significant level" getting under way after 2010, Myers said. A large nuclear plant generates roughly 1,000 megawatts of electricity, suggesting another 50 to 60 nuclear reactors -- at a minimum -- would have to be built. Yucca opponents say these plans are among the biggest reasons for the push to build the repository. "Without a repository, they can't even talk about it," Makhijani said. "It's impossible." The nuclear industry is reluctant to draw the same conclusion. "I do not think it is a prerequisite," Myers said. "What is necessary is a plausible program to manage the spent fuel from the plants. As long as it's moving forward, I think you have what you need to justify the construction of new plants." On the same day President Bush recommended Yucca Mountain as the nation's nuclear waste repository, his administration offered three federal sites for companies to consider for new nuclear plants. Since then, three companies -- Exelon, Entergy and Dominion Resources -- indicated they will examine building nuclear plants. One major argument in favor of a Yucca repository has been moving the waste away from nuclear plants to a central site. But it is guaranteed that, as long as a nuclear plant is operating, some waste will be stored there. Nuclear fuel rods can't simply be pulled from a reactor, placed on a truck and shipped out. A freshly removed fuel rod is extremely hot, and must be placed in a cooling pond for as long as seven years before removal, Nesbit said. At many plants, those cooling pools have doubled as temporary waste storage centers as the nuclear rods pile up. As these pools run out of room, more operators are turning to "dry cask storage" as a solution. Eighteen nuclear sites have dry cask storage centers, which are essentially huge concrete bunkers. While they keep radioactive material safely locked away, "these are not designed to be there for 10,000 years," Nesbit said. But will Yucca Mountain be enough to hold all of the nuclear waste scattered around the country? Unlikely, Makhijani said. Too much waste? At a minimum, 40,000 tons of waste now exists. The nation's currently operating nuclear plants, even before relicensing, will eventually double that amount, Makhijani estimates -- slightly more than Yucca's maximum capacity of 77,000 tons. Relicensing would increase that amount by another 40,000 tons, Makhijani said. Waste from the military and new nuclear plants would push up the total even farther. Add it up, and the ultimate amount of waste requiring disposal within 20 to 30 years could exceed 120,000 tons -- 43,000 tons more than Yucca is designed to hold. Singer said engineers have begun examining the possibility that Yucca would be required to store more waste, and expressed confidence it could. "Capacitywise, it could hold significantly more -- over 100,000 tons," Singer said. But Makhijani insists it isn't that simple. Tunnels would be difficult to extend because of Yucca Mountain's fault structure, he said. Cramming the waste in the tunnels more tightly would generate more heat, and could risk cracking the rock meant to protect the environment from the waste, Makhijani said. And that, he concludes, means that Yucca will not give other states what they crave: a way to be rid of the waste forever -- unless a second repository is found. "We have lots of little piles around the country," Makhijani said. "Now we're just adding one site. The only way to subtract a site is to close the reactors." Photo: Spent solid nuclear waste is stored in bunkers Las Vegas SUN main page All contents copyright 2002 Las Vegas SUN, Inc. ***************************************************************** 28 N-Board Rejects Utah Plea The Salt Lake Tribune -- Saturday, May 18, 2002 BY JUDY FAHYS THE SALT LAKE TRIBUNE Dealing a blow to the state's case against storing nuclear waste upwind from Salt Lake City, a federal panel said Friday it won't look into the possibility that casks of spent fuel might be stranded if a utility consortium proposing the project goes bust someday. The U.S. Atomic Safety and Licensing Board ruled the grim scenario is already being considered by regulators separately, so there is no need for the licensing panel to revisit cost-benefit studies that support building a waste-storage facility in Tooele County, 45 miles from Salt Lake City. The decision on "orphaned" casks was a victory for an eight-utility consortium that wants to build the above-ground storage and a defeat for Utah state government, the facility's most vocal opponent, during the fifth week of licensing board hearings in Utah. The facility proposed by the consortium, Private Fuel Storage, would hold the equivalent of all the spent nuclear fuel created in the United States so far. The fuel would be stored in huge casks of concrete and steel on the Skull Valley Reservation of the Goshute tribe in Tooele County. State attorneys wanted the board to consider whether proponents are overconfident of the project's financial viability and, consequently, of the certainty that the casks will be removed when the project's 20-year license expires. The project only makes sense financially, the state contended, if cost estimates cover 40 years, which would include two decades needed to move the casks onto the site as well as the time necessary to relocate the waste to a permanent disposal facility. Licensing Board Chairman Michael Farrar said there was no point in studying the financial question, and the long-term environmental impacts related to it, because money issues are already pending before another licensing judge. He added that his board had no way to clear up a dispute about "orphaned" casks that was raised in an environmental impact statement on the project. "There is no assertion of environmental damage" in the state's request, Farrar said. The consortium's financial plans, which must include money for removing the casks, have been under review by the licensing board since last year. Considered lethal for at least 10,000 years, the waste would be coming from nuclear plants around the nation that have run out of underground storage on site. Utah, which has no nuclear plants, has resisted having a waste parking lot within its borders for fear of becoming a permanent repository for depleted nuclear fuel if permanent disposal is not secured or if the proposed repository at Yucca Mountain, Nev., runs out of room. The licensing board will resume its hearings in Salt Lake City for one week starting June 3 and conclude them over two weeks at its headquarters outside of Washington, D.C. Its final decision, originally expected last month, was pushed forward this week to late November. On Wednesday, the state contended project proponents had used fuzzy math in calculating that there is just a tiny danger of a jet fighter crashing into the 100-acre facility. New York nuclear-waste management consultant Marvin Resnikoff told the board this week that proponents had used an unproven mathematical formula to determine there is just a one-in-one-million chance an F-16 fighter jet will careen into the storage site, which lies on the flight path between Hill Air Force Base and the Utah Test and Training Range. Though deemed improbable by the consortium and the staff for the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission, the licensing board's parent agency, the true crash hazard has not been proved, Utah Assistant Attorney General Jim Soper said. "We just don't know if this works or not," said Soper, adding finding a location for the waste "is one of the most important decisions the country is going to make." Private Fuel Storage concluded that the risk of an F-16 careening into the nuclear storage casks is lower than one in one-million by using a mathematical factor for fighter pilots steering their faltering planes past the site. The nuclear regulatory staff also validated that formula, although it has never before been used in licensing a commercial nuclear facility. Proponents insist that, even if a crash does occur, the steel-and-concrete casks will not crack open. And, even if the casks did crack, the amount of radioactive material released will be small, equal to no more than a few X-rays. If the state can convince the licensing board the risk is greater than one in one-million, proponents will need to review "what-if" scenarios that examine how people and the environment would be affected by crashes. The site, if approved, would hold 44,000 tons of discarded fuel. © Copyright 2002, The Salt Lake Tribune ***************************************************************** 29 Critics of Yucca disposal have no alternative Editorial: Wasteful worrying / Pittsburgh, PA Saturday, May 18, 2002 The U.S. House of Representatives has decided by a 306-117 vote to proceed with a 24-year-old program to consolidate storage of American nuclear waste in a titanium-lined container to be buried in Yucca Mountain, Nev. It's the right approach to a difficult problem. Critics of the Yucca Mountain facility, to be located 90 miles northwest of Las Vegas, make several arguments. One is a variation on the generic argument -- with references to Three Mile Island and Chernobyl -- that nuclear power is unsafe. Never mind that the Three Mile Island incident could just as well be cited as an example of a swift and effective response to a problem at a nuclear power facility, or that Chernobyl was a product of outdated Soviet technology and lax maintenance. Actually, there is an environmental case to be made in favor of nuclear power, which arguably poses less of a threat to public health than the burning of fossil fuels. But, even if one opposes the use of nuclear power in the future, the problem of waste from the past remains. A more focused argument against the Yucca project is safety. What, critics ask, if there were an earthquake -- Yucca is in a seismically active area -- and the nuclear waste stored there were somehow released? The definitive response to that objection in our view is the fact that nuclear waste is currently stored at some 131 sites around the country, including six in Pennsylvania, each of them almost certainly more vulnerable to accident -- or terrorist attack, another much-cited scenario -- than Yucca will be when it is set up as planned. The Yucca storage facility will be closely guarded, state-of-the-art and subject to constant upgrading. Critics also note that the spent fuel at the current 131 sites will have to be transported across country by road or by rail to Yucca for storage, presenting opportunities for accidents. But that danger, if it exists, is much less than the risks associated with the current dispersion of spent fuel across the country. Indeed, the most worrisome aspect of transporting waste to Yucca is that, if news of the trips becomes known to extremist demonstrators, the transfer process could become both unpleasant and dangerous. Finally, opposition comes from Nevada politicians, some of whom understandably take a "not in my backyard" approach to the question. But it is not a question of burying the stuff under downtown Las Vegas. Yucca Mountain is truly in the middle of nowhere -- an area that is largely uninhabited and uninhabitable. Since the inception of the disposal project Yucca Mountain has been considered the best bet for the $58 billion project. It still is. In the end, even though no one really wants the spent nuclear fuel storage facility around, it has to be somewhere, and the House was right to say to the Nevadans that, due to their topography, demographics and experience in nuclear matters, they get it. The Senate should now follow the lead of the House in approving the project and President Bush should sign the bill when completed. Copyright ©1997-2002 PG Publishing Co., Inc. All Rights ***************************************************************** 30 Leavitt seeking N-waste support [deseretnews.com] Tuesday, May 14, 2002 By Lee Davidson Deseret News Washington correspondent WASHINGTON — Utah Gov. Mike Leavitt spent Tuesday seeking Bush administration support for a one-two punch that Rep. Jim Hansen, R-Utah, quietly buried deep in the annual defense bill. Hansen attached a provision to create 500,000 acres of wilderness in the western desert beneath airspace of the Air Force's Utah Test and Training Range (UTTR). Those wilderness acres would just happen to block a rail spur needed to deliver nuclear waste to a repository proposed by Midwest utilities for the Goshute Indian Reservation, which Leavitt opposes. Hansen did not point all that out until after the bill passed the House. So, essentially, he beat the nuclear utilities at a fight they did not know was occurring, but the issue faces a tougher battle now in the Democratic-controlled Senate. Also, environmental groups are fighting the provisions, saying Hansen did not protect enough wilderness, his proposal would allow non-wilderness uses such as roads and military equipment and would not allow a reduction in the current number of training flights. Hansen has tried to stop environmental opposition by saying fighting his provision now amounts to approving nuclear waste storage in Utah. Leavitt spent Tuesday meeting with officials at the White House, the Interior and Energy departments and with Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld to lobby for their support of the provisions. "People are generally unaware of the need for the wilderness to protect the training range. It's an education process," Leavitt said. He said various administration departments are in the process of reviewing it. "It's certainly important to the people of Utah on two counts," he said. "If nuclear waste is stored in that desert, it's only a matter of time before the UTTR is deemed to be too hazardous because we have 40,000 metric tons (of waste) in an area where two fighters have crashed and two cruise missiles have gone astray in the last 10 years," he said. "On the second count, it would protect the state from having high-level nuclear waste transported into that region," he said. Leavitt also said protecting the UTTR helps protect Hill Air Force Base from potential closure during a proposed round of base closures in 2005. He said Hansen's wilderness provisions "are vital to the ongoing vitality of the UTTR, the Hill Air Force Base and the Utah economy. "Given Utah's economic situation now, we can ill afford to have the viability of Hill Field undermined in any way. This would ensure the vitality and viability of that very important national defense asset," Leavitt said. E-mail: lee@desnews.com [lee@desnews.com] © 2002 Deseret News Publishing Company ***************************************************************** 31 Peace Action: Treaty Not All Its Cracked Up to Be Date: Sun, 19 May 2002 23:04:04 -0500 (CDT) Action Alert Treaty Not All Its Cracked Up to Be This week's announcement of completion of a treaty with Russia to reduce deployed strategic nuclear warheads from over 6,000 each to between 1,700 and 2,200 each ought to be cause for celebration for those who cherish peace and disarmament. Yet a key provision of the treaty and recent revelations of U.S. nuclear war plans give us pause. "The treaty will liquidate the legacy of the Cold War," President Bush said this week in announcing that he and Russian President Putin will sign the treaty at their summit meeting May 24 in Russia. Not exactly. While many details have not yet been announced, the U.S. persuaded Russia to accept plans to store rather than dismantle a large number of the warheads to be reduced under the treaty. These warheads could be redeployed, and are an attractive terrorist target, especially in Russia. Far from liquidating the legacy of the cold war, the Senate is contemplating more funding for Star Wars and for developing new nuclear weapons. Should they uphold planned cuts to these programs they will have an opportunity to move the US in a direction more conducive to nuclear disarmament in the upcoming weeks. Read more at: http://www.peace-action.org/home/senate.html Call Your Senator at (202) 224-3121 See our Contact Congress section at (http://www.peace-action.org/tools/congress.html) to find out who your Senators are. Thanks to your calls, last week the Senate Armed Service Committee cut the budget request for missile defense from $7.6 billion to $6.8 billion in the Defense Authorization bill. While this is a good move, it is likely that an amendment to restore these funds will be introduced in the coming weeks . Urge your Senator to vote against any attempt to restore funding for Star Wars. US deployment of a missile shield is viewed by other countries as an attempt on our part to guarantee a first strike capability. Star Wars deployment will provoke other countries into developing more nuclear weapons to overcome this perceived advantage. Also last week, funding for a new nuclear weapon (called the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator) that would be used in conventional combat to hit targets deep within the ground was cut in a Senate Committee. This action was an important step in the direction of stopping the US from using nuclear weapons. However, an amendment will likely be introduced in the coming weeks to restore funding for this program. Urge your Senator to vote against any funding for this new nuclear weapon. US development of a new nuclear weapons meant to be used in conventional conflicts threatens nonproliferation. Other countries will seek to develop similar capabilities in order to deter the US from using this weapon. Global security rests on our ability to reduce the threat posed by nuclear weapons, please urge your Senators to uphold the cut in funding for Star Wars and the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator. Carrie Benzschawel Program Associate Peace Action Education Fund mailto:cbenzschawel@peace-action.org http://www.peace-action.org 202.862.9740x3041 fax: 202.862.9762 1819 H St., NW, #425 Washington, DC 20006 -------------------------------------------- If you would like to unsubscribe from one of our email lists, please email Carrie Benzschawel at mailto:cbenzschawel@peace-action.org. Thank you. The Peace Action Education Fund works for global elimination of nuclear weapons, an end to the conventional arms trade, and cutting military spending in order to address human needs. ***************************************************************** 32 Congress Endorses NATO Expansion WN Network Thu, 23 May 2002 The Associated Press WASHINGTON (AP) — Underscoring the importance of the U.S. military alliance with Europe, Congress sent President Bush a bill he wanted Friday that endorses an expansion of NATO and authorizes security assistance for seven nations that hope to join. ``The Cold War may be over, but the security and welfare of America and Europe are very closely linked,'' said Sen. Dick Lugar, R-Ind., a senior member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. ``And our common goal must continue to be the building of a Europe which is whole and free.'' The Senate approved the bill Friday, 85-6. The House passed it in November, 372-46. The vote occurred as Bush met with Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Drnovsek at the White House. Slovenia, formerly part of Yugoslavia, received money from the legislation. The other six that did are former Warsaw Pact members. White House spokesman Ari Fleischer said Bush and Drnovsek discussed the November NATO summit in Prague, where the alliance will decide which countries, if any, to invite in as members, as well as bilateral issues and ways to bring peace and stability to the Yugoslav region. Bush had asked Congress to pass the bill before he heads to Moscow next week for a summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Lugar said. That trip will include attendance at the NATO-Russia summit in Italy, plus visits to Germany, Russia and France. ``This bill will help NATO extend the zone of stability eastward and southward on the continent so that some time in the next decade we'll be able to say, for the first time I think in modern history, that we have a Europe whole and free,'' said Sen. Joe Biden, D-Del., chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee. The measure expresses support for expanding NATO, in line with statements by Bush last June and by former President Clinton in October 1996. The legislatures of all 19 current NATO members would be asked to ratify inclusion of any new invitees. The bill also would authorize $55.5 million in military assistance for seven countries but does not specifically call for NATO admission for any of them. The aid: Bulgaria, $10 million; Estonia, $6.5 million; Latvia, $7 million; Lithuania, $7.5 million; Romania, $11.5 million; Slovakia, $8.5 million, and Slovenia, $4.5 million. Croatia, Albania and Macedonia also want to join but are considered longer shots. The money — approved by Congress last year, without being specifically authorized — will ``help those candidate countries meet the alliance's stringent membership requirements,'' Biden said. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison, R-Texas, criticized what she considered a failure to re-evaluate NATO's role given the new U.S.-Russia friendship, exemplified by the agreement — to be signed in Moscow — to cut nuclear weapons to 1,700-2,200 warheads apiece. ``This is a defensive alliance to protect the democracies of Western Europe from the communist threat of the East,'' said Hutchison, who voted for the measure. ``That threat has evaporated.'' Sen. John Warner, R-Va., the Armed Services Committee's top Republican, said he voted against the bill because its rhetoric might make the seven nations think they have the U.S. vote for admission, and expanding NATO might hurt the alliance and impose more costs on the United States. ``What we're doing is saying to the American taxpayer ... and the men and women of the armed forces of the United States, that an attack against one is an attack against all,'' Warner said. ``And such new members as we may admit, what do they bring to the table to participate in, first, deterring an attack, and, if necessary, repelling that attack?'' Warner said other NATO countries' military budgets are not increasing as quickly as the U.S. defense budget. ``We've got to be a watchdog of NATO as we begin to invite more and more countries in under this umbrella, and it could well weaken the alliance,'' he said. Biden said the bill's passage is not a commitment to support any NATO aspirant. In 1998, the Senate debated for seven days before ratifying Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic as new NATO members, he said, predicting the Senate would conduct similar scrutiny of any nation invited to join in Prague. Current NATO members are Belgium, Britain, Canada, the Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Turkey and the United States. Voting against the bill were Sens. Larry Craig, R-Idaho; James Inhofe, R-Okla.; Pat Roberts, R-Kan.; Robert Smith, R-N.H.; Ted Stevens, R-Alaska, and Warner. The nine who did not vote were Kent Conrad, D-N.D.; Pete Domenici, R-N.M.; Michael Enzi, R-Wyo.; Judd Gregg, R-N.H.; Jesse Helms, R-N.C.; John McCain, R-Ariz.; Zell Miller, D-Ga.; Frank Murkowski, R-Alaska, and Craig Thomas, R-Wyo. The rest voted for it. On the Net: The bills, S. 1572 and H.R. 3167: | | | | | | | | | | | | ***************************************************************** 33 Martin Schram: Keeping nukes in the right hands TheCabin.net :: CabinWindow :: --> Friday, May 17, 2002 Syndicated Columnist Back in the Nuclear Ice Age of the Cold War, U.S.-Soviet arms limitation summits were all about the numbers. The superpower leaders ritually waited for the grand finale of their threat-reduction kabuki to unfurl the numbers of warheads and launchers that would be officially axed. Now this: A week before the upcoming Bush-Putin summit, all the numbers came out. And journalists didn't have to work and wheedle for a leak of this statistical top secret that of course was known by both sides but unknown by the people. President Bush simply announced them -- both nations will cut their arsenals by two-thirds over 10 years, to between 1,700 and 2,200 strategic nuclear warheads. The official willingness to make news with numbers means this will be one summit where the big threat-reduction discussion will not be about numbers at all. It will be about an international security crisis that is so severe that the two presidents are carefully not speaking about it publicly -- and may not even when they stand side-by-side for the television cameras at their summit's conclusion. The real crisis: Russia's nuclear weapons, nuclear material and other weapons of mass destruction are dangerously unsecured and are vulnerable to being stolen by terrorists or agents of aggressive nations. Also, Russia's top nuclear, biological and chemical warfare scientists and engineers are so poorly paid that they are being lured into working on weapons programs of other potentially aggressive nations. Experts of all political persuasions agree on the nature and severity of the threat. Last year, a distinguished panel headed by former Sen. Howard Baker, a Republican, and former White House counsel Lloyd Cutler, a Democrat, concluded that Russia has become a virtual "Home Depot" for would-be nuclear proliferators. The panel's report concluded: "The most urgent unmet national security threat to the United States today is the danger that weapons of mass destruction or weapons-usable material in Russia could be stolen and sold to terrorists or hostile nation states." Over at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank in Washington, strategic-arms expert Baker Spring observed that Russia's facilities for storing nuclear warheads and weapons-grade material are so understaffed and poorly secured that there is little comfort in knowing that the new accord would remove two-thirds of the warheads from their launchers and place them in storage. They could then fall into the hands of terrorists or aggressive states. Spring assessed it as a security conundrum: "For verification purposes, the safest place to keep them is on the missiles. But that's not so hot from the U.S. national security interest, because those missiles are still targeted at the United States." The United States has enacted several programs in the past decade aimed at helping Russia decommission its weapons of mass destruction, better secure its weapons and storage sites, and find decent-paying non-weapons jobs for Russia's weapons scientists and engineers. In 10 years, the Cooperative Threat Reduction Act, sponsored by then-Sen. Sam Nunn, D-Ga., and Sen. Richard Lugar, R-Ind., has financed the decommissioning or dismantling of 5,896 nuclear warheads, 1,212 ballistic and cruise missiles, 795 missile launchers, 92 long-range bombers and 21 ballistic missile submarines. Bush originally proposed cuts in Nunn-Lugar program funding, then restored those cuts -- but has proposed no increases in the efforts to prevent terrorists from obtaining weapons of mass destruction. Meanwhile, the House Armed Services Committee's Republican majority has proposed cuts in a number of related programs, including slashing a $133.6 million request for a chemical weapons destruction facility to just $50 million. Nunn, who is now co-chairs the Nuclear Threat Initiative, a nonprofit that works to reduce the risks of weapons of mass destruction, testified before his former Senate colleagues on May 7: "... we are in a new arms race -- between those seeking to acquire weapons of mass destruction and those trying to stop them." The former Senate Armed Services Committee chairman noted that Bush had declared that "our top priority is to keep terrorists from acquiring weapons of mass destruction." Nunn added: "Unfortunately, the president's priority is not yet his administration's priority." (EDITOR'S NOTE: Martin Schram writes political analysis for Scripps Howard News Service.) ***************************************************************** 34 US Wants Better Russia Nukes Count Las Vegas SUN May 17, 2002 WASHINGTON- President Bush may raise the issue of Russia's stockpile of short-range nuclear weapons when he meets with Russian President Vladimir Putin next week in Moscow. The arms-reduction treaty the two presidents will sign sharply cuts each nation's arsenal of long-range warheads over the next decade, but does not address tactical, or battlefield, weapons. A senior administration official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, expressed concern about the size of the Russian stockpile. The United States intends to ask Russia to account for these weapons and explain what it intends to do about them, but is not interested in engaging in formal negotiations, the official said. Russia has not said how many of these weapons it has, but estimates have ranged from 4,000 to 15,000. The U.S. stockpile is classified, but a non-governmental expert assessment puts the figure at 1,600. Of those, 320 are deployed in Europe while the remainder are in storage, the assessment said. Putin and Bush are expected to discuss ways to further reduce the proliferation of nuclear weapons and materials during their meetings. At next week's summit, Putin and Bush will sign a treaty under which long-range strategic warheads will be reduced to between 1,700 and 2,200 on each side by the end of 2012, down from the approximately 6,000 each country has now. The official said the treaty - cutting the arsenals of globe-straddling nuclear weapons to a tenth of their Cold War peak - is the last of its kind. The Bush administration does not envision further negotiations or arms control treaties with Russia, given the warming of relations between Moscow and western nations, the official said. Bush will visit Moscow and St. Petersburg while he is in Russia. He will also visit France, Germany and Italy on the weeklong trip that begins Wednesday. U.S.-Russian relations have improved dramatically in the aftermath of the Sept. 11 terror attacks. But sharp economic disputes remain over U.S. duties on Russian steel and Russia's ban on imports of U.S. poultry. The official suggested the poultry dispute is making it hard to grant Russia's request that the United States lift the Jackson-Vanik amendment to a 1974 trade law that ties Moscow's trade privileges to its policies on Jewish emigration and other human rights. The administration doesn't have any problem with Russia's recent record on allowing emigration, but it does have concerns about its trade practices, the official said. All contents copyright 2002 Las Vegas SUN, Inc. ***************************************************************** 35 The New Nuclear Danger: George W. Bush's Military-Industrial Complex New Zealand News - Dr Helen Caldicott: 18.05.2002 By PAT BASKETT It is hard to believe that the world is in more danger of nuclear holocaust now than at any time during the Cold War - and that it probably would have been even without the horrific events of September 11. If you can't face 200 pages of Caldicott's energetic, convincing expose of how weapons manufacturers have dominated US foreign policy and brought us to this terrible brink, spend five minutes in a bookshop and read the introduction. The 10 decisions of the Bush Administration which Caldicott considers are responsible for this situation are on page XVII. For more examples of their aggressive nuclear policy, turn to page three. Then flick back to the pie graph at the beginning of the book which shows the Discretionary Budget for last year, and ask yourself why the most powerful country in the world spends 49 per cent of that budget on the military. The answer is pretty much Caldicott's main thesis - that behind many of these decisions lies the ogre of corporate greed and the incredible power that money wields. Not only has the defence department been taken over, Caldicott shows, by unreconstructed, Reagan-era Cold War warriors, but many of its key players have, or held, senior positions with the major weapons manufacturing companies. The chapter giving details is aptly titled Corporate Madness and Death Merchants. Here are just two examples of their influence: the expansion of Nato to include several Eastern European countries (to Russia's alarm) was, Caldicott claims, entirely about weapons sales; after the Reagan years, weapons manufacturers (Lockheed Martin, Boeing and others) advocated ending a ban on sales to Latin America because of those countries' human rights abuses, and President Clinton's Directive 41 stated that arms sales were essential for preserving industrial jobs. Of course, it's not just the corporates. Somehow, George W. Bush and a whole administration have bought into a mindset which fails to perceive the fact that they have themselves spawned the dangers they use to justify their policies. This is one of the book's tragic ironies which fill you with despair. Note also that the Pentagon originally encouraged the creation of Lockheed Martin in 1993 because it wanted to avoid dealing with several smaller companies, and the result was lack of competition, higher prices and a mega-company with extraordinary power. The pursuit of that sublime folly known as Star Wars, or National Missile Defence, has driven erstwhile foes China and Russia into each other's arms, creating a bloc which the Bush Administration uses as further justification for defence. After the end of the Cold War the Administration of George Bush snr left a legacy of active arms control and unilateral disarmament programmes, but Clinton's ignorance of military matters - and his preoccupation with other, more salacious aspects of his presidency - led him to pass this important buck, and he failed to support those who advocated continuing Bush's policies. The name "heritage" will henceforth arouse deep suspicion because, according to Caldicott, the Heritage Foundation is one of the US Government's most influential think tanks, its enormous budget provided by transnationals such as Exxon, Phillip Morris and Hyundai. Caldicott gives the text of a petition circulated by the foundation in support of National Missile Defence, called the Citizens' Petition to Protect America Now (page 77). And if you ever read of the US Government's Stockpile Stewardship and Management Program - beware! It's nickname is Manhattan II, which more realistically describes its true purpose of designing, developing and testing new nuclear weapons. The worst horrors are in chapters on space and on nuclear war in the Gulf and Kosovo - space because it looks to the future (the Long Range Plan was written with the co-operation of 75 military corporations), and Kosovo and the Gulf because the use of weapons made from depleted uranium has left large areas contaminated by radiation for ever. Believe it or not, New Zealand is included in a list of countries either to which uranium weapons have been exported or where their production is encouraged. The book is overwhelming in its detail and the force of its arguments. Caldicott, the paediatrician with fire in her belly who so stirred us here in 1982, allows the information to speak for itself, and on the rare occasion she does make a plea it is all the more poignant. The book's disappointment lies in its copious footnotes, many of which refer to newspaper articles rather than primary sources, but there are some interesting website addresses. Scribe Publications $39.95 * Pat Baskett is an Auckland journalist and writer. ©Copyright 2002, New Zealand Herald ***************************************************************** 36 Cold War Redux Newsday.com - THE BUSH-PUTIN SUMMIT The two leaders are set to reduce their nuclear arsenals by deactivating but not destroying warheads. Nautilus Institute's archive of force structure studies By Hans M. Kristensen Hans M. Kristensen is senior researcher at the Nautilus Institute in Berkeley, Calif. and co-author of the "NRDC Nuclear Notebook" in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. May 19, 2002 This week, when President George W. Bush confers with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the NATO-Russia summit meeting in Rome, the two state leaders will sign a three-page agreement to reduce the number of nuclear warheads deployed on ballistic missiles and bombers. Under the terms of the agreement, each side will reduce its operationally deployed strategic nuclear warheads to no more than 2,200 by 2012. The White House has been busy heralding the agreement as the beginning of a new and deeper friendship between the two countries that "will liquidate the legacy of the Cold War." Russia has been a little more timid. "By signing an important treaty on reductions in strategic offensive arms," Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov said, "we demonstrate once again our strong resolve to go ahead in reducing the nuclear threshold." There is no doubt that U.S. and Russian relations are improving, which is a good thing. Whether this agreement liquidates Cold War legacy, however, is another question. The Rome summit will be the fourth time in the last seven months that we will have heard the "news" about reducing nuclear weapons to 1,700-2,200 warheads on each side, but details are few and important issues are left open or ignored entirely. The most immediate question is what will happen to the thousands of warheads that are "reduced" and removed from operational status. According to Secretary of State Colin Powell, the agreement "does not deal with where the warheads go, or how they will be disposed of, stored or kept in place if they might be needed for test purposes or for replacement purposes." Is that a good thing? Not when both sides had already agreed to destroy the warheads. The framework for a START III treaty, signed by the United States and Russia in 1997, would have brought strategic nuclear warheads on each side down to 2,000-2,500, essentially what Bush and Putin have now agreed to (the new agreement appears lower because warheads on submarines and aircraft in overhaul are no longer counted). The agreement would have required actual destruction of warheads, something arms control agreements had never done before. Have I missed something, or has everyone forgotten about this document? About six months after the Start III framework was agreed to, STRATCOM, the Strategic Command that controls U.S. nuclear weapons, concluded in a white paper that "warhead elimination must be the centerpiece of post-START II arms control, and should come before further force structure reductions occur." Yet now Bush and Putin present us with an agreement that doesn't cut significantly deeper than START III and doesn't require destruction of a single warhead. The agreement to be signed this week also trails the earlier framework in several other key areas: It ignores non-strategic nuclear weapons completely, allows for no better inspections of weapons storage facilities and legitimizes the existence of large "phantom arsenals" of non-operational warheads that can quickly be uploaded onto missiles and bombers. The earlier agreement addressed non-strategic weapons, such as sea-launched cruise missiles and gravity bombs carried on fighter jets. The presidents agreed that negotiators would "explore, as separate issues, possible measures" to address this weapon category, which has never been subject to any arms control agreement. The agreement sought to increase transparency of strategic warhead inventories to improve clarity about what each side has and avoid misunderstandings, and "promote the irreversibility of deep reductions" through measures that would prevent any side from rapidly increasing its number of warheads. We are talking big numbers: Once the 1,700-2,200 level has been reached in 10 years, the United States, under current plans, will hide an additional 7,800 intact warheads that can quickly be put back on missiles and aircraft. Russia in all likelihood will keep a similar number. Since the Soviet Union fell apart in 1991, both U.S. administrations and the Congress have been worried about the large stockpile of unaccountable Russian nuclear warheads. Concern has ranged from avoiding "loose nukes" being smuggled into other countries to the need for having more open books about how many warheads each side has in storage. Friends or not, our intelligence will continue to monitor those stockpiles carefully and their size will determine the limit for how deep we can cut in the next round of arms control. Rather than building on the Clinton-Yeltsin accomplishments from 1997, the Bush-Putin agreement takes us back by needlessly relinquishing significant arms control accomplishments that there is no need to give up. Transparency and irreversibility of nuclear reductions are not threats to U.S. national security, but lack of it is. Wrapping a backward deal in soft hugs and rosy remarks about newborn hugs and rosy remarks about newborn friendship between Washington and Moscow may work for public relations, but keep in mind that one of the reasons the U.S. military refused to cut below 2,000 operational deployed strategic warheads is a requirement to continue to plan nuclear strikes against Russia. The Nuclear Posture Review recently completed by the Bush administration to guide force planning for the next decade states: "Russia's nuclear forces and programs, nevertheless, remain a concern. Russia faces many strategic problems around its periphery and its future course cannot be charted with certainty. U.S. planning must take this into account. In the event that U.S. relations with Russia significantly worsen in the future, the U.S. may need to revise its nuclear forces levels and posture." Friends, perhaps, but friends don't plan nuclear war against each other. While the Bush-Putin agreement is a reversal of arms control policy, it is entirely consistent with the U.S. force planning that occurred throughout the 1990s. STRATCOM's studies from that period planned a slow and gradual reduction of the posture that preserved launch platforms and flexibility but reduced deployed warheads. These studies, which have been released under the Freedom of Information Act, aimed at a force level of around 2,000 warheads. The "new" reductions don't seem to differ from that plan, but if the newfound U.S.-Russian friendship means something new, then the cuts must be deep enough and different enough to clearly show a change compared to the force levels envisioned five years ago. But what does 2,000 warheads mean? Compared to the force level of 12,000 in the 1980s, 2,000 warheads don't seem like a whole lot. Yet the degree of overkill embedded in this force level was clearly illustrated in "The U.S. Nuclear War Plan: A Time For Change," a report published by Natural Resources Defense Council June 2001. The report calculated that more than one-third of all Russians could be killed or severely injured if the 192 warheads onboard a single Trident submarine were brought to detonate over their targets. How anyone can argue that more than that is needed to adequately deter any conceivable adversary is hard to understand, but under the new agreement the United States will maintain 14 Trident submarines (Russia will probably have fewer than a dozen missile submarines) in addition to 500 land-based missiles and nearly a hundred bombers. The time frame of the new agreement is 10 years. Within that period, the parties to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) will meet twice (in 2005 and 2010) to review progress toward fulfillment of the treaty's obligations. Approximately 187 countries have signed the treaty, under which non-nuclear weapon states promise not to develop nuclear weapons in return for the nuclear weapon states disarming the nuclear arsenals. Among these members are other nuclear weapon states that keep a watchful eye on how the U.S. and Russian postures develop, including China, whose own nuclear modernization plans greatly worry U.S. officials. Other states are important friends, such as Germany and Sweden, whose push for the United States and Russia to address non-strategic nuclear weapons now seems to have been rejected. A strong nonproliferation treaty is one of the most important instruments to counter the spread of nuclear weapons to more countries, but many countries will see the Bush-Putin agreement as long-awaited but "old news." At the previous review conference in 2000, the parties to the treaty gave consensus to a comprehensive document, part of which pledged the "unequivocal undertaking by the nuclear weapon states to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals." There is nothing in the new Bush-Putin agreement that even hints to such an end goal, much less outline how to get there. Instead it is as if the two superpowers have agreed that as long as each side stays below 2,200 operationally deployed strategic warheads, it doesn't matter how many warheads they keep in storage or how many non-strategic weapons they have. Targeting capabilities, operational flexibility and command and control will be upgraded continuously to allow rapid shifting of forces and warheads within preplanned strike missions, depending on who the enemy is in the future, and adaptive planning capabilities will be modernized to permit small-scale strikes against more opportunistic targets. It is, in a way, a nuclear posture on the loose. Copyright © 2002, Newsday, Inc. ***************************************************************** 37 Gambling with nuclear war New Straits Times Editorial EVEN between sworn enemies, the deterrent value of nuclear weapons begins with a tiny bit of trust: each side must know something about the other to believe that neither will be crazy enough to use them. By the end of the Cold War, the United States and Russia had opened up their arsenals to each other sufficiently to make the likelihood of a nuclear exchange virtually nil. Not so for India and Pakistan. There is no trust between them to speak of, so no margin of safety can be fixed on how much their trigger fingers are itching. That itch is greatest across the high-wire "line of control" in disputed Kashmir, where more than a million Indian and Pakistani troops face each other. Indian strategists have recently been mulling over the idea of a "limited war" to give those soldiers something more to do without triggering a nuclear response. This is exactly the kind of wishful thinking that puts nerves on edge, because Pakistan's inferiority in conventional forces would push it even closer to its nuclear option. Every time a terrorist "incursion" that can be linked via the Kashmiri insurgency to Pakistan occurs in India, the world holds its breath. Last Tuesday's massacre of 35 people at an Indian army base near Jammu has painted both sides a few inches closer into their respective corners. With India baying for revenge and Pakistan wary of any concession that might be seen as a sell-out, the US, whose involvement is about the only thing keeping them apart, cannot make much headway. A visit to both countries by US Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia Christina Rocca last week came up empty. There is little right now to prevent a band of renegade militants or a rush of excitement between nervous soldiers on the Siachen glacier from sparking off the first nuclear bombs since Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Leave aside the implacable question of the future of Kashmir for the moment, and the crux of the matter boils down to the issue of terrorism. India insists that Pakistan abets and shelters Kashmiri militants. But more credit should be given to Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf who has gone as far as he can to satisfy India without putting his own leadership at risk. There is little point in undermining his credibility since he would almost certainly have lost his battle against radical Islam had he been democratically elected. Unbridled for some two decades, the problem of extremism in Pakistan is huge. Although Islamabad's effort seems small in comparison, Musharraf has taken the necessary first steps. Certainly, more needs to be done. But that will depend to a large extent on the Indian response. It would be difficult for Pakistan to handle its internal problems as long as war beckons on its borders. If Pakistan is struggling to deal with its extremists, so is India. Tensions fuel the Hindu hotheads in Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee's BJP who see electoral dividends in a bellicose posture. Unanswered charges of complicity in the Hindu-Muslim riots in Gujarat do nothing to soothe the enmity nurtured since partition in 1947. Without a dampening of nationalist rhetoric, neither side can move towards a commitment to stay off the brink. Countries like Malaysia, which wants good relations with both India and Pakistan, will look on with dismay as nuclear weapons primed by bad blood keep both sides away from negotiating a solution to the Kashmir flashpoint. Copyright © The New Straits Times Press (Malaysia) Berhad, Balai Berita 31, Jalan Riong, 59100 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Powered by: Zope, Red Hat, Apache, Python, Php3, Perl s9.emedia.com.my ***************************************************************** 38 Russia hones its nuclear skills Moscow is still committed to modernizing its current arsenal and developing new weaponry Paul Webster SPECIAL TO THE STAR MOSCOW IT WAS the sort of encounter that packed the pages of Cold War thrillers back when the arms race was hot. Flying east late last month, two giant Russian bombers designed to carry up to 16 nuclear-tipped cruise missiles were only 60 kilometres off the Alaska coast before American F-15 jets intercepted them. The Bear H bombers stayed on course into U.S. airspace just long enough to make the American pilots sweat a little, then circled back to base. The exercise was enough to remind Washington that although the Kremlin's superpower pretensions crumbled with the collapse of the Soviet empire in 1991, Russia remains a nuclear colossus. Over the last few months, Russia has sent a series of such signals, designed to deliver the message that, despite the treaty presidents George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin plan to sign here this week pledging deep cuts in U.S. and Russian nuclear arsenals, Russia is firmly committed to maintaining its status as a nuclear front-runner. According to many observers, Putin has made refurbishing and strengthening Russian nuclear forces a top priority. Shortly after he was elected in 2000, he issued a national security blueprint emphasizing Russia's need for "nuclear forces that are capable of guaranteeing the infliction of the desired extent of damage against any aggressor state or coalition of states in any conditions and circumstances." According to Gen. Vasily Lata, who works at Russia's nuclear missile academy, Putin has worked hard to honour that commitment. "We'll win not with numbers but with skills," Lata says about plans to cut the number of warheads. "Russia is not involved in disarmament. We're just reducing the numbers of warheads to a reasonable level. In the meantime, we're developing new nuclear weapons and modernizing the ones we have. "Over the last few years, improving our land-based nuclear weapons has been emphasized. In many ways, our systems are superior to the American ones and can easily beat American missile-defence plans." In the late 1990s, Russia launched a program to build up to 50 more of its most advanced nuclear-capable missiles a year. On Feb. 6, the deputy chief of Russia's general staff, Gen. Yuriy Baluyevskiy, announced that his country's intercontinental ballistic missile force had been successfully modernized during the 1990s and will remain "entirely satisfactory" for the rest of this decade. Baluyevskiy said the modernization of naval nuclear forces is now the country's top military priority. This announcement had been expected since March, 2001, when the Russian government put in an order for 40 sea-launched ballistic missiles, the first major order since 1992. Russia is currently building two new ballistic missile submarines, having just refurbished a third. Only weeks after the announcement about the naval nuclear build-up, Russian aircraft-industry officials announced plans to modernize all 15 of their Tupolev-160 bombers, the backbone of the air force's nuclear-attack wing. Along with the modernization of Russia's land, sea and airborne nuclear-delivery forces, research continues at 10 ultra-secret nuclear cities, where an estimated 75,000 specialists work on new nuclear weaponry. According to a 2001 study of the secret nuclear and missile complex by Russian demographer Valentin Tikhonov, key weapons-research programs have survived Russia's economic collapse and competition for research jobs in these centres is now growing. Ivan Safranchuk, of the Centre for Defence Information in Moscow, says Russian nuclear researchers intend to match U.S. plans for nuclear weapons that can be used in battlefield situations. "They want to develop a less destructive nuclear weapon with limited radiation effects," Safranchuk says about Russia's research aims. Although Russian nuclear-weapons testing is forbidden by international treaty, money has been invested in a sophisticated program to allow weapons designers to match U.S. programs that test weaponry innovations in virtual settings using computer simulations. Says Lata: "Russia has similar test methods and models to the U.S. We support the idea of testing nuclear weapons virtually, maybe even more than the U.S. We're creating new weapons that way." Last week, the New York Times reported that the U.S. Joint Atomic Energy Intelligence Committee says it has evidence Russia is preparing to resume live nuclear tests. Although the Russian government vigorously denied this claim, it has admitted conducting a series of so-called "subcritical" nuclear experiments in 1999, which it says are not banned. And while Bush has praised Putin's commitment to cut its nuclear arsenal, numerous senior U.S. experts and officials have been expressing concern about Russia's nuclear-weapons program. According to Siegfried Hecker, a former director of the Los Alamos National Lab, where U.S. nuclear weapons are designed, Russia has a major nuclear edge over the U.S. because the Russians "are able to produce and assemble nuclear-weapon materials and components at capacities many times that of the United States." The U.S. currently is not assembling any new nuclear weapons. Testifying before the U.S. Senate on March 19, Thomas Wilson, director of the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency, said Russia will continue to rely on nuclear weapons and is building new missiles while upgrading others "to compensate for its diminished conventional military capability." That same day, CIA director George Tenet warned the Senate that "Moscow is likely to pursue a variety of countermeasures and new weapons systems to defeat a deployed U.S. missile defence." The worries in Washington about Russia's nuclear ambitions appear to have triggered a response all too familiar to readers of Cold War fact and fiction. A few a few days before Wilson and Tenet gave their warnings, U.S. Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham appeared before the Senate's Armed Services Committee to answer questions about Russia's program to build new weapons. He told the senators that the U.S. has decided to begin building warheads again by 2007. Paul Webster is a Canadian reporter based in Moscow. Legal Notice:- Copyright 1996-2002. Toronto Star Newspapers Limited. All ***************************************************************** 39 Cold War Legacy May 19, 2002 SABRINA TAVERNISE MOSCOW ON Aug. 29, 1949, the Soviet Union exploded its first nuclear bomb on a windswept plain in eastern Kazakhstan. It was the beginning of the arms race with America, which included 559 Soviet weapons tests over 40 years. Over 80 percent of those explosions took place at the test site on the Kazakh steppe called Semipalatinsk. Before 1963, the tests were conducted above ground and afterward in shafts a third of a mile underground. The effects were devastating for the 1.6 million people in the region, many of whom had been nomads before Soviet times. The Soviet government made the area a closed military test site and took few precautions to protect people in the area. One resident of a town at the edge of the site, Semipalatinsk-21, recalled in a recent interview that one test that went wrong on a hot August afternoon in 1962 caused the sky to go black with radioactive dust. "I was very afraid," said the man, Sergei B. Krizhov, who was 8 at the time. "We stayed at home for a week. A man came to our house dressed in protective gear. My mother sealed the windows against the dust." He also remembered a day in which he played with friends on the carcasses of helicopters that had been dumped just outside the town. His father, who worked at the test site, later reprimanded him: the helicopters had been used to fly through explosion areas and were highly radioactive. In 1999, the photographer Robert Knoth traveled to Semipalatinsk to document the conditions of those who lived through the testing program. The United Nations estimates that about 100,000 people in the area currently suffer from radiation-related diseases, and his photographs show a few of them. This month, Russia and America are putting the finishing touches on an agreement to make deep cuts in their nuclear stockpiles and thus bury one legacy of the cold war. For those who live in Semipalatinsk, however, the legacy will live on. Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company | Permissions | ***************************************************************** 40 Swissinfo International News Russia unhappy with nuclear pact, says military chief By Ron Popeski MOSCOW (Reuters) - Less than a week before a Russia-U.S. summit, a top military negotiator has complained that Moscow remains deeply unhappy about U.S. plans to store rather than destroy nuclear warheads. General Yuri Baluyevsky spoke before presidents Vladimir Putin and George W. Bush were to sign a pact in Moscow slashing strategic nuclear arsenals to a third of current levels. Bush announced the deal on Monday in a surprise statement at the White House, saying it would "liquidate the legacy of the Cold War", and Putin said he was satisfied with it. Russian officials say the four-page treaty is a compromise with neither side compromising fundamental national interests. U.S. officials acknowledge the pact was clinched after Russian concessions to ensure a document was ready for the summit. Baluyevsky, Russia's deputy chief of staff and one of the pact's main negotiators, said Russia's leadership could not accept the notion of "operationally deployed warheads" under which stored warheads would not be counted in total arsenals. "There have been repeated declarations at the highest level...that the concept of operationally deployed warheads is unacceptable for Russia," Baluyevsky told a discussion on Mayak state radio on Saturday. "Hunters will find this easy to understand. Anyone with a gun has spare shells to use in it. But nuclear weapons are not the sort of gun you need spare shells for. You can't load a nuclear gun a second time." He said accepting the principle was "tantamount to giving a 'green light' to other states who hold or want to hold nuclear weapons. I believe that storing weapons for what amounts to a 'rainy day' is not the path we should be taking." Washington says it needs to store, not destroy, the warheads so it can respond to emerging threats from so-called "axis of evil" states like Iraq, Iran and North Korea. PUTIN STRATEGY The arms deal is part of Putin's strategy of aligning Russia with the West, underscored by his support for the U.S.-led war on terrorism, and boosting living standards in a country where about a quarter of the population lives in poverty. A day after the arms deal was announced, NATO agreed to the creation of a 20-member council with Russia to be inaugurated at a summit in Rome later this month. The arms treaty limits each side's arsenal to 1,700 to 2,200 warheads, instead of current levels of 6,000. The document contains no specific provisions on which warheads are to be eliminated though compliance is to be based on the START-1 treaty signed by the United States and Soviet Union in 1991. U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell said in an interview on Saturday that international relations had improved under Bush's leadership. Even his announced intention last year to disregard Russian objections and pull out of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in order to build a missile shield had had little effect. "The ABM treaty is about to lapse," Powell told Britain's Guardian newspaper. "The geo-strategic situation is not collapsing and no arms race is breaking out." But some Russian analysts suggest that the Russian public may object to the treaty's concessions and offer the first real resistance to Putin's foreign policy before the pact goes to parliament for ratification. The Communist opposition has already accused him of selling out the country. The Russian Foreign Ministry complained on Saturday that some U.S. officials were spreading false rumours that Russia planned a resumption of nuclear explosions at its testing ground in the Arctic archipelago of Novaya Zemlya. 18.05.2002 17:30, Reuters ***************************************************************** 41 Russian nuke defences maintained news.com.au - [19may02] From correspondents in Moscow RUSSIA would maintain the three ground, air and sea components of its nuclear arsenal despite planned arms cuts under a new agreement with Washington, a top military official said overnight. "The nuclear triad will be maintained with the parameters that correspond to the national interests of the country," first deputy chief of staff Colonel General Yuri Baluyevsky said, according to Interfax-Military News Agency. Baluyevsky said US-Russian negotiators would continue to settle details of implementing the treaty after it was signed at a summit next week in Russia between President Vladimir Putin and US President George W. Bush. "We are bound to move together with the United States regardless of disagreements that we have had, have and will have," Baluyevsky said. He said the final text of the agreement had nearly been finalised and was a "result of compromise that suits both parties". Under the agreement, Washington and Moscow will reduce their number of long-range strategic warheads to between 1,700 and 2,200 by the end of 2012, down from the about 6,000 each country has now. The Associated Press ***************************************************************** 42 The Warheads Left Out in the Cold (washingtonpost.com) Sunday, May 19, 2002; Page B05 This week in Moscow, President Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin will sign an agreement to cut their arsenals of nuclear weapons by about two-thirds to between 1,700 and 2,200 warheads each over the next decade. At the end of that period, the two countries still could deploy a total of more than 9,000 nuclear warheads. Fuzzy math? If the two sides stick to the ceilings, where will the extra 4,600 warheads come from? The agreement only covers what are known as strategic nuclear weapons. Strategic weapons are those mounted on delivery systems that can go more than 3,440 miles. The accord says nothing about tactical nuclear weapons, which are just as lethal even though they aren't rigged to travel as far. Here are some figures about currently deployed tactical nuclear weapons: U.S. tactical nuclear forces: • 800 warheads deployed on fighter jets. Russian tactical nuclear forces: • 1,000 warheads on land-based surface-to-air missile launchers. • 1,600 warheads on 400 fighter jets or bomber planes. • 500 warheads on submarines. • 400 warheads on naval-based attack aircraft. • 300 warheads on anti-submarine rockets and torpedoes. But that's not all. Each nation also will keep active nuclear warheads -- both strategic and tactical -- in storage. That means the weapons won't be on launchers, but they have all their key components and could be put back onto bombers or missiles in a matter of days, weeks, or months depending on the type of weapons system. These warheads are called "responsive" or "spares," and are in a "ready for use configuration," as the Pentagon puts it. U.S. responsive and spare stockpile: about 1,830 warheads. (Another 240 warheads are on the two Trident submarines that are undergoing maintenance at any given time.) Russian responsives and spares: approximately 10,000 warheads. Because there aren't data exchanges between the two countries on this category of warheads, this number is just an estimate by Western experts. The Pentagon's "Nuclear Posture Review," submitted to Congress in January, said, "Delivery systems will not be retired following initial reductions and downloaded warheads will be retained as needed for the responsive force." The report added, "The responsive force retains the option for leadership to increase the number of operationally deployed forces in proportion to the severity of an evolving crisis." Still keeping count? Both countries also can continue to keep stockpiles of "inactive" warheads. These are missing some components, such as bottles of tritium gas that boost the power of the weapon. The United States has about 2,700 warheads in this category. No one is certain how many Russia has. The Bush-Putin agreement will not prevent the development of a new generation of nuclear weapons. The Posture Review said the United States should develop new types of low-yield nuclear bombs better able to penetrate and collapse targets buried beneath ground. "The strike element of the New Triad can provide greater flexibility in the design and conduct of military campaigns to defeat opponents decisively," the review said. "Nuclear weapons could be employed against targets able to withstand non-nuclear attack, (for example, deep underground bunkers or bio-weapon facilities)." The review said that the Energy Department would reestablish "advanced warhead concepts teams" at each of the national laboratories and at the department's Washington headquarters. -- The Outlook staff Sources: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Natural Resources Defense Council, GlobalSecurity.org © 2002 The Washington Post Company ***************************************************************** 43 Russia hones its nuclear skills [Thestar.com] May. 19, 01:00 EDT Moscow is still committed to modernizing its current arsenal and developing new weaponry Paul Webster SPECIAL TO THE STAR MOSCOW IT WAS the sort of encounter that packed the pages of Cold War thrillers back when the arms race was hot. Flying east late last month, two giant Russian bombers designed to carry up to 16 nuclear-tipped cruise missiles were only 60 kilometres off the Alaska coast before American F-15 jets intercepted them. The Bear H bombers stayed on course into U.S. airspace just long enough to make the American pilots sweat a little, then circled back to base. The exercise was enough to remind Washington that although the Kremlin's superpower pretensions crumbled with the collapse of the Soviet empire in 1991, Russia remains a nuclear colossus. Over the last few months, Russia has sent a series of such signals, designed to deliver the message that, despite the treaty presidents George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin plan to sign here this week pledging deep cuts in U.S. and Russian nuclear arsenals, Russia is firmly committed to maintaining its status as a nuclear front-runner. According to many observers, Putin has made refurbishing and strengthening Russian nuclear forces a top priority. Shortly after he was elected in 2000, he issued a national security blueprint emphasizing Russia's need for "nuclear forces that are capable of guaranteeing the infliction of the desired extent of damage against any aggressor state or coalition of states in any conditions and circumstances." According to Gen. Vasily Lata, who works at Russia's nuclear missile academy, Putin has worked hard to honour that commitment. "We'll win not with numbers but with skills," Lata says about plans to cut the number of warheads. "Russia is not involved in disarmament. We're just reducing the numbers of warheads to a reasonable level. In the meantime, we're developing new nuclear weapons and modernizing the ones we have. "Over the last few years, improving our land-based nuclear weapons has been emphasized. In many ways, our systems are superior to the American ones and can easily beat American missile-defence plans." In the late 1990s, Russia launched a program to build up to 50 more of its most advanced nuclear-capable missiles a year. On Feb. 6, the deputy chief of Russia's general staff, Gen. Yuriy Baluyevskiy, announced that his country's intercontinental ballistic missile force had been successfully modernized during the 1990s and will remain "entirely satisfactory" for the rest of this decade. Baluyevskiy said the modernization of naval nuclear forces is now the country's top military priority. This announcement had been expected since March, 2001, when the Russian government put in an order for 40 sea-launched ballistic missiles, the first major order since 1992. Russia is currently building two new ballistic missile submarines, having just refurbished a third. Only weeks after the announcement about the naval nuclear build-up, Russian aircraft-industry officials announced plans to modernize all 15 of their Tupolev-160 bombers, the backbone of the air force's nuclear-attack wing. Along with the modernization of Russia's land, sea and airborne nuclear-delivery forces, research continues at 10 ultra-secret nuclear cities, where an estimated 75,000 specialists work on new nuclear weaponry. According to a 2001 study of the secret nuclear and missile complex by Russian demographer Valentin Tikhonov, key weapons-research programs have survived Russia's economic collapse and competition for research jobs in these centres is now growing. Ivan Safranchuk, of the Centre for Defence Information in Moscow, says Russian nuclear researchers intend to match U.S. plans for nuclear weapons that can be used in battlefield situations. "They want to develop a less destructive nuclear weapon with limited radiation effects," Safranchuk says about Russia's research aims. Although Russian nuclear-weapons testing is forbidden by international treaty, money has been invested in a sophisticated program to allow weapons designers to match U.S. programs that test weaponry innovations in virtual settings using computer simulations. Says Lata: "Russia has similar test methods and models to the U.S. We support the idea of testing nuclear weapons virtually, maybe even more than the U.S. We're creating new weapons that way." Last week, the New York Times reported that the U.S. Joint Atomic Energy Intelligence Committee says it has evidence Russia is preparing to resume live nuclear tests. Although the Russian government vigorously denied this claim, it has admitted conducting a series of so-called "subcritical" nuclear experiments in 1999, which it says are not banned. And while Bush has praised Putin's commitment to cut its nuclear arsenal, numerous senior U.S. experts and officials have been expressing concern about Russia's nuclear-weapons program. According to Siegfried Hecker, a former director of the Los Alamos National Lab, where U.S. nuclear weapons are designed, Russia has a major nuclear edge over the U.S. because the Russians "are able to produce and assemble nuclear-weapon materials and components at capacities many times that of the United States." The U.S. currently is not assembling any new nuclear weapons. Testifying before the U.S. Senate on March 19, Thomas Wilson, director of the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency, said Russia will continue to rely on nuclear weapons and is building new missiles while upgrading others "to compensate for its diminished conventional military capability." That same day, CIA director George Tenet warned the Senate that "Moscow is likely to pursue a variety of countermeasures and new weapons systems to defeat a deployed U.S. missile defence." The worries in Washington about Russia's nuclear ambitions appear to have triggered a response all too familiar to readers of Cold War fact and fiction. A few a few days before Wilson and Tenet gave their warnings, U.S. Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham appeared before the Senate's Armed Services Committee to answer questions about Russia's program to build new weapons. He told the senators that the U.S. has decided to begin building warheads again by 2007. Paul Webster is a Canadian reporter based in Moscow. Legal Notice:- Copyright 1996-2002. Toronto Star Newspapers ***************************************************************** 44 Russia may be boosting Iran's nuclear arms Boston Globe Online: NUCLEAR SHADOW By Anne E. Kornblut and David Filipov, Globe Staff, 5/19/2002 MOSCOW - It began as a promising business venture. The Russian government would use its reservoir of unemployed nuclear scientists to help Iran build a nuclear power plant, a sophisticated but harmless civilian complex nestled on the eastern banks of the Persian Gulf. But as work on the Bushehr power plant has progressed, so have Iran's efforts to obtain nuclear weapons technology, according to a well-connected Russian scientist and several former Russian officials. Contradicting the Kremlin's assertions, these sources say Russia's Atomic Energy Ministry, known as Minatom - a rogue force with almost no independent oversight - is providing a direct boost to Iran's nuclear weapons program, under the guise of the power plant. And US officials say Iran is on the cusp of reaching this dangerous goal because of the Russian help. ''So what?'' said the Russian scientist, who has traveled to Bushehr several times, and who agreed to speak on condition of anonymity. ''The Iranians will acquire these weapons. Pakistan has them. Israel has them. Other countries have them. So what if Iran has them?'' That attitude, and the problem it reflects, is of escalating concern for US officials who have labeled the state of Iran a charter member of the ''axis of evil.'' It is also driving a wedge in US-Russian relations, which both sides might prefer to portray as rosy as Bush prepares to visit Moscow this week. Above all, the Iranian nuclear weapons program is an example of inconsistencies that President Bush, perhaps, should resolve as he enters a phase of his war on terrorism in a complex post-Cold War world, a place made murkier by autonomous relics like Minatom. The gray textures of the post-Cold War world, with its global corporations, international terrorist organizations, and autonomous relics like Minatom, can frustrate a search for clarity. Russian officials argue that the Bushehr power plant is an innocuous, and lucrative, effort to bring power to Iran, similar to the light-water reactor the United States is building for North Korea. In fact, under the rules of the International Atomic Energy Agency, countries with nuclear knowledge are required to help nonnuclear states to build power plants, and to safeguard the spent fuel to prevent it from being turned into weapons-grade material. Russia and Iran have both pledged to adhere to the agency's rules, to keep Iran from becoming a nuclear power. But evidence abounds of far more extensive exchanges of nuclear information, according to CIA documents and interviews with dozens of senior Bush administration and Russian officials over the last two months. Beyond the $840 million that Iran is paying, officially, for the Bushehr power plant, Russian officials and scientists are engaged in clandestine technology transfers, money-laundering schemes and other transactions that have made a fortune for Russian officials, according to several officials interviewed by the Globe. And that, the scientist said, made it too dangerous to discuss in great detail. ''This is a super-Mafia,'' the scientist said. ''Anything else I might tell you could result in conditions not conducive for life, for me, you and anyone else involved, if you know what I mean.'' And yet for all his threats to isolate nations that support terror in any form, Bush is unlikely to downgrade US ties to Russia over Moscow's ties with Iran, which in turn has ties to Hezbollah, which Bush considers a terrorist group. Administration officials are weighing sanctions against Russia, and Bush may raise the issue at his summit meeting with the Russian president, Vladimir V. Putin, US officials said. Such concerns have been raised in Congress. ''Russia continues to supply significant assistance to many of Tehran's nuclear programs,'' said Senator Richard C. Shelby, the ranking Republican on the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. Of Russia, Shelby said: ''I've been there, I've talked with them about these programs, and the president will be talking about this on the highest level. They have told us before that they would cooperate with us against proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.'' ''But,'' Shelby added, ''what they say and what they do are two different things.'' Iran, which has signed nonproliferation treaties, denies that it is seeking nuclear weapons technology. ''There is nothing about production of nuclear weapons in the agreement signed between Russia and Iran on use of the atom for peaceful purposes, for generating electrical power,'' Gholam Reza Shafei, Iran's ambassador to Moscow, said at a news conference in February. Publicly, officials in Moscow insist that Russia has no interest in seeing Iran, a country they see as a regional rival but not an evil supporter of terrorism that is armed with nuclear weapons. But Minatom, the Russian atomic energy agency that is cash-hungry, has little regard for official Kremlin policy, and it seems to have no compunctions about any role it might have, or have had, in helping Iran to become a nuclear military power. A legacy of the Cold War, cloaked in secrecy, Minatom has ignored numerous agreements between Russian and US officials about Iran, and it is continuing to do so, many argue - funneling sensitive technologies to Iran on the side, under the cover of the Bushehr plant. ''It is a serious issue,'' a senior US official said. ''We take it very seriously. Russia should think again about what it's doing.'' The matter has been a source of disagreement between the United States and Russia for almost a decade, and it had been a focus of almost every summit meeting that President Clinton held with his Russian counterparts. But over the past year and a half, a new dynamic has emerged: Despite his close relationship with Bush, Russian President Vladimir V. Putin is loath to be seen as bowing to US demands, especially by cracking down on an alliance with Iran that provides jobs for Russian scientists. Conceived under Stalin as the complex of laboratories and secret ''closed cities'' where nuclear weapons were designed, built and mass-produced, Minatom is the epitome of Cold War-style secrecy. Nominally under control of the Russian government, Minatom does not, in fact, report to anyone on how it spends hundreds of millions of dollars, given the tight veil of confidentiality drawn over its operations. There are no independent regulatory agencies to monitor Minatom's activity, other than non-governmental organizations whose effect on Kremlin policy is limited. The current head of Minatom, Alexander Rumyantsev, insisted during a trip to Washington earlier this month that the light water nuclear reactor under construction in Iran cannot be used to develop material for weapons and does not pose a proliferation threat. Instead, he said, the project provides jobs in Iran for over 1,000 Russian specialists, as well as machine building firms in Russia, providing a much-needed boost to a sector that has suffered drastically since the end of the Cold War. Minatom is unable to sell its goods to western markets that remain closed to it, and nuclear scientists, no longer employed by the Soviet government, live in remote, impoverished communities, sometimes not receiving a paycheck for months, their desolation a source of constant worry for non-proliferation specialists. Bushehr, Rumyantsev told reporters in Washington, ''is not a source of proliferation of nuclear material.'' A Minatom spokesman in Moscow said the ministry needed 45 days to answer any further questions. The Bushehr plant is still under construction, and scheduled to be completed by early 2005. Iran, which has signed non-proliferation treaties, denies it is seeking nuclear weapons technology. ''There is nothing about production of nuclear weapons in the agreement signed between Russia and Iran on use of the atom for peaceful purposes, for generating electrical power,'' Gholam Reza Shafei, Iran's ambassador to Moscow, said at a news conference in February. But ''Bushehr is just the tip of the iceberg,'' a senior US official in Moscow said, speaking on condition of anonymity. ''We are quite convinced that dangerous tech transfers are still taking place. There may be some willful criminality in the Atomic Energy Ministry, and some agencies that are getting away with exports on their own.'' ''I have no doubt that the building of an Atomic reactor in Bushehr is a cover-up for Iran's plans to build an atomic bomb,'' said Alexei Yablokov, a former senior adviser to President Boris Yeltsin on environmental issues, now the head of the Center for Russian Environmental Policy, a non-profit group. ''It is madness to build them reactors.'' He said that the spent nuclear fuel generated by any type of nuclear reactor contains enough uranium and plutonium for the creation of nuclear explosive devices at low cost. ''In three months, 30 people with a college education could do it,'' Yablokov said. ''There is no distinction between civilian and military nuclear programs; that is why handing nuclear technology to such unstable countries as Iran is a suicidal step.'' According to Yablokov, in 1995 Minatom contracted to build two facilities that would allow the production of enriched uranium and plutonium needed to produce a nuclear weapon. Yeltsin halted this deal, but Yablokov said Iran's efforts to lean how to build a bomb have since been augmented by student exchanges and the transfer of knowledge from Russian specialists working in Iran. A CIA report last year said Iran is aggressively pursuing nuclear fuel-cycle capabilities, which ''can also support fissile material production for a weapons program.'' US officials also charge that Russia is helping Iran build long-range missiles that could reach Europe and beyond. And Maxim Shingarkin, a former officer in the Russian military's secretive 12th Department, which is in charge of strategic weapons, said that with the right knowledge, the reactor in Bushehr could produce weapons-grade plutonium. By replacing the control rods in the nuclear fuel assembly with rods filled with uranium 238 and bombarding the rods with neutrons, he said, the Iranians could produce enough plutonium, over time, to make several bombs. As a longtime purchaser of Russian conventional weaponry, Iran could obtain the uranium 238 from the depleted uranium shells of artillery ordnance. The Russian government does listen to US concerns about proliferation. After the US slapped sanctions on seven Russian firms it accused of peddling sensitive technologies or materials to Iran in 1998, Russia passed tough legislation putting in place strict controls on the export of sensitive technologies. But in Iran's closed system, it is difficult for outside intelligence to distinguish civilian technologies from equipment that could be used to develop nuclear weapons. For example, the US wanted to introduce sanctions against TsAGI, a major Russian aeronautics firm, for a wind tunnel supplied to Iran. But it was impossible for the US to tell whether the tunnel was of the type needed to test nuclear bombs. ''From the early 1990s, our concern was that this large project would serve as a cover for more sensitive technical interactions between Russians and Iranians,'' said Robert Einhorn, the Assistant Secretary of the Bureau for Non-proliferation at the State Department in the Clinton administration. Now, he said, ''the concerns we had have materialized.'' That presents a major set-back for weapons control programs, and a major problem for the Bush administration, partly of its own making: Bush distanced himself from Russia at the start of his term, and then, after first meeting Putin in Slovenia last summer, chose to focus on missile defense and the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty. According to one former Defense Department official, Bush raised the matter of Iran with Putin during one of their four meetings since last year, but it has never been a focus of US discussions in public. Since January, however, when Bush first cited Iran as part of the ''axis of evil'' in his State of the Union address, the administration has renewed its focus on the Islamic state and its efforts to obtain nuclear weapons. Under pressure to prove its innocence, Minatom head Rumyantsev traveled to Washington earlier this month to meet with US Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham and assure his US counterpart that Russians are not slipping sensitive material to Iran. After one meeting with Abraham, Rumyantsev admitted it was still a ''sensitive topic.'' According to several former and current US and Russian officials, Minatom is still a central part of the problem - aware of technology transfers and making a large profit from its illegitimate work, sometimes at the expense of the larger Russian budget. In January, Russia's Accounting Chamber issued a report detailing how $270 million in US aid intended to help clean up and build safe storage for the country's radioactive waste had disappeared. Tens of millions of dollars had also been diverted to ''research projects'' that, because of their secret nature, remained a mystery. The Accounting Chamber could not explain where this money goes, but Shingarkin said it disappears in various book-cooking and money laundering schemes. Some of the lost funds actually go to research institutes, which hastily rewrite old research reports and present them as work recently done. He said that the Iran project is no different. Minatom, Shingarkin claimed, had paid four times the going rate when it purchased ventilation systems from a Czech company for the Bushehr reactor. Shingarkin and the Russian scientist said officials had pocketed the difference. They did not know the actual amounts involved, only that it involved ''many millions'' of dollars, as Shingarkin put it. A Minatom spokesman said the ministry needed 45 days to answer any questions. ''Sixty percent of the money is returned to Minatom officials in cash, which they pocket,'' said Shingarkin, who now works for the Moscow office of Greenpeace. ''I know, because in the past I have carried it.'' This story ran on page A1 of the Boston Globe on 5/19/2002. ***************************************************************** 45 Savannah River (SC) and Wackenhut (WAK) Date: Sun, 19 May 2002 13:13:07 -0500 (CDT) "Gravitational fields of amorphous solid water [ASW] can save our planet" ... what you should know about Bechtel, Westinghouse, the US Army Corp of Engineers, and a South African Consortium of banks. Physics News Update The American Institute of Physics Bulletin of Physics News Number 325 (Story #2), by Phillip F. Schewe and Ben Stein NUCLEAR WASTE FOREVER. http://www.geocities.com/our4horsemen/ladylewinsky.html You can't make omelettes without breaking eggs, and the same is true of nuclear power. Cranking out decades of reactor-based electricity has meant breaking a lot of nuclei---the leftover consists of 30,000 tons of spent fuel rods in the US. Preparing for (or preventing) nuclear war has spawned its own trove of nuclear-unstable matter: 400,000 cubic meters of high-level radioactive waste; the biggest repositories are at Hanford (WA) and Savannah River (SC). The June issue of Physics Today looks at the problem of nuclear waste from a variety of angles: for example, turning the waste products into a more manageable form such as glass; studying the feasibility of permanent storage sites such as the proposed vault at Yucca Mountain (NV); and comparing the disposition of waste worldwide. The current stock of spent reactor fuel is concentrated largely in only a few countries. The biggest inventories are in the US (18.3%), UK (16.6%), Canada (15.4%), France (14.9%), and the former USSR (9.9%). WACKENHUT CORRECTIONS CORP., our #1 Paramilitary Inc. (WAK) ... for a complete and official table, dilineating ALL the main nuclear and radiation bad guys, many working for or with Wackenhut or the Carlyle Group, click here! WACKENHUT! Think Westinghouse! World Leader in Private Prison Construction & Management and Paramilitary Security at our Nuclear Waste Disposal Facilities ... hey look, if you have been lucky enough not to have been locked down in prison in our present "no-justice" democracy, then at least invest in this prisons craze and get rich while you're still on the outside! TODAY'S HEADLINES: "Experts say it is the most lethal garbage in the world" THE SAVANNAH RIVER, S.C. NUCLEAR WEAPONS DUMP PROJECT, S.C. Summarized from an article by MATTHEW L. WALD, of the New York Times "The Curse of Yucca Mountain and Benzene" COLUMBIA, S.C. — For years the Energy Department has promised to clean nearly all the radioactivity out of bomb wastes here that are to be secured in giant concrete blocks. Now, faced with a cleaning technology that it has been unable to make work properly for more than a decade, department officials have reversed themselves. A $2.4 billion factory at Savannah River, S.C., is processing the giant amounts of radioactive sludge ... mixing it with molten glass, and pouring the mixture into stainless steel canisters. The mixture cools into glass logs, and about 1,200 of them have been made since production began in 1996. The plan is to bury them deep underground [some of the cannisters will be 1000 feet underground], presumably at Yucca Mountain, Nev. [Yucca Mountain is near Las Vegas groundwater and exactly adjacent to the Nevada Nuclear Weapons Test Sites of the 1950s], where they are supposed to be secure for thousands of years. The new proposal to mix a sizable portion of the waste with cement without cleaning it is adding to tensions between the federal government and Gov. Jim Hodges of South Carolina, who has threatened to use state troopers to block new shipments of plutonium into the site, the Savannah River nuclear reservation here. [On Friday, a federal judge in South Carolina ordered the Energy Department to wait 30 days before beginning to ship weapons-grade plutonium from Colorado to Savannah River. The order, which means that no shipping can begin until June 15, came a week after Governor Hodges filed suit to stop the shipments, which he opposes because of uncertainties about the technology that would be involved in converting the former nuclear weapons to still toxic powerplant fuel.] Stored in 51 giant tanks, the mix of radioactive sludge, liquid and salts is a legacy of the factories here that produced the United States' atomic arsenal. Experts say it is the most lethal garbage in the world. The Energy Department [DOE], which designs, builds and maintains our nuclear weapons, has a powerful motive to simplify the cleanup. Any method that proves effective here will be duplicated at sites in Idaho [most radionuclide wastes from our U.S. Navy nuclear operations are currently stored at the Idaho National Environmental and Engineering Facility], and Hanford, Washington [The Hanford Nuclear Site is a 560-square-mile tract of semi-arid land located within the Columbia River Basin in southeastern Washington, about 50 miles north of the Oregon border. The Columbia River flows through the Hanford Site boundary. In early 1943, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers selected the Hanford Site as their main location for nuclear reactor and chemical processing facilities for the production, separation, and purification of plutonium]. [... The suggested method of disposal] is cleaning the radioactive salts by washing out radioactive cesium-137 and then mixing the salts with cement. But the washing process also produces a volatile compound, benzene, which makes the waste tanks vulnerable to fire or explosion. The U.S. Dept. of Energy's record with cement is spotty. In the 1980's it tried to clean up a contaminated pond at the Rocky Flats plant, in the suburbs of Denver, by mixing radioactive material with cement to produce what officials called pondcrete. In months, the pondcrete crumbled. A solution here will be a model for Hanford, Wash., where there are more tanks, in worse condition, and where the department recently broke ground for another glass factory. At the Georgia Environmental Protection Division, James Hardeman, manager of the Environmental Radiation Division, said, "They can call it mudpies, it's still high level waste." [regarding the nearby Savannah River Project] "It should be buried at Yucca Mountain," Mr. Hardeman said. MORE PROFITS FOR WACKENHUT Managed Commercial Prisons: Mentally Disordered in U.S. Swing Between Jail, Hospital May 14, 2002 Summarized from an article by Alan Elsner, National Correspondent ROCHESTER, N.Y. (Reuters) - Project Link, a six-year-old program spearheaded by University of Rochester psychiatrists Steven Lamberti and Robert Weisman, aims to identify severely mentally ill patients like Collier and help them re-establish some semblance of a normal life. The benefits to society could be immense. "Jails and prisons have become the final destination of the mentally ill in America. It's a huge problem. There are more mentally ill folk in state prisons than in state hospitals. The Los Angeles County Jail has become the nation's largest mental institution," said Lamberti. "So many people are trapped in what I call a Bermuda Triangle of prison, hospital and the streets," he said. Project Link takes severely mentally ill patients -- there are currently 45 enrolled -- and given each one a case worker, who makes sure they take their medications, keep in touch with medical and social service providers in the community. Most private landlords are reluctant to rent rooms to mentally ill tenants. But without stable housing, they are almost impossible to treat. COSTS DRASTICALLY CUT The program also drastically cut the costs of caring for participants, from an estimated average of $62,500 per person to $14.500. There is an estimated 5.6 million people with severe mental illness currently living in the United States. In the 1980s and 1990s, the number of available beds in mental hospitals plummeted while the commercial prison population more than doubled to around 2 million, of whom around 15 percent are believed to be suffering from severe mental illness, according to various studies. That totals out at around 300,000 people. In Rochester, a city of around 750,000 near the shores of Lake Ontario, a regional psychiatric hospital which once held over 3,000 inmates was cut to just 200 beds in the 1990s. [summarized from a recent New York Times article, by Henri E. Cauvin] The Wackenhut Corrections Corp., (WAK) ... based in Florida, has become the world leader in private prison construction and management. They are currently expanding into South Africa, after having made great strides in the USA [especially Austin, Texas], the UK, Australia, New Zealand, and the Carribean islands. WCC is now building a 3,024 bed maximum security prison in South Africa, financed by a consortium of SOUTH AFRICAN BANKS. It is hoped by the consortium that this is only the first step of a long and lucrative relationship that will rapidly expand. WACKENHUT SERVICES, INC., the largest commercial builders of prisons in the world, is also the contractor for the Department of Defense [USA] and the contractor who is both well paid and responsible for human security at the Savannah River Site[SRS], the largest nuclear waste disposal compound in the world, ... Bechtel, Westinghouse, and the US Army Corp of Engineers all pay WACKENHUT to get rid of unneccesary risks and problems ... take for instance, prisoners, and yes, nuclear toxins too! [it is assumed the prisoners will be liquidated long before the nuclear "cakes" are vitrified] [quoting directly from the NEW YORK TIMES:] " [...] Authorities in Texas reclaimed control of a Wackenhut run prison in Austin after a dozen former employees were indicted late last year on charges of sexually assaulting and harrassing inmates ... earlier this year, authorities in Louisiana transferred the ENTIRE POPULATION of a JUVENILE PRISON run by Wackenhut after federal investigations contended that inmates [JUVENILES] were beaten and deprived of adequate food and clothes." --->>> check your Wall Street stocks and see which WACKENHUT prison shares are ahead of the pack this week!! It's one of the best deals in our "democracy" and "nuclear family" --- you can afford a pension and your own private health insurance if you invest in penal colonies and supernatant radioactive salts and RADIOACTIVE SALT CAKES!!!! <<<--- from the "SACRAMENTO BEE" Q: Have you ever heard that the private prison industry is a good investment? I heard that Wackenhut stock has soared lately. What do you think? -- M.E., Sacramento A: Wackenhut Corp. (ticker symbol WAK) is an international provider of security services that also manages privatized correctional facilities. For the 39 weeks ended Oct. 1, revenues rose 17 percent to $1.85 billion, but net income fell 4 percent to $13.5 million. Late last month, the security service company advised Wall Street that it expects to post earnings[.] WACKENHUT, in bed for several lost weekends with the Pentagon, gets two juicy prison contracts in Arkansas ... click here to read how WACKENHUT is literally drooling over their company being selected to expand Arkansas's 600-bed facility for adult female offenders to lock down over 800 teenage females in prison beds. ***************************************************************** 46 DOE drops plutonium shipping plan Tri-Valley Herald Sunday, May 19, 2002 - 2:59:04 AM MST Decision a response to lawsuit, anti-nuclear activists say By Staff Writer: Glenn Roberts Jr. LIVERMORE -- Responding to a lawsuit filed by a Livermore-based nuclear watchdog group, Energy Department officials said they have abandoned plans to send plutonium to Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in substandard containers. Tri-Valley Communities Against a Radioactive Environment filed a lawsuit in February in an effort to block a series of shipments containing nuclear weapons-related plutonium parts bound for Livermore Lab from Rocky Flats, an Energy Department cleanup site in Colorado. Marylia Kelley, Tri-Valley CARE's executive director, said, "This decision is a direct result of our lawsuit," adding that the Energy Department "was set to put these (containers) on the road" until the group took legal action. Jessie Roberson, Energy Department assistant secretary for environmental management, said in a statement Friday, "We want to move forward, rather than engage in unnecessary and costly litigation from environmental groups that could delay the environmental restoration of our Rocky Flats facility." Energy Department officials had approved an exemption -- which authorized shipments of large plutonium-containing parts in containers that did not meet all safety standards -- in order to expedite the shipments. For example, Energy Department communications stated that the containers could be crushed if the truck that carried them was hit by a train. And "if (the truck) was hit from behind by a large, heavy vehicle, the crush environment may occur." Another Energy Department document states that the containers "do not demonstrate compliance with the current ... performance requirements (most notably the dynamic crush test)." Roberson said in a Thursday memo to Everet Beckner, deputy administrator for defense programs for the Energy Department's nuclear security agency, that approval for the use of the substandard containers was "contingent on satisfactory completion of a safety analysis and reviews." "These reviews have yet to be com-pleted and need not be completed in light of the decision I have made to ship the materials in question in certified containers," she said. Joe Davis, an Energy Department spokesman, said Friday that the plutonium-contaminated parts bound for Livermore will be cut into smaller pieces so that they can fit into smaller containers that meet all safety standards. When asked whether those parts, once they are cut, will still be sent to Livermore Lab, Davis said, "As for the 125 items that were the subject of the lawsuit, those items will not be shipped to our site." Kelley said that Tri-Valley CARE's members are working with Earthjustice, the environmental legal-defense group that supported the lawsuit, to determine whether the lawsuit can be dropped. "We hope to resolve satisfactorily all the issues," Kelley said. "We want to (have) iron-clad assurance that they will not be shipping in these uncertified containers." Rocky Flats was also scheduled to ship plutonium to an Energy Department site in South Carolina using the sub-standard containers, though all plutonium shipments to South Carolina from Rocky Flats have been suspended pending negotiations between state and Energy Department officials. Though Energy Department officials have planned to complete cleanup at the Rocky Flats site by 2006, a report released by Energy Department investigators this week states that "missed milestones increase the risk of delays" to this closure date. Plutonium-packaging operations at the site are not expected to be completed until May 2003, a year behind schedule, the report also states. ©1999-2001 by MediaNews Group, Inc. and ANG Newspapers ***************************************************************** 47 Plutonium packaging a problem at Flats [www.TheDailyCamera.com] By Katy Human Camera Staff Writer South Carolina's refusal to accept plutonium shipments from Rocky Flats isn't the only thing threatening the 2006 deadline for cleanup of the former nuclear weapons plant. The company packaging Rocky Flats' weapons-grade plutonium into containers is struggling to meet production schedules, which could delay the plant's timely cleanup, according to a new federal audit released Thursday. Kaiser-Hill was supposed to have packaged 9,800 kilograms — nearly 11 tons — of highly radioactive plutonium metals and oxides into about 1,900 containers by this month, according to the Office of the Inspector General, but the work is less than half done. The packaged plutonium originally was scheduled to be trucked to South Carolina beginning last September, but an ongoing dispute between the Department of Energy and South Carolina's governor delayed shipments. A recent lawsuit filed by Gov. Jim Hodges further postponed shipments until at least June 15. The new report expressed doubt about Kaiser-Hill's ability to increase the speed of packaging, given technical problems that have plagued the system: "... we remain concerned that the current target of 140 containers per month may not be realistic," it reads. It also recommends that Kaiser-Hill develop a contingency plan for packaging the plutonium, in the event of a "catastrophic failure" of the current system. John Corsi, spokesman for Kaiser-Hill, said he's confident the company can package the remaining containers by early next year with the current system. "We just did 48 containers last week," he said. "The machine's working, and it's going to get us to 2006." The new report is available online at www.ig.doe.gov. Click on "IG Reports." Contact Katy Human at (303) 473-1364 or humank@thedailycamera.com. Copyright 2002 The Daily Camera. ***************************************************************** 48 Rocky Flats won't use contested containers [www.TheDailyCamera.com] By Katy Human Camera Staff Writer Rocky Flats will not ship highly radioactive plutonium to South Carolina and California in controversial shipping containers as previously planned, a federal official announced Thursday. A California environmental group filed a lawsuit over the issue in February, but Jessie Roberson, assistant secretary for environmental management in the Department of Energy, said the agency decided to use fully approved containers instead of battling the issue in court. "We want to move forward, rather than engage in unnecessary and costly litigation ... that could delay the environmental restoration of our Rocky Flats facility," said Roberson, formerly the Department of Energy manager at Rocky Flats. As part of the cleanup of Rocky Flats, a former nuclear weapons plant south of Boulder, officials planned to send seven trucks-worth of plutonium parts to Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in California and additional shipments to South Carolina in DT-22's. Using the DT-22's, relatively large, 45-gallon containers, would have meant Rocky Flats workers could package many plutonium parts wholesale, without having to cut them down to size first. But a California activist group argued that the federal government had "illegally" exempted itself from environmental laws in planning to use the containers, which did not pass crush tests typically required for carrying large amounts of plutonium. Ann Seitz, office manager for Tri-Valley Communities Against a Radioactive Environment group in Livermore said she was happy to learn that the Energy Department decided to drop the controversial containers. "They obviously realized they had been caught and that they were going to have more trouble trying to continue than simply making shipments safe," she said. Seitz declined to comment on whether the lawsuit would be dropped — group members need time to evaluate the news, she said. John Corsi, spokesman for Kaiser-Hill, the company managing Rocky Flats cleanup, said he assumed Rocky Flats workers will need to do more "size reduction" work to fit plutonium parts into smaller, approved containers. "We'll have to look into what this means," he said. Contact Katy Human at (303) 473-1364 or humank@thedailycamera.com. Copyright 2002 The Daily Camera. ***************************************************************** NOTE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107 this material is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only. For more information go to: *****************************************************************