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05/19/02 **** RADIATION BULLETIN(RADBULL) **** VOL 10.128
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NUCLEAR POLICY
1 Israelis want Iranian nukes included in U.S.-Russia talks
2 US: TVA should exploit opportunity
3 SA: Winds of Change
4 Russia seals deal with Myanmar
5 N.K. experts visit South to pave way for direct air link
6 Korea: NK Team Arrives to Inspect Airports and Reactor
7 US: Alert sparks nuke debate: Plant security rapped, defended
NUCLEAR REACTORS
8 US: Federal regulators approve transfer of Yankee's operating
9 US: Davis-Besse Nuke plant probe involves Congress
10 Nuclear reactor reduces capacity after malfunction in Ukraine
11 US: Radioactive remains: The state's decommissioned Yankee Rowe
12 US: With future of nation's nuclear waste uncertain, Yankee Rowe
13 US: Nuclear Reactor Could be Restarted After 17 Year Shutdown
NUCLEAR SAFETY
14 US: Fired Official Is Critical of County Plan for Emergency
NUCLEAR FUEL CYCLE
15 US: Yucca: Desert showdown over nuclear waste
16 US: Hodges Asks For Plutonium Injunction
17 UK: CALL FOR NUCLEAR TRAINS TO BE MONITORED
18 US: Abraham: Yucca Not Enough for Waste
19 US: The New Republic Online: Nuclear Waste
20 US: Bush administration raises Yucca stakes
21 US: State GOP against Yucca, but wants negotiations if it's OK'd
22 US: Bush backs desert nuclear dump
23 US: Yucca EDITORIAL: The senators do well
24 US: Republicans adopt anti-Yucca statement
25 US: Insure Nuclear Waste
26 US: SUWA Hates Hansen Plan
27 US: Profit is the motive behind push for Yucca
28 US: N-Board Rejects Utah Plea
29 US: Critics of Yucca disposal have no alternative
30 US: Leavitt seeking N-waste support
NUCLEAR WEAPONS
31 Peace Action: Treaty Not All Its Cracked Up to Be
32 Congress Endorses NATO Expansion
33 Martin Schram: Keeping nukes in the right hands
34 US Wants Better Russia Nukes Count
35 US: The New Nuclear Danger: George W. Bush's Military-Industrial Com
36 Cold War Redux
37 Gambling with nuclear war
38 Russia hones its nuclear skills
39 Cold War Legacy
40 Swissinfo International News
41 Russian nuke defences maintained
42 The Warheads Left Out in the Cold
43 Russia hones its nuclear skills
44 Russia may be boosting Iran's nuclear arms
US DEPT. OF ENERGY
45 Savannah River (SC) and Wackenhut (WAK)
46 DOE drops plutonium shipping plan
47 Plutonium packaging a problem at Flats
48 Rocky Flats won't use contested containers
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FULL NEWS STORIES
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1 Israelis want Iranian nukes included in U.S.-Russia talks
Chicago Sun-Times - News
May 17, 2002
The Israeli government is lobbying Washington to place Iranian
nuclear proliferation high on the agenda of next week's summit
between President Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin,
which is expected to go a long way toward codifying a new world
order.
The topic of the transfer of nuclear and missile technology from
Russia to Iran was discussed at high-level U.S.-Israeli talks in
Washington over the last two weeks.
According to senior Israeli diplomatic officials, the topic was
discussed Monday during the Israeli-U.S. strategic dialogue
between Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and his
staffers, and Israeli government officials.
A week before, a high-ranking delegation went to Washington to
specifically talk with the administration about the nuclear and
missile technology "leakage" issue. This delegation met with
Undersecretary of State John Bolton.
One diplomatic official said it is both presumptuous and
unrealistic for Israel to ask the United States to hold up an
agreement with the Russians to cut nuclear stockpiles by
two-thirds, or not to form a new Russian-NATO committee to
coordinate policy on a number of issues unless they put an end to
nuclear and missile leakage to Iran. The idea, he said, is to
"weave" the Iranian proliferation issue "into the fabric" of the
overall U.S.-Russian dialogue.
Jerusalem Post
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2 TVA should exploit opportunity
@@HEAD:REVIVAL - @@SUBHEAD:
The Paducah Sun
Paducah, Kentucky
Saturday, May 18, 2002
The devil may be in the details of how the Tennessee Valley
Authority decides to finance the restart of a mothballed nuclear
reactor, but the agency definitely needs a plan to recoup its
staggering $6.3 billion investment in dormant nuclear power
plants.
With the nation facing an increasing threat from energy shortages
such as the disruptions in the natural gas supply that wreaked
economic havoc in some parts of the country two winters ago, the
time is right for TVA to expand its nuclear power program.
It certainly helps that the Bush administration sees the
advantages of nuclear power, and is trying to help the nuclear
power industry regain some of the momentum it lost in the wake of
the Three Mile Island accident.
The post-Three Mile Island hysteria almost devastated TVA, which
had to abandon several nuclear projects, including the unfinished
Bellefonte plant in Hollywood, Ala. TVA officials shut down the
Browns Ferry station in 1985.
Much of the $27 billion debt TVA accumulated in the 1980s and
early 1990s stemmed from the agency's abortive investments in
nuclear power.
Not surprisingly, agency officials are trying to recover some of
those investments by restarting dormant nuclear units and,
perhaps, finishing the Bellefonte plant.
The TVA board voted Friday to restart the mothballed Unit 1
reactor at Browns Ferry.
Again, not surprisingly, this move alarmed environmentalists. The
environmental lobby has adopted the view that all things nuclear
are to be greatly feared.
The fact is, nuclear power is clean — it creates very little
pollution. If TVA switches some of its power generation capacity
from coal to nuclear, the air in the Tennessee Valley will be
cleaner.
Coal is the fuel source for about two-thirds of the power
produced by TVA. These old coal-burning plants are relatively
"dirty," and they're increasingly expensive to operate given
Environmental Protection Agency regulations that require the
installation of pollution control equipment.
"Going nuclear" is a strategy for protecting the environment, not
harming it.
Environmentalists point to the "unsolved" problem of nuclear
waste — a problem they've tried to keep the nation from solving —
but the Bush administration is making progress in developing the
Yucca Mountain waste repository in Nevada.
As for safety, the nuclear power industry in western Europe and
the United States has an outstanding record.
At one time, TVA received criticism — much of it deserved — for
safety lapses at its nuclear plants. But two years ago the
Nuclear Regulatory Commission gave TVA's nuclear program top
grades for safety.
Over the past decade nuclear power production in the United
States has become safer and much more efficient than it was in
the early 1980s. An example is TVA's Sequoyah plant near
Chattanooga, which has operated without interruption for nearly
eight years.
From the standpoint of efficiency, safety and environmental
responsibility, TVA has a strong case for restarting the Browns
Ferry reactor and finishing the Bellefonte facility.
The question that looms over the agency's nuclear ambitions is
cost.
TVA officials estimate it will cost $1.8 billion to bring Unit 1
at Browns Ferry back on line. Finishing construction at
Bellefonte could cost TVA as much as $3 billion.
The agency has made only modest progress in reducing its massive
debt burden. That calls into question TVA officials' claim that
they can reduce the $25 billion debt and pay for the Browns Ferry
restart with existing revenues.
Agency officials have said in the past they hope to find a
private partner to help finance the reactor restart. Private
financing would remove the most serious objection to the revival
of TVA's nuclear program.
Over the long term, nuclear power can play a significant role in
meeting the growing demand for power in the Tennessee Valley. If
TVA officials can solve the financing problem, they owe it to
their customers to fully develop the agency's nuclear assets.
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3 SA: Winds of Change
allAfrica.com:
Mail & Guardian (Johannesburg)
ANALYSIS
May 17, 2002
Posted to the web May 17, 2002
Muna Lakhani
One clear indicator of poverty worldwide is access to affordable
energy. If we had not been misinformed about the reliability of
sources of energy that are alternatives to the current fossil
fuels (coal and oil) that we use today, South Africa would have
been a world leader in providing not only clean and safe energy
to all our people, but also in exporting indigenous technologies
that would have built on proven technologies from elsewhere.
Renewable energy technologies constitute an alternative source of
energy that remains largely untapped in South Africa. This
includes free energy from the sun via both photovoltaic panels,
that convert sunlight to electricity, and solar thermal (heat)
technologies, which, through the heating process, can either heat
water for use directly or generate steam to produce electricity.
Renewable energy also includes free energy from the wind - the
most mature technology worldwide, and one that is growing at a
rate of up to 62% a year. Even off a low starting point wind
alone could generate the world's electricity by 2030.
Other technologies also being used commercially include: wave and
tidal power that can be hidden under water given that the motion
of the ocean never stops; biomass energy- the use of organic
material that is grown for both its methane and heat value - as
plants use carbon dioxide while growing and release it when
burnt; micro-hydro power (small dams) for generating electricity
on a small scale as opposed to the large dams that constitute
environmental and social disasters; as well as geo-thermal
energy, which uses the heat from underground.
The established fossil and nuclear fuel industries do not accept
these as valid solutions. Their argument is that coal is cheaper
- if you don't mention the health hazard to people living in the
vicinity of coal-power plants. In the United States recent
studies show that, even without the subsidies that the fossil and
nuclear industries receive, wind is cheaper than coal by simply
including the health costs to people as a result of being harmed
by emissions and general pollution.
"Nuclear power will be too cheap to meter" - is the strident
voice of the nuclear industry.
However, every state in the US that uses nuclear power charges on
average 25% more for electricity, and there is also the related
danger posed by radioactive waste.
It is also often stated that renewable energy is "intermittent".
Only 0,2% of the world's coastlines, or 2% of deserts, could
generate enough electricity for the whole world at today's
consumption rates. Wind has, in large areas along our coastlines
and escarpment, at least a 35% availability.
So, why are we not going along the route of clean and safe energy
for our people? Is it that vested interests do not want
communities to own the means of producing energy, both for
themselves and for sale to the national grid? Or is it because
the simple technologies outlined previously are not challenging
enough? Or is it simply that decision-makers are being fed biased
information?
Whatever the reason, we need to address these issues as a matter
of urgency. Not only is it only a matter of time before we will
be expected to pay for our greenhouse gas emissions from coal,
but attempting to grow the nuclear industry will be extremely
inefficient (the manufacture of nuclear fuel is an
energy-intensive process) and will simply result in higher costs
for consumers.
We must move away from the mindset that energy generation must be
centralised - distributed generation not only helps ensure
security of supply, but also minimises the need for long
transmission lines. A number of countries are racing along the
renewable energy path and setting targets of at least 50% of
electricity from renewable energy.
There must be something wrong with our thinking if we continue to
pursue failed and abandoned technologies, such as Eskom's
proposed pebble bed nuclear reactor, which is in trouble as we
speak. Its US investor, Exelon, has pulled out and the British
investor, British Nuclear Fuel Limited, is technically insolvent
owing to its inability to pay for its radioactive clean-ups. The
South African Industrial Development Corporation is on record as
wishing to sell its shares. This reactor will produce 10 times
more radioactive waste than other nuclear processes. Our
government's expert panel was recently unable to establish
whether it is feasible from either a financial or technical
viewpoint. The amount Eskom is planning to spend on the 10
reactors could supply more electricity if it were spent on
renewable energy.
Renewable energies are not rocket science, but simply proven
technologies that produce minimal pollution, are pretty much free
to run once built, and will produce immediate benefits for
communities who can be taught how to manufacture South African
versions of renewable energy technologies. Zimbabwe and India are
doing very well building wind turbines. South Africa can build
wind turbines with at least 60% local content - unlike the
proposed nuclear reactors, which will mainly be imported. The
economics work - many more jobs are created from renewable
energy, no matter what proponents of dinosaur technologies may
say.
The world's leading economies, mainly in the European Union, are
moving away from coal, oil and nuclear power. It makes sense for
fossil and nuclear energy companies in those countries to look
elsewhere for new markets, but it should not be Africa or
anywhere in the South. We are not the dumping ground of the
North's failed technologies. We deserve better.
Muna Lakhani is a member of Earthlife Africa Johannesburg and
Gauteng campaign coordinator for the Nuclear Energy Costs the
Earth Campaign
Copyright © 2002 Mail & Guardian. All rights reserved.
*****************************************************************
4 Russia seals deal with Myanmar
WorldNetDaily:
MAY 17 2002
Plan to build nuclear reactor reduces China's influence
Posted: May 17, 2002
Editor's note: In partnership with Stratfor, the global
intelligence company, WorldNetDaily publishes daily updates on
international affairs provided by the respected private research
and analysis firm. Look for fresh updates each afternoon, Monday
through Friday. In addition, WorldNetDaily invites you to
consider STRATFOR membership, entitling you to a wealth of
international intelligence reports usually available only to top
executives, scholars, academic institutions and press agencies.
© 2002 WorldNetDaily.com
The Russian government announced yesterday that it signed an
agreement with Myanmar's military regime to build a nuclear
reactor, a deal that likely will reduce China's influence in the
Southeast Asian state. Although the Myanmar regime's opposition
claims the deal could lead to nuclear proliferation in their
country, the nation does not have the capabilities for such
goals, according to Stratfor, the global intelligence company.
The new nuclear center will include a 10-megawatt research
reactor, two laboratories and a nuclear waste site, Agence
France-Presse reported. Russia did not indicate the cost or the
commencement date of the project. Because of its strategic
proximity to China and India, Myanmar plays an important role in
their attempts to both increase their influence in the region and
reduce that of the other. Russia also likely hopes that its
involvement in the reactor project will raise its geopolitical
relevance to the players with an interest in Myanmar.
Despite concerns over the reactor's use, the military junta in
Yangon maintains that it will be used for medical and research
purposes that they hope will lead to the production of energy.
Despite having significant gas resources, Myanmar suffers from a
severe energy and electricity shortage, with regular blackouts
lasting up to three days, The Associated Press reported.
Though the country has an abundance of rivers and therefore
hydropower plants, it does not generate nearly the amount of
energy required to supply the whole country. Yangon does not have
the economic resources with which to build the necessary energy
generators and must look to aid from other countries.
Japan announced May 10 it would give the military regime $4.9
million to renovate a hydroelectric power plant built in the
1950s that is currently running below capacity. Tokyo reported
that the total renovations for the plant would cost $24 million.
China is also helping Myanmar build three hydropower plants in
Paunglaung, Mone and Thaphanseik.
This electricity shortage only serves to worsen Myanmar's pitiful
health-care system. The World Health Organization has called the
health services in the country the second-worst among 191
countries, with more than 500,000 Myanmar citizens having the HIV
virus, according to U.N. statistics, and one-third of children
under the age of five malnourished.
Although the country obviously has more pressing needs, the junta
may very well wish to develop nuclear weapons. The regime has
shown extreme reluctance to loosen its grip on power, despite
releasing democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest
May 6. Although the international community would condemn such a
move, the possession of nuclear weapons would extend the already
isolated regime's importance and influence.
But developing nuclear weapons takes considerable monetary
resources (which Myanmar doesn't have), considerable knowledge of
nuclear development (which the state's scientists do not possess)
or cooperation from another country.
North Korea presents a viable option for Myanmar, and in a
February report the CIA alleged that the regime has produced
enough plutonium for one, possibly two nuclear warheads.
Pyongyang, however, is not known for proliferating nuclear
technology, and Yangon doesn't have the cash to convince them to
change their tune.
Furthermore, Russia would not cooperate in the advancement of
Yangon's nuclear capabilities. Russian President Vladimir Putin
has operated with a newfound pro-Western orientation since the
Sept. 11 terrorist attacks. Moscow and Washington are set to sign
an agreement at the end of May that would require each to reduce
their nuclear arsenals from about 6,000 to the range of 2,200 to
1,700 in 10 years, Agence France-Presse reported.
Despite the arguments against their claims, Myanmar's opposition
is trying to further its own political goals with its warnings
that the junta could use the reactor project to attain nuclear
technology. The opposition wants to take control of the
government -- after the military refused to recognize the
National League for Democracy's electoral victory in 1990 -- and
knows that if it can convince Washington that the junta is
actively seeking to amass such capabilities, the United States
will openly seek the removal of the military from the government.
But this is not likely to happen, as Washington has not issued a
condemnation of the Russia-Myanmar project, but rather urged for
safeguards against the military use of the reactor.
The issue of nuclear proliferation aside, the project will bring
many benefits -- geopolitical and otherwise -- to those involved.
With most in the West shunning and sanctioning Myanmar, it has
limited options as far as which countries it can look to for aid,
support, trade, etc.
Although India is vying for influence in the country, its fervent
support of the democratic opposition "left the door open for the
blossoming of ties between Myanmar's junta and the Chinese
government," Asia Times reported. Beijing has since expanded
links with Myanmar to include military, economic and political
relations. During Chinese President Jiang Zemin's visit to Yangon
in December 2001, the junta freed 200 political prisoners as a
sign of goodwill, and China promised over $9 million in aid
without discussing the intentions for the money.
India has tried to push back into Myanmar's sphere of influence.
Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh has visited Yangon twice since
November 2000. Myanmar's dependence on Russia for help in
developing a nuclear reactor will reduce China's importance to
the country and will help even the playing field for India. The
junta itself does not want Beijing to have too much influence in
the internal operations of Myanmar.
Russia, for its part, will gain a greater position in the
Southeast Asian political landscape. Russia in 2001 sold Myanmar
10 MiG-29 fighters for the price of $130 million. Helping the
closed country build a nuclear reactor will give Moscow a bit
more leverage in the political developments of Myanmar.
With the argument about nuclear proliferation a non-issue, the
nuclear reactor will benefit most of the countries with a stake
in Myanmar. The Chinese are the only party left on the sidelines.
But it won't take too long before they get back in the game with
a play of their own.
© 2002 WorldNetDaily.com, Inc.
*****************************************************************
5 N.K. experts visit South to pave way for direct air link
Korea Herald!!_National
http://www.koreaherald.com
A group of 10 North Korean experts arrived in Seoul yesterday to
look over South Korean airports in preparation for the proposed
opening of a direct inter-Korean air route over the East Sea,
officials here said.
The air route, if opened, will link the North's Seondeok Airport
in Hamheung, South Hamgyeong Province, and the South's Yangyang
Airport in Gangwon Province, and will be used to transport
workers and materials for the construction of nuclear reactors in
the North.
During its six-day stay in South Korea, the North Korean
delegation will visit Yangyang Airport, Gimhae International
Airport near Busan and nuclear power plants in Uljin in North
Gyeongsang Province, said officials at the Korean Peninsula
Energy Development Organization (KEDO).
KEDO, a U.S.-led international consortium, is building two
1,000-megawatt light water reactors in the energy-starved North
under a 1994 deal, in which North Korea promised to freeze its
suspected nuclear weapons program.
Sources said the 10-strong delegation includes six experts from
the North's Air Koryo, whose jetliners are expected to be used
for the inter-Korean air link.
"KEDO and North Korea are negotiating over the plan to open the
direct air route, but nothing has been determined yet. The North
Korean experts' visit is part of the negotiations," a KEDO
official said.
They are scheduled to visit Gimhae International Airport because
it will be used as the substitute for Yangyang Airport in case of
bad weather conditions, the official added.
The North Koreans' trip came about two weeks after Pyongyang
abruptly called off a scheduled round of economic talks with
Seoul, after taking issue with South Korean foreign minister's
controversial remarks made in Washington.
In December, a 19-member delegation composed of North Korean
officials and experts made a two-week visit to the South to
observe South Korean nuclear facilities.
(jihoho@koreaherald.co.kr By Kim Ji-ho Staff reporter
2002.05.20
(C) Copyright 2000 Digital Korea Herald.
*****************************************************************
6 Korea: NK Team Arrives to Inspect Airports and Reactor
Digital Chosunilbo
The Chosun Ilbo
05/19(Sun) 17:27
A team of 10 North Korean technicians related with the KEDO
project to build nuclear reactors in the North, and Koryo
Airlines arrived in Seoul, Sunday, by way of Beijing to inspect
facilities at Yangyang International Airport, prior to launching
direct flights to Seondeok Airport in the North's South Hamgyeong
Province. The flights will ferry personnel and materials for the
light water reactor program.
The visit is the second since December 2001, when a team of 19
technicians paid a two-week visit to Seoul to explore education
and training facilities for North Koreans who will run the
reactors.
The delegation, including chief delegate Ahn Yeong-hwan the
chairman of the North Korean side of the KEDO project will check
out Yangyang for six days; Gimhae International Airport, to be
used when Yangyang is not available; and Ulgin nuclear power
plant, which is the same design as that in the North.
A South Korean delegation of aviation experts visited Seondeok
airport in 1997.
(Kim In-gu, ginko@chosun.com)
Copyright (c)1995-2001, DIGITAL CHOSUN All rights reserved.
*****************************************************************
7 Alert sparks nuke debate: Plant security rapped, defended
Bostonherald.com E-NEWS
by Jules Crittenden
Sunday, May 19, 2002
Last week's alert that terrorists might try to attack a nuclear
power plant in the Northeast on the Fourth of July and use it to
create a ``dirty bomb'' may have been only a false alarm. But the
power-generating reactors dotting the region remain alluring
targets that are inadequately defended despite Sept. 11's
heads-up, critics say.
Nuclear industry spokesmen counter that plant security is high
and reactor containment structures probably are ``robust'' enough
to thwart air attacks at Plymouth's Pilgrim plant and Seabrook
Station on the New Hampshire border.
But critics say sophisticated terror attacks were never figured
into plant construction and security plans. They say the
consequences of an attack are too dire not to take extreme
security steps.
``If al-Qaeda could turn a nuclear power plant into a weapon,
that would be the most devastating effect that could be made,''
said U.S. Rep. Edward Markey, D-Malden, noting that intelligence
agencies have identified several cases of terrorist interest in
the plants. He is pushing several measures intended to safeguard
the plants.
Pat Skibbee, a longtime activist who works near Seabrook, said,
``Since September 11, it's been even clearer that nuclear power
plants are a constant vulnerability and a constant threat over
the heads of millions of Americans.''
The death toll from a radiation release could range from
hundreds to thousands within 10 miles of a plant, depending on
the extent of damage, which way the wind is blowing, and even the
time of day and the season - whether people are at home or at
work or packed into a nearby vacation area. Long-term cancers
could kill thousands more up to 100 miles away, and large tracts
of land could be rendered uninhabitable, experts say.
``Something like this would wreak overwhelming economic havoc on
whatever region was affected,'' Markey said. Industry officials,
however, say security problems and the potential for a
catastrophic attack have been grossly exaggerated.
``We have been doing everything possible to strengthen what we
believe was always a strong security program for the plants,''
said Nuclear Regulatory Commission spokesman Victor Drick. ``The
public should be assured that we take these threats seriously.''
He and others said that while plants weren't built to withstand
air attacks, they rely on airport security to prevent hijackings,
and the intelligence services and military to identify and
respond to airborne threats.
At Pilgrim and Seabrook, the reactors are surrounded by layers
of reinforced concrete and steel between six and 10 feet thick.
While spent fuel rod storage pools have less protection,
spokesmen say the tanks also are heavily built with multiple,
redundant systems to keep the rods wet and make sure they don't
start burning.
Critics have called for the dispersal of spent rods in ``dry
cask'' containers in which they may be less susceptible to
overheating - at a cost of tens of millions of dollars per plant
- but nuclear officials say that step is unnecessary.
``This is not the World Trade Center,'' said Seabrook spokesman
Alan Griffith. ``You've got an extremely well-fortified piece of
design we think would withstand a massive impact. We're not
talking about glass and steel . . . It would pose an incredible
task for even the most talented pilot to hit the dome, let alone
the spent-fuel pool.''
While critics have compared private plant security forces to
poorly trained ``mall cops,'' Griffith called Seabrook's force
``paramilitary'' and said ``to even make that connection to what
level of security we have is absurd . . . we're vigilant, we're
prepared.''
To thwart truck bombs, vehicles now face barriers before they
get near the plants. Plymouth's David Tarantino said security
guards, many ex-military, are well-paid, receive weapons and
tactical training, and operate under ``shoot-to-kill'' policies.
Tarantino also disputed claims that plants conduct inadequate
checks on employees, saying each worker undergoes several
psychological, substance abuse and criminal background checks.
Markey, noting that the Sept. 11 terrorists would have passed
criminal background checks, countered that he wants to see full
FBI security clearance investigations such as government
officials undergo.
``We've told the NRC, we'll do what you and the military say,''
Tarantino said. ``We know how to produce electricity. We don't
know what is necessary to defend against invasion. For that we
rely on the military.''
Massachusetts Public Safety Secretary James Jajuga said several
squads of National Guard troops patrol Pilgrim's perimeter on a
24-hour basis. He said intelligence gathering and sharing from
local police and citizens up to state and federal agencies is
happening at unprecedented levels, something he hopes will thwart
terror attacks. Jajuga said he is satisifed with the results of
two state police reviews of security at Pilgrim. As a former
state senator on the New Hampshire border, he said he has toured
Seabrook several times and is confident in that plant's security
as well.
``As far as I'm concerned, they (private plant security forces)
are well trained,'' he said.
But Gordon Thompson, an engineering expert at the Institute for
Resource and Security Studies in Cambridge who has studied
nuclear security for two decades, said, ``The plants are lightly
defended. They are not defended against air attack in any
manner.''
While Thompson agrees with industry advocates that the plants
are ``robust'' in construction, they have vulnerable points he
declined to list. While the likelihood of a catastrophic incident
is remote under normal circumstances, he said, ``If you introduce
a determined and technically sophisticated enemy, the probability
becomes what you choose to make it.''
Markey said that in the wake of Sept. 11, he managed to pass a
House measure that, when signed, will require stockpiling of
potassium iodide to thwart some forms of radiation illness.
Markey also is calling for a federalized security force and
otherwise heightened military presence while the al-Qaeda threat
persists. Another Markey amendment awaiting Senate approval will
require the NRC to revisit its ``design basis threat,'' the
assumptions on which the NRC base its regulations. By reopening
the regulatory process, Markey said, the NRC can be compelled to
consider a range of post-Sept. 11 scenarios he said are not now
addressed in plant defenses.
Activist Skibbee said ultimately, she believes there is only one
answer. ``They are undefendable. They are compromising U.S.
national security and each person's personal security. Why? So
each company can make a profit. The plants should be shut down.''
© Copyright by the Boston Herald
*****************************************************************
8 Federal regulators approve transfer of Yankee's operating
license to Entergy
Boston Globe Online: Print it!
By Associated Press, 5/17/2002 17:59
BRATTLEBORO, Vt. (AP) The proposed sale of Vermont Yankee nuclear
power plant to Entergy Corp. won federal approval on Friday.
The Nuclear Regulatory Commission approved the transfer of the
plant's operating license to the Mississippi-based company.
The move was the second federal approval the deal has received,
Vermont Yankee officials said. The Federal Energy Regulatory
Commission unanimously approved the sale on Feb. 1., stating that
the sale will ''not adversely affect competition, rates or
regulation.''
The sale is awaiting a decision by the Vermont Public Service
Board.
The Department of Public Service told the board earlier this
month that the proposed sale to Entergy Nuclear Inc. is in the
best interests of the state and should be approved.
Three environmental groups oppose the sale, while one consumer
group says it should be conditioned on a requirement that some of
the money received for the nuclear plant be returned to
ratepayers.
Vermont Yankee and Entergy are hoping for a decision from the
board by mid-June.
The final arguments earlier this month capped a process that
began last August, when Vermont Yankee's utility owners announced
they had reached a deal to sell the plant to Entergy Nuclear for
$180 million.
The deal also contains a power buyback agreement under which CVPS
and GMP agree to continue taking their current allotment of power
from the Vernon reactor, and to pay Entergy for it.
*****************************************************************
9 Davis-Besse Nuke plant probe involves Congress
[http://www.daytondailynews.com]
Associated Press
WASHINGTON | A congressional committee will send investigators
next week to the Davis-Besse nuclear plant in Ohio, where an
acid leak burned a hole in the reactor cap.
House Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman Billy Tauzin said
he called for the review so lawmakers could get a firsthand
account of the damage.
‘‘Public confidence in the safety of nuclear energy is
critically important to our long-range energy needs,’’ said
Tauzin, R-La.
Rep. Paul Gillmor, R-Ohio, said Friday the investigators will
help lawmakers determine why the damage wasn’t found earlier and
what should be done to keep nuclear energy safe.
In March, inspectors found leaks in reactor nozzles had allowed
boric acid to eat a hole in the 6-inch-thick steel cap that
covers the plant’s reactor vessel. It’s the most extensive
corrosion found on top of a U.S. nuclear plant reactor.
‘‘We want to make sure that whatever problems that are taking
place at Davis-Besse don’t happen at other plants,’’ said
Gillmor, a Republican whose northwest Ohio district includes the
plant along Lake Erie.
An industrywide review by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission of
the 68 other nuclear plants with similar designs and conditions
has reported nothing similar to what led to the corrosion at
Davis-Besse.
Two staff members from the committee will visit the plant on
Tuesday and meet with NRC officials and representatives from
FirstEnergy Corp., which runs the plant located about 25 miles
east of Toledo, Ohio.
Gillmor said the committee will then decide whether it should
hold a hearing on the topic and what, if any, legislation is
needed to safeguard the nuclear industry.
A spokesman for the Senate committee that oversees NRC
operations said the panel wasn’t planning its own investigation.
FirstEnergy spokesman Richard Wilkins said Friday the company
welcomes congressional investigations.
‘‘The more people like this that go through the plant and get
their questions answered, the better,’’ he said.
The congressional probe comes as Reps. Marcy Kaptur, D-Ohio,
and Edward Markey, D-Mass., are calling on the NRC to answer
questions about the damage.
Environmental and nuclear activists also have asked federal
regulators for an independent review of the damage at the
25-year-old plant.
The NRC plans to answer Kaptur and Markey’s questions by next
month and has not yet made a decision on the request for an
independent review of the plant, agency spokesman Jan Strasma
said.
He said the agency was expected this week to begin an internal
review of the agency’s regulatory requirements and performance
during the Davis-Besse investigation.
The plant was shut down in February for refueling and isn’t
expected to be restarted until September. The NRC must first
approve the company’s proposal for repairing the reactor head.
[From the Dayton Daily News: 05.18.2002]
[http://www.daytondailynews.com] | Local index | Today's print
edition local section
Copyright © 2002, Cox Ohio Publishing. All rights reserved.
*****************************************************************
10 Nuclear reactor reduces capacity after malfunction in Ukraine
Sat May 18, 8:37 AM ET
KIEV, Ukraine - Operators reduced the capacity of a nuclear
reactor at Ukraine's Zaporizhia atomic power plant by 35 percent
Saturday after a malfunction in its circulation pump, officials
said.
The radiation level at the plant was normal, and works to repair
the defect continue, the Emergency Situations Ministry said.
Ukraine was site of world's worst nuclear accident in 1986, when
a reactor at the Chernobyl plant exploded and spewed radiation
over Europe. Chernobyl was closed down for good in 2000.
Minor malfunctions at Ukraine's four nuclear power plants occur
frequently, but don't usually cause radiation leaks. Currently,
10 Ukrainian reactors are functioning, while three others are
under repair.
(ms/jh)
Copyright © 2002 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.
The
*****************************************************************
11 Radioactive remains: The state's decommissioned Yankee Rowe
nuclear power plant forced to relocate waste
MetroWest Daily News.c o m - LOCAL NEWS
By Adam Gorlick / Associated Press
Sunday, May 19, 2002
ROWE - Tucked into the pristine stillness of the Berkshires, just
a few hundred yards from the Vermont border, this seems like an
unlikely place to find nuclear waste.
But nestled in the forested hills rolling through this town of
360 people is the hulking shell of Yankee Rowe, one of the
country's first nuclear power plants and home to the radioactive
remains of a utility that produced enough electricity for 5,000
households.
Shut down in 1992 after 31 years of operation, the plant began
decommissioning a year later. The process was supposed to be
helped by the federal government's promise to start carting away
the plant's waste in 1998.
Four years after missing that deadline, a bill is now moving
through Congress to create a repository for the country's spent
nuclear fuel. But with that facility's opening at least eight
years away, Yankee Rowe is about to start a six-month procedure
of moving its own waste to a new onsite storage system.
"We were never intended to be a storage site," said Brian Wood,
Yankee's site manager. "We've been waiting for the government to
take this stuff away."
After being submerged in a 40-year-old 150,000-gallon pool of
water, more than 266,000 pounds of radioactive waste is about to
resurface.
Beginning next month, workers will raise the plant's 533 spent
fuel assemblies and entomb them in 15 outdoor casks -
13-foot-tall concrete containers that officials say can withstand
earthquakes, tornadoes and small plane crashes.
Industry officials call it "dry cask storage," and say it's
safer than keeping the waste in a pool. Dry storage costs about
$1.5 million a year, $2 million less than maintaining the cooling
pools, they say.
Getting the waste outside also will allow workers to dismantle
the plant, a task that can't be done with an indoor cooling pool
in use.
The radioactive waste will be air-cooled as it sits in
ventilated casks. Water-cooling requires moving parts and
manpower, increasing the cost and opportunities for error.
But moving the high-level radioactive material is risky, and
workers at Yankee Rowe spent the past week practicing how to make
the move as safe as possible.
The spent fuel - uranium pellets about the length of a thumbnail
- is packed in long, thin rods bundled into 533 rectangular fuel
assemblies.
Unshielded, it generates enough radiation to kill.
Cranes will lift the fuel assemblies into steel canisters. Those
canisters will be hoisted from the cooling pool, dried off, and
welded shut. Much of the operation will be remote-controlled,
protecting workers from too much radiation exposure.
Once the canisters are plugged, they'll be trucked about 300
feet to the outdoor storage site and sealed inside the
21-inch-thick concrete casks with 3.5-inch-thick steel liners.
The casks, each weighing 110 tons fully loaded, will stand on a
3-foot-thick concrete pad until the Department of Energy takes
them away.
"They appear to be in good enough shape to move the spent fuel
from the pool," said John Wray, a nuclear engineer with Nuclear
Regulatory Commission who oversaw the past week's dress
rehearsal. "They can safely operate the equipment to accomplish
the task in a safe manner without exposing anybody to excessive
levels of radiation."
Security has been heightened at all working and decommissioned
nuclear power plants since Sept. 11, and guards at Yankee Rowe
holster pistols on their hips and have long guns slung across
their backs. Jersey barriers, barbed wire fences and security
checkpoints around the 10-acre plant ensure nobody stumbles onto
the site.
But the threat of terrorist attacks is still on the minds of
plant workers and community members.
"The fuel is safe just standing there untouched in the casks,"
said Gailanne Cariddi, chairwoman of the Citizens Advisory Board,
a group of area residents and business leaders that serves as a
liaison between Yankee and local communities.
"The concern is the security on the outside," she said.
"Everyone needs to be sure that's in place."
There are now 21 dry cask facilities across the country. Two are
at decommissioned plants. Within a year, the NRC expects six
decommissioned plants to be using dry casks, agency officials
said.
The move at Yankee Rowe will come about a month after the U.S.
House approved a plan to store 77,000 tons of used reactor fuel
accumulating in 39 states at Yucca Mountain in the Nevada desert.
If the Senate approves the plan this summer, it will be at least
eight years before Yankee's fuel is moved.
And if the government comes for it in 2010, there's no guarantee
they'll take it all at once, said Kelley Smith, a Yankee Rowe
spokeswoman.
Given the uncertainty of Yucca Mountain, Yankee Rowe is licensed
to keep the waste in dry storage for 20 years. The casks
themselves will last at least 40 years, Wood said.
"After that, we check the integrity of the structures if need
be," he said.
The federal government's inability to move Yankee's waste is at
the center of a $71 million lawsuit the company filed against the
Department of Energy. Yankee wants to be reimbursed for storing
the waste for the 12 years from the time the federal government
promised to take the waste until the earliest Yucca Mountain will
be ready.
"It makes no sense to keep waste here," Smith said. "But as long
as we have to keep it here, we're going to do it as safely and
cost-effectively as possible."
On the Net: http://www.yankee.com/
© Copyright by the MetroWest Daily News and
*****************************************************************
12 With future of nation's nuclear waste uncertain, Yankee Rowe
moves spent fuel to cheaper, safer storage
bostonherald.com
Associated Press
Saturday, May 18, 2002
ROWE, Mass. - Tucked into the pristine stillness of the
Berkshires, just a few hundred yards from the Vermont border,
this seems like an unlikely place to find nuclear waste.
But nestled in the forested hills rolling through this town of
360 people is the hulking shell of Yankee Rowe, one of the
country's first nuclear power plants and home to the radioactive
remains of a utility that produced enough electricity for 5,000
households.
Shut down in 1992 after 31 years of operation, the plant began
decommissioning a year later. The process was supposed to be
helped by the federal government's promise to start carting away
the plant's waste in 1998.
Four years after missing that deadline, a bill is now moving
through Congress to create a repository for the country's spent
nuclear fuel. But with that facility's opening at least eight
years away, Yankee Rowe is about to start a six-month procedure
of moving its own waste to a new onsite storage system.
``We were never intended to be a storage site,'' said Brian
Wood, Yankee's site manager. ``We've been waiting for the
government to take this stuff away.''
After being submerged in a 40-year-old, 150,000-gallon pool of
water, more than 266,000 pounds of radioactive waste is about to
resurface.
Beginning next month, workers will raise the plant's 533 spent
fuel assemblies and entomb them in 15 outdoor casks -
13-foot-tall concrete containers that officials say can withstand
earthquakes, tornadoes and small plane crashes.
Industry officials call it ``dry cask storage,'' and say it's
safer than keeping the waste in a pool. Dry storage costs about
$1.5 million a year, $2 million less than maintaining the cooling
pools, they say.
Getting the waste outside also will allow workers to dismantle
the plant, a task that can't be done with an indoor cooling pool
in use.
The radioactive waste will be air-cooled as it sits in
ventilated casks. Water-cooling requires moving parts and
manpower, increasing the cost and opportunities for error.
But moving the high-level radioactive material is risky, and
workers at Yankee Rowe spent the past week practicing how to make
the move as safe as possible.
The spent fuel - uranium pellets about the length of a thumbnail
- is packed in long, thin rods bundled into 533 rectangular fuel
assemblies.
Unshielded, it generates enough radiation to kill.
Cranes will lift the fuel assemblies into steel canisters. Those
canisters will be hoisted from the cooling pool, dried off, and
welded shut. Much of the operation will be remote-controlled,
protecting workers from too much radiation exposure.
Once the canisters are plugged, they'll be trucked about 300
feet to the outdoor storage site and sealed inside the
21-inch-thick concrete casks with 3.5-inch-thick steel liners.
The casks, each weighing 110 tons fully loaded, will stand on a
3-foot-thick concrete pad until the Department of Energy takes
them away.
``They appear to be in good enough shape to move the spent fuel
from the pool,'' said John Wray, a nuclear engineer with Nuclear
Regulatory Commission who oversaw the past week's dress
rehearsal. ``They can safely operate the equipment to accomplish
the task in a safe manner without exposing anybody to excessive
levels of radiation.''
Security has been heightened at all working and decommissioned
nuclear power plants since Sept. 11, and guards at Yankee Rowe
holster pistols on their hips and have long guns slung across
their backs. Jersey barriers, barbed wire fences and security
checkpoints around the 10-acre plant ensure nobody stumbles onto
the site.
But the threat of terrorist attacks is still on the minds of
plant workers and community members.
``The fuel is safe just standing there untouched in the casks,''
said Gailanne Cariddi, chairwoman of the Citizens Advisory Board,
a group of area residents and business leaders that serves as a
liaison between Yankee and local communities.
``The concern is the security on the outside,'' she said.
``Everyone needs to be sure that's in place.''
There are now 21 dry cask facilities across the country. Two are
at decommissioned plants. Within a year, the NRC expects six
decommissioned plants to be using dry casks, agency officials
said.
The move at Yankee Rowe will come about a month after the U.S.
House approved a plan to store 77,000 tons of used reactor fuel
accumulating in 39 states at Yucca Mountain in the Nevada desert.
If the Senate approves the plan this summer, it will be at least
eight years before Yankee's fuel is moved.
And if the government comes for it in 2010, there's no guarantee
they'll take it all at once, said Kelley Smith, a Yankee Rowe
spokeswoman.
Given the uncertainty of Yucca Mountain, Yankee Rowe is licensed
to keep the waste in dry storage for 20 years. The casks
themselves will last at least 40 years, Wood said.
``After that, we check the integrity of the structures if need
be,'' he said.
The federal government's inability to move Yankee's waste is at
the center of a $71 million lawsuit the company filed against the
Department of Energy. Yankee wants to be reimbursed for storing
the waste for the 12 years from the time the federal government
promised to take the waste until the earliest Yucca Mountain will
be ready.
``It makes no sense to keep waste here,'' Smith said. ``But as
long as we have to keep it here, we're going to do it as safely
and cost-effectively as possible.''
Copyright 2001 Associated Press. All rights reserved. This
*****************************************************************
13 Nuclear Reactor Could be Restarted After 17 Year Shutdown
Environment News Service:
HUNTSVILLE, Alabama, May 17, 2002 (ENS) - The Tennessee Valley
Authority has decided to seek permission to restart a reactor at
the Browns Ferry nuclear power plant that was mothballed in 1985.
On Thursday, the three member board of the federally owned
utility approved a staff recommendation to return Unit 1, the
oldest of the facilities three reactors, to service for another
20 years.
Calling it the best business decision to meet long term power
needs in the Tennessee Valley, the TVA board authorized the
utility's staff to ask the Nuclear Regulatory Commission for a 20
year extension of the operating licenses for all three reactors
at the North Alabama plant, and to begin work to recover Unit 1.
[Browns Ferry] Two of the three nuclear reactors at Browns Ferry
are now producing electricity; TVA wants to restart the third
reactor. (Three photos courtesy TVA [http://www.tva.gov] ) If
Unit 1 resumes operations, it will be the first major addition to
the nation's nuclear power supply in more than a decade.
"Returning Browns Ferry 1 to service is the best business
decision for TVA and its customers in terms of power supply,
cost, generation mix, delivered cost of power and the
environment," said TVA chair Glenn McCullough Jr. "This decision
advances our National Energy Policy, which calls for the safe
expansion of nuclear energy, and it meets our objective of
providing affordable, reliable power to the people of the
Tennessee Valley."
TVA says that engineering and planning estimates show that Unit 1
can be returned to operation safely, said TVA chief operating
officer O. J. "Ike" Zeringue, who recommended approval of the
restart to the board.
Citing a detailed engineering estimate presented to the Board in
March, the power supply forecast, an environmental review and a
financial analysis, Zeringue said that returning Browns Ferry
Unit 1 to operation will reduce the cost to consumers of TVA's
power, while causing to "significant, adverse" environmental
impacts.
Restarting Unit 1 is expected to cost from $1.7 billion to $1.8
billion and will take five years to complete. TVA is still about
$25.2 billion in debt from the original construction costs of its
three nuclear power plants, built in the 1970s and 1980s.
[turbines] Workers clean reactor feedwater pump turbine parts at
Browns Ferry. On Thursday, TVA said its financial staff has
determined that the agency can finance the restart while
continuing to reduce the agency's massive debt, though at a
slower pace. Unit 1 is expected to pay for itself after about
eight years of operation, and the additional power it will
produce will help lower TVA's average power costs, the agency
said.
"I believe this is a wise business decision for TVA," said TVA
director Bill Baxter, one of the three board members. "This
investment will pay dividends for the families, businesses and
industry of the Valley in the forms of low cost power, cleaner
air and economic growth."
The two reactors now operating at Browns Ferry have set a number
of records for continuous operating hours. Unit 1 has a history
of problems, including a major fire in 1975 that caused major
damage to the unit's safety systems just two years after it began
operating.
All three Browns Ferry reactors were shut down in 1985 after
engineers learned that the completed plants did not exactly match
their blueprint designs. After several refinements were made, the
plant's Unit 2 was restarted in 1991, and Unit 3 was restarted in
1996.
TVA said Unit 1 was left idle because its generating capacity was
not needed at the time.
Now, the agency facing growing power demand in a region with a
major air pollution problem. Restarting the Unit 1 reactor, which
emits no smog producing pollutants, will help meet energy needs
without adding more air pollution.
[worker] TVA worker Robert Smith logs the access of workers at
Browns Ferry Unit 3. TVA wants to operate all the Browns Ferry
units for another 20 years. "We must balance the responsibility
to provide power to meet future needs with our objectives of
protecting the environment and continuing the trend of debt
reduction," said TVA director Skila Harris, one of the three
board members. "Restarting Unit 1 will provide needed generating
capacity without increasing air emissions, and the financial
analysis shows that we can undertake this project while
continuing the trend of debt reduction."
Approval by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission is the only
official hurdle the TVA must cross before restarting Unit 1, but
some conservation groups say they object to the proposal. Stephen
Smith, executive director of the Southern Alliance for Clean
Energy in Knoxville, Tennessee, has long opposed the planned
restart.
"The plan stinks," Smith said. "Unit 1 was designed to operate
for 40 years, but now TVA wants to add another 20 years on top of
that. And they want the unit to produce 300 megawatts more than
it was designed for, 1,300 instead of 1,000 megawatts. It's a
prescription for a serious problem."
[map] TVA operates three nuclear power plants, including Browns
Ferry in Alabama. (Map courtesy Energy Information Agency
[http://www.eia.doe.gov/] ) Asked whether TVA was making the
right decision in opting to increase its nuclear resources,
rather than its fossil fuel powered plants, Smith said "there are
a lot better alternatives for the [Tennessee] Valley's energy
needs than continuing to generate more radioactive wastes."
David Lochbaum, a nuclear safety engineer at the Union of
Concerned Scientists, a group that petitioned the NRC in 1998 to
revoke the operating license for Browns Ferry Unit 1, noted that
no nuclear power plant in any nation has ever been restarted
after such a long shutdown.
TVA, the nation's largest public power producer, provides power
to large industries and 158 power distributors that serve 8.3
million consumers in seven southeastern states. The agency
operates three nuclear power plants, 11 fossil fueled plants and
29 hydroelectric dams.
© Environment News Service (ENS) 2002. All Rights Reserved.
WEEKEND EDITION: May 19, 2002
Listening to nuclear-power proponents, you might believe the
industry could be the solution to America's energy problems.
Coal plants vomit huge amounts of black, acrid smoke into the
air. Nuclear plants don't.
Natural gas-fired plants don't pollute much, but the cost of
electricity that they produce gyrates wildly.
When natural gas prices soar -- as they did last year -- so
does the price of the electricity produced. Nuclear plants don't
have this problem -- fuel costs are steady, and so is the cost
of electricity produced.
Nuclear plants can also produce massive amounts of electricity,
far more than any other kind of power plant. A single nuclear
plant can provide sufficient electricity to power a major U.S.
city singlehandedly, and it can run for as long as two years
before refueling.
Today 103 nuclear plants supply one-fifth of the electricity
used in the United States. Even Nevada, which has no nuclear
plants, draws 8 percent of its electricity from nuclear sources.
But there's one rock-solid law in economics: Any benefit must
come with an associated cost. And nuclear power has a massive
cost: nuclear waste, one of the most toxic and dangerous
substances known to man.
Radiation from unshielded nuclear rods is intensive enough to
kill a human within minutes -- and these spent rods currently
sit in storage at every nuclear plant in the country.
Nevada officials estimate the rods will remain dangerously
radioactive for the next million years. That is more than five
times longer than modern man -- Homo sapiens -- has existed on
Earth.
So it's not surprising that this nuclear material is a hot
potato that no state wants.
In April, for example, Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham tried
to force South Carolina to take possession of 34 metric tons of
weapons-grade plutonium at the Energy Department's Savannah
River nuclear site, where it could be reprocessed. South
Carolina has more nuclear plants than all but three states, and
draws more than half its power from nuclear sources.
South Carolina Gov. Jim Hodges responded by threatening to
block the route with armed state troopers -- and even said he
was willing to block the road with his own body -- until the
federal government puts the plutonium elsewhere.
Hodges, however, has no such qualms about dumping the waste on
Nevada.
"The nation's most constructive long-term course is to proceed
with the licensing and eventual operation of the Yucca Mountain
facility to relieve South Carolina and other involved states
from the heavy burden of nuclear waste and other materials
stored on site," Hodges wrote in an October letter to Abraham --
even though he admitted later in the letter that guaranteeing
Yucca's suitability for long-term storage was "unachievable."
Burying 77,000 tons of nuclear waste under a mountain ridge in
Southern Nevada will free states such as South Carolina,
Illinois, New York and Pennsylvania from keeping waste that
their plants generate. And it will open the door for an
ever-shrinking group of nuclear power operators to expand
business, something unheard of since the Three Mile Island
disaster in 1979.
"The big push to get Yucca Mountain open is really just about
getting the waste away from the reactor sites so they can build
more reactors in the future," said Bob Loux, Nevada Nuclear
Waste Project director.
Nuclear operators reply that the federal government already
promised it would remove the waste when Congress passed the
Nuclear Waste Policy Act in 1982. So far they've paid $18
billion into a fund to deal with permanent waste disposal -- and
//gotten nothing.
"The federal government has an obligation to take possession of
this material," said Craig Nesbit, spokesman for Chicago-based
Exelon Corp., the single largest operator of U.S. nuclear
plants. "Whether it's Yucca Mountain or another site is another
issue."
Nuclear industry officials aren't willing to predict that their
budding renaissance will be dead if Yucca Mountain dies. But
they acknowledge it will become much more difficult.
"I don't know if there is a yes or no answer, but I'd say it
certainly makes it less feasible," Nesbit said.
A reborn industry
Nuclear power has been discussed in such glowing terms before
-- in the 1950s and '60s. To cover the huge costs of building a
plant, utilities and municipal power agencies often split the
investment and ownership of new plants.
In 1979 the near-meltdown at Three Mile Island, a nuclear plant
10 miles southeast of Harrisburg, Pa., put the clamps on any
further expansion of the nuclear industry. Within 100 miles of
TMI lie Baltimore and Philadelphia; within 200 miles are
Washington, New York and Pittsburgh.
Orders for new plants vanished. Those that were already under
construction saw price tags explode as new safety requirements
went into effect. Nuclear plants went from gold mines to white
elephants.
The situation remained into the 1990s. Then came deregulation
-- and nuclear power was back in vogue.
Under deregulation, many regulated utilities were forced to
sell their generation assets, which put nuclear plants onto the
market. With the nation's demand for electricity soaring,
nuclear power plants became valuable assets -- even more so
because electricity can be sold at higher profit margins into
deregulated markets.
First to move was New Orleans utility holding company Entergy
Corp., which acquired Massachusetts' Pilgrim nuclear power plant
in July 1999 for $81 million.
Since then, nine nuclear plants have been sold. The latest was
April 15 when FPL Group, a Florida utility holding company,
announced it would buy New Hampshire's two-reactor Millstone
plant for $836.6 million.
Prices for nuclear plants began shooting up after natural-gas
prices soared last year, Richard Myers, Nuclear Energy Institute
director of business policy, said.
"Companies learned that volatility can be very painful," Myers
said. "Certainly recent sales have been more costly, but they
(nuclear plants) still look like very dependable, low-cost
sources of electricity."
Just four companies have been buyers: Entergy, Exelon,
Virginia's Dominion Resources and FPL Group. Ironically, one
plant was the remaining Three Mile Island reactor, sold to a
joint venture of Exelon and British Energy in December 1999 for
$20 million.
Following this buying spree, Exelon stands as the nation's
largest nuclear plant operator, with ownership interests in 19
plants. Catching up is Entergy, which owns nine and has signed a
deal to acquire a 10th. Charlotte, N.C.-based Duke Energy Corp.
owns seven, followed by Dominion Resources and Atlanta-based
Southern Co. with six each.
Combined, these five companies control nearly half of all U.S.
nuclear generators.
When a nuclear plant is purchased, it is placed within a
separate subsidiary that sells electricity outside of a
regulated utility. By doing so, companies are able to generate
far higher profits than their previous owners.
For a power plant owner, one of the biggest expenses is
depreciation, the gradual reduction in an asset's value.
Eventually, an asset can be completely depreciated, and the
expense disappears.
But the end of depreciation does little to benefit a regulated
utility, which has a fixed profit margin. The elimination of an
expense such as depreciation is passed directly to ratepayers as
lower rates.
This isn't the case with a nonregulated power seller. The end
of depreciation simply increases profit margins, making older
nuclear plants tremendously profitable.
"Then it's just a question of keeping them running safely,"
Mitch Singer, Nuclear Energy Institute spokesman, said. "Then
it's pure gravy down the line."
By specializing in nuclear generation, the small core of
companies is squeezing more and more electricity out of their
plants. Prior to the industry shift, the nation's nuclear plants
never ran, on average, higher than 80 percent of capacity -- the
theoretical maximum amount of electricity that the plants could
produce.
In 1999 industry performance jumped to 87 percent, and in 2000
to 90 percent. By January the industry was running at 98.5
percent capacity. These numbers were achieved by shortening the
periods nuclear plants are taken out of service while fuel rods
are changed and maintenance is performed.
As a result of greater efficiency and the economics of
deregulation, nuclear power is becoming quite profitable. For
example, in 1999 when Entergy bought its first nuclear plant,
its nuclear business accounted for 1 percent of its revenues and
3 percent of its net income. Last year it owned four plants,
which provided $789 million in revenues, 8 percent of the
company's total. On a net-income basis, nuclear power accounted
for 17 percent of Entergy's total profit in 2001.
Considerable risk
Some suggest that these kinds of profits are coming at a
considerable risk. Arjun Makhijani, president of the
Maryland-based Institute for Energy and Environmental Research,
said that nuclear operators performed routine maintenance during
refueling periods.
"Now they don't even have time to do that," Makhijani said.
"They're taking backup systems offline while operating (for
maintenance). There are times when they don't have backup
systems."
It's a claim the nuclear industry hotly denies.
"Absolutely not," Nesbit said. "You just don't go outside those
(safety) limits."
Squeezing more life out of these plants is the immediate goal
of the industry. Many older plants have only a few years left on
operating licenses -- and that's started a push for license
renewals.
The Nuclear Energy Institute says eight reactors so far have
received 20-year renewals. Another 15 have filed for renewal
while 27 more are expected to do so soon. These have proceeded
without a permanent repository, although waste continues to pile
up at the plants.
However, the next step goes beyond simply extending the lives
of plants. What nuclear operators and the Bush administration
have in mind is nothing less than the drastic expansion of
nuclear power.
It's a simple formula, Myers figures. The United States now has
800,000 megawatts of generation capacity. Twenty years from now,
it will need an additional 400,000 megawatts.
"We believe that nuclear can and should and must represent some
portion of that new building, perhaps 50,000 to 60,000
megawatts," Myers said. "Having a diverse portfolio of fuels is
a good thing. Like an investment portfolio, you don't want to be
100 percent in equities."
Construction on new plants could begin around 2006 or 2007,
with "a significant level" getting under way after 2010, Myers
said.
A large nuclear plant generates roughly 1,000 megawatts of
electricity, suggesting another 50 to 60 nuclear reactors -- at
a minimum -- would have to be built. Yucca opponents say these
plans are among the biggest reasons for the push to build the
repository.
"Without a repository, they can't even talk about it,"
Makhijani said. "It's impossible."
The nuclear industry is reluctant to draw the same conclusion.
"I do not think it is a prerequisite," Myers said. "What is
necessary is a plausible program to manage the spent fuel from
the plants. As long as it's moving forward, I think you have
what you need to justify the construction of new plants."
On the same day President Bush recommended Yucca Mountain as
the nation's nuclear waste repository, his administration
offered three federal sites for companies to consider for new
nuclear plants.
Since then, three companies -- Exelon, Entergy and Dominion
Resources -- indicated they will examine building nuclear plants.
One major argument in favor of a Yucca repository has been
moving the waste away from nuclear plants to a central site. But
it is guaranteed that, as long as a nuclear plant is operating,
some waste will be stored there.
Nuclear fuel rods can't simply be pulled from a reactor, placed
on a truck and shipped out. A freshly removed fuel rod is
extremely hot, and must be placed in a cooling pond for as long
as seven years before removal, Nesbit said.
At many plants, those cooling pools have doubled as temporary
waste storage centers as the nuclear rods pile up. As these
pools run out of room, more operators are turning to "dry cask
storage" as a solution.
Eighteen nuclear sites have dry cask storage centers, which are
essentially huge concrete bunkers. While they keep radioactive
material safely locked away, "these are not designed to be there
for 10,000 years," Nesbit said.
But will Yucca Mountain be enough to hold all of the nuclear
waste scattered around the country? Unlikely, Makhijani said.
Too much waste?
At a minimum, 40,000 tons of waste now exists. The nation's
currently operating nuclear plants, even before relicensing,
will eventually double that amount, Makhijani estimates --
slightly more than Yucca's maximum capacity of 77,000 tons.
Relicensing would increase that amount by another 40,000 tons,
Makhijani said. Waste from the military and new nuclear plants
would push up the total even farther.
Add it up, and the ultimate amount of waste requiring disposal
within 20 to 30 years could exceed 120,000 tons -- 43,000 tons
more than Yucca is designed to hold.
Singer said engineers have begun examining the possibility that
Yucca would be required to store more waste, and expressed
confidence it could.
"Capacitywise, it could hold significantly more -- over 100,000
tons," Singer said.
But Makhijani insists it isn't that simple. Tunnels would be
difficult to extend because of Yucca Mountain's fault structure,
he said.
Cramming the waste in the tunnels more tightly would generate
more heat, and could risk cracking the rock meant to protect the
environment from the waste, Makhijani said.
And that, he concludes, means that Yucca will not give other
states what they crave: a way to be rid of the waste forever --
unless a second repository is found.
"We have lots of little piles around the country," Makhijani
said. "Now we're just adding one site. The only way to subtract
a site is to close the reactors."
Photo: Spent solid nuclear waste is stored in bunkers
Las Vegas SUN main page
All contents copyright 2002 Las Vegas SUN, Inc.
*****************************************************************
28 N-Board Rejects Utah Plea
The Salt Lake Tribune --
Saturday, May 18, 2002
BY JUDY FAHYS
THE SALT LAKE TRIBUNE
Dealing a blow to the state's case against storing nuclear
waste upwind from Salt Lake City, a federal panel said Friday it
won't look into the possibility that casks of spent fuel might be
stranded if a utility consortium proposing the project goes bust
someday.
The U.S. Atomic Safety and Licensing Board ruled the grim
scenario is already being considered by regulators separately, so
there is no need for the licensing panel to revisit cost-benefit
studies that support building a waste-storage facility in Tooele
County, 45 miles from Salt Lake City.
The decision on "orphaned" casks was a victory for an
eight-utility consortium that wants to build the above-ground
storage and a defeat for Utah state government, the facility's
most vocal opponent, during the fifth week of licensing board
hearings in Utah.
The facility proposed by the consortium, Private Fuel
Storage, would hold the equivalent of all the spent nuclear fuel
created in the United States so far. The fuel would be stored in
huge casks of concrete and steel on the Skull Valley Reservation
of the Goshute tribe in Tooele County.
State attorneys wanted the board to consider whether
proponents are overconfident of the project's financial viability
and, consequently, of the certainty that the casks will be
removed when the project's 20-year license expires. The project
only makes sense financially, the state contended, if cost
estimates cover 40 years, which would include two decades needed
to move the casks onto the site as well as the time necessary to
relocate the waste to a permanent disposal facility.
Licensing Board Chairman Michael Farrar said there was no
point in studying the financial question, and the long-term
environmental impacts related to it, because money issues are
already pending before another licensing judge. He added that his
board had no way to clear up a dispute about "orphaned" casks
that was raised in an environmental impact statement on the
project.
"There is no assertion of environmental damage" in the
state's request, Farrar said.
The consortium's financial plans, which must include money
for removing the casks, have been under review by the licensing
board since last year. Considered lethal for at least 10,000
years, the waste would be coming from nuclear plants around the
nation that have run out of underground storage on site.
Utah, which has no nuclear plants, has resisted having a
waste parking lot within its borders for fear of becoming a
permanent repository for depleted nuclear fuel if permanent
disposal is not secured or if the proposed repository at Yucca
Mountain, Nev., runs out of room.
The licensing board will resume its hearings in Salt Lake
City for one week starting June 3 and conclude them over two
weeks at its headquarters outside of Washington, D.C. Its final
decision, originally expected last month, was pushed forward this
week to late November.
On Wednesday, the state contended project proponents had used
fuzzy math in calculating that there is just a tiny danger of a
jet fighter crashing into the 100-acre facility.
New York nuclear-waste management consultant Marvin Resnikoff
told the board this week that proponents had used an unproven
mathematical formula to determine there is just a
one-in-one-million chance an F-16 fighter jet will careen into
the storage site, which lies on the flight path between Hill Air
Force Base and the Utah Test and Training Range.
Though deemed improbable by the consortium and the staff for
the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission, the licensing board's
parent agency, the true crash hazard has not been proved, Utah
Assistant Attorney General Jim Soper said.
"We just don't know if this works or not," said Soper, adding
finding a location for the waste "is one of the most important
decisions the country is going to make."
Private Fuel Storage concluded that the risk of an F-16
careening into the nuclear storage casks is lower than one in
one-million by using a mathematical factor for fighter pilots
steering their faltering planes past the site. The nuclear
regulatory staff also validated that formula, although it has
never before been used in licensing a commercial nuclear
facility.
Proponents insist that, even if a crash does occur, the
steel-and-concrete casks will not crack open. And, even if the
casks did crack, the amount of radioactive material released will
be small, equal to no more than a few X-rays.
If the state can convince the licensing board the risk is
greater than one in one-million, proponents will need to review
"what-if" scenarios that examine how people and the environment
would be affected by crashes. The site, if approved, would hold
44,000 tons of discarded fuel.
© Copyright 2002, The Salt Lake Tribune
*****************************************************************
29 Critics of Yucca disposal have no alternative
Editorial: Wasteful worrying /
Pittsburgh, PA
Saturday, May 18, 2002
The U.S. House of Representatives has decided by a 306-117 vote
to proceed with a 24-year-old program to consolidate storage of
American nuclear waste in a titanium-lined container to be buried
in Yucca Mountain, Nev. It's the right approach to a difficult
problem.
Critics of the Yucca Mountain facility, to be located 90 miles
northwest of Las Vegas, make several arguments.
One is a variation on the generic argument -- with references to
Three Mile Island and Chernobyl -- that nuclear power is unsafe.
Never mind that the Three Mile Island incident could just as well
be cited as an example of a swift and effective response to a
problem at a nuclear power facility, or that Chernobyl was a
product of outdated Soviet technology and lax maintenance.
Actually, there is an environmental case to be made in favor of
nuclear power, which arguably poses less of a threat to public
health than the burning of fossil fuels. But, even if one opposes
the use of nuclear power in the future, the problem of waste from
the past remains.
A more focused argument against the Yucca project is safety.
What, critics ask, if there were an earthquake -- Yucca is in a
seismically active area -- and the nuclear waste stored there
were somehow released?
The definitive response to that objection in our view is the
fact that nuclear waste is currently stored at some 131 sites
around the country, including six in Pennsylvania, each of them
almost certainly more vulnerable to accident -- or terrorist
attack, another much-cited scenario -- than Yucca will be when it
is set up as planned. The Yucca storage facility will be closely
guarded, state-of-the-art and subject to constant upgrading.
Critics also note that the spent fuel at the current 131 sites
will have to be transported across country by road or by rail to
Yucca for storage, presenting opportunities for accidents. But
that danger, if it exists, is much less than the risks associated
with the current dispersion of spent fuel across the country.
Indeed, the most worrisome aspect of transporting waste to Yucca
is that, if news of the trips becomes known to extremist
demonstrators, the transfer process could become both unpleasant
and dangerous.
Finally, opposition comes from Nevada politicians, some of whom
understandably take a "not in my backyard" approach to the
question. But it is not a question of burying the stuff under
downtown Las Vegas. Yucca Mountain is truly in the middle of
nowhere -- an area that is largely uninhabited and uninhabitable.
Since the inception of the disposal project Yucca Mountain has
been considered the best bet for the $58 billion project. It
still is.
In the end, even though no one really wants the spent nuclear
fuel storage facility around, it has to be somewhere, and the
House was right to say to the Nevadans that, due to their
topography, demographics and experience in nuclear matters, they
get it. The Senate should now follow the lead of the House in
approving the project and President Bush should sign the bill
when completed.
Copyright ©1997-2002 PG Publishing Co., Inc. All Rights
*****************************************************************
30 Leavitt seeking N-waste support
[deseretnews.com]
Tuesday, May 14, 2002
By Lee Davidson
Deseret News Washington correspondent
WASHINGTON — Utah Gov. Mike Leavitt spent Tuesday seeking
Bush administration support for a one-two punch that Rep. Jim
Hansen, R-Utah, quietly buried deep in the annual defense bill.
Hansen attached a provision to create 500,000 acres of
wilderness in the western desert beneath airspace of the Air
Force's Utah Test and Training Range (UTTR).
Those wilderness acres would just happen to block a rail
spur needed to deliver nuclear waste to a repository proposed by
Midwest utilities for the Goshute Indian Reservation, which
Leavitt opposes.
Hansen did not point all that out until after the bill
passed the House. So, essentially, he beat the nuclear utilities
at a fight they did not know was occurring, but the issue faces a
tougher battle now in the Democratic-controlled Senate.
Also, environmental groups are fighting the provisions,
saying Hansen did not protect enough wilderness, his proposal
would allow non-wilderness uses such as roads and military
equipment and would not allow a reduction in the current number
of training flights. Hansen has tried to stop environmental
opposition by saying fighting his provision now amounts to
approving nuclear waste storage in Utah.
Leavitt spent Tuesday meeting with officials at the White
House, the Interior and Energy departments and with Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld to lobby for their support of the
provisions.
"People are generally unaware of the need for the
wilderness to protect the training range. It's an education
process," Leavitt said. He said various administration
departments are in the process of reviewing it.
"It's certainly important to the people of Utah on two
counts," he said.
"If nuclear waste is stored in that desert, it's only a
matter of time before the UTTR is deemed to be too hazardous
because we have 40,000 metric tons (of waste) in an area where
two fighters have crashed and two cruise missiles have gone
astray in the last 10 years," he said.
"On the second count, it would protect the state from
having high-level nuclear waste transported into that region," he
said.
Leavitt also said protecting the UTTR helps protect Hill
Air Force Base from potential closure during a proposed round of
base closures in 2005.
He said Hansen's wilderness provisions "are vital to the
ongoing vitality of the UTTR, the Hill Air Force Base and the
Utah economy.
"Given Utah's economic situation now, we can ill afford to
have the viability of Hill Field undermined in any way. This
would ensure the vitality and viability of that very important
national defense asset," Leavitt said.
E-mail: lee@desnews.com [lee@desnews.com]
© 2002 Deseret News Publishing Company
*****************************************************************
31 Peace Action: Treaty Not All Its Cracked Up to Be
Date: Sun, 19 May 2002 23:04:04 -0500 (CDT)
Action Alert Treaty Not All Its Cracked Up to Be
This week's announcement of completion of a treaty with Russia to
reduce deployed strategic nuclear warheads from over 6,000 each to
between 1,700 and 2,200 each ought to be cause for celebration for
those who cherish peace and disarmament. Yet a key provision of
the treaty and recent revelations of U.S. nuclear war plans give
us pause.
"The treaty will liquidate the legacy of the Cold War," President
Bush said this week in announcing that he and Russian President
Putin will sign the treaty at their summit meeting May 24 in Russia.
Not exactly.
While many details have not yet been announced, the U.S. persuaded
Russia to accept plans to store rather than dismantle a large number
of the warheads to be reduced under the treaty. These warheads
could be redeployed, and are an attractive terrorist target,
especially in Russia.
Far from liquidating the legacy of the cold war, the Senate is
contemplating more funding for Star Wars and for developing new
nuclear weapons. Should they uphold planned cuts to these programs
they will have an opportunity to move the US in a direction more
conducive to nuclear disarmament in the upcoming weeks.
Read more at: http://www.peace-action.org/home/senate.html
Call Your Senator at (202) 224-3121 See our Contact Congress section
at (http://www.peace-action.org/tools/congress.html) to find out
who your Senators are.
Thanks to your calls, last week the Senate Armed Service Committee
cut the budget request for missile defense from $7.6 billion to
$6.8 billion in the Defense Authorization bill. While this is a
good move, it is likely that an amendment to restore these funds
will be introduced in the coming weeks .
Urge your Senator to vote against any attempt to restore funding
for Star Wars.
US deployment of a missile shield is viewed by other countries as
an attempt on our part to guarantee a first strike capability. Star
Wars deployment will provoke other countries into developing more
nuclear weapons to overcome this perceived advantage.
Also last week, funding for a new nuclear weapon (called the Robust
Nuclear Earth Penetrator) that would be used in conventional combat
to hit targets deep within the ground was cut in a Senate Committee.
This action was an important step in the direction of stopping the
US from using nuclear weapons. However, an amendment will likely
be introduced in the coming weeks to restore funding for this
program.
Urge your Senator to vote against any funding for this new nuclear
weapon.
US development of a new nuclear weapons meant to be used in
conventional conflicts threatens nonproliferation. Other countries
will seek to develop similar capabilities in order to deter the US
from using this weapon.
Global security rests on our ability to reduce the threat posed by
nuclear weapons, please urge your Senators to uphold the cut in
funding for Star Wars and the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator.
Carrie Benzschawel Program Associate Peace Action Education Fund
mailto:cbenzschawel@peace-action.org http://www.peace-action.org
202.862.9740x3041 fax: 202.862.9762 1819 H St., NW, #425 Washington,
DC 20006 -------------------------------------------- If you would
like to unsubscribe from one of our email lists, please email Carrie
Benzschawel at mailto:cbenzschawel@peace-action.org. Thank you.
The Peace Action Education Fund works for global elimination of
nuclear weapons, an end to the conventional arms trade, and cutting
military spending in order to address human needs.
*****************************************************************
32 Congress Endorses NATO Expansion
WN Network
Thu, 23 May 2002
The Associated Press
WASHINGTON (AP) — Underscoring the importance of the U.S.
military alliance with Europe, Congress sent President Bush a
bill he wanted Friday that endorses an expansion of NATO and
authorizes security assistance for seven nations that hope to
join.
``The Cold War may be over, but the security and welfare of
America and Europe are very closely linked,'' said Sen. Dick
Lugar, R-Ind., a senior member of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. ``And our common goal must continue to be the
building of a Europe which is whole and free.''
The Senate approved the bill Friday, 85-6. The House passed it
in November, 372-46.
The vote occurred as Bush met with Slovenian Prime Minister
Janez Drnovsek at the White House. Slovenia, formerly part of
Yugoslavia, received money from the legislation. The other six
that did are former Warsaw Pact members.
White House spokesman Ari Fleischer said Bush and Drnovsek
discussed the November NATO summit in Prague, where the
alliance will decide which countries, if any, to invite in as
members, as well as bilateral issues and ways to bring peace
and stability to the Yugoslav region.
Bush had asked Congress to pass the bill before he heads to
Moscow next week for a summit with Russian President Vladimir
Putin, Lugar said. That trip will include attendance at the
NATO-Russia summit in Italy, plus visits to Germany, Russia
and France.
``This bill will help NATO extend the zone of stability
eastward and southward on the continent so that some time in
the next decade we'll be able to say, for the first time I
think in modern history, that we have a Europe whole and
free,'' said Sen. Joe Biden, D-Del., chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee.
The measure expresses support for expanding NATO, in line with
statements by Bush last June and by former President Clinton
in October 1996. The legislatures of all 19 current NATO
members would be asked to ratify inclusion of any new
invitees.
The bill also would authorize $55.5 million in military
assistance for seven countries but does not specifically call
for NATO admission for any of them. The aid: Bulgaria, $10
million; Estonia, $6.5 million; Latvia, $7 million; Lithuania,
$7.5 million; Romania, $11.5 million; Slovakia, $8.5 million,
and Slovenia, $4.5 million.
Croatia, Albania and Macedonia also want to join but are
considered longer shots.
The money — approved by Congress last year, without being
specifically authorized — will ``help those candidate
countries meet the alliance's stringent membership
requirements,'' Biden said.
Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison, R-Texas, criticized what she
considered a failure to re-evaluate NATO's role given the new
U.S.-Russia friendship, exemplified by the agreement — to be
signed in Moscow — to cut nuclear weapons to 1,700-2,200
warheads apiece.
``This is a defensive alliance to protect the democracies of
Western Europe from the communist threat of the East,'' said
Hutchison, who voted for the measure. ``That threat has
evaporated.''
Sen. John Warner, R-Va., the Armed Services Committee's top
Republican, said he voted against the bill because its
rhetoric might make the seven nations think they have the U.S.
vote for admission, and expanding NATO might hurt the alliance
and impose more costs on the United States.
``What we're doing is saying to the American taxpayer ... and
the men and women of the armed forces of the United States,
that an attack against one is an attack against all,'' Warner
said. ``And such new members as we may admit, what do they
bring to the table to participate in, first, deterring an
attack, and, if necessary, repelling that attack?''
Warner said other NATO countries' military budgets are not
increasing as quickly as the U.S. defense budget.
``We've got to be a watchdog of NATO as we begin to invite
more and more countries in under this umbrella, and it could
well weaken the alliance,'' he said.
Biden said the bill's passage is not a commitment to support
any NATO aspirant.
In 1998, the Senate debated for seven days before ratifying
Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic as new NATO members, he
said, predicting the Senate would conduct similar scrutiny of
any nation invited to join in Prague.
Current NATO members are Belgium, Britain, Canada, the Czech
Republic, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland,
Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal,
Spain, Turkey and the United States.
Voting against the bill were Sens. Larry Craig, R-Idaho; James
Inhofe, R-Okla.; Pat Roberts, R-Kan.; Robert Smith, R-N.H.;
Ted Stevens, R-Alaska, and Warner. The nine who did not vote
were Kent Conrad, D-N.D.; Pete Domenici, R-N.M.; Michael Enzi,
R-Wyo.; Judd Gregg, R-N.H.; Jesse Helms, R-N.C.; John McCain,
R-Ariz.; Zell Miller, D-Ga.; Frank Murkowski, R-Alaska, and
Craig Thomas, R-Wyo. The rest voted for it.
On the Net:
The bills, S. 1572 and H.R. 3167:
| | | | | | | | | | | |
*****************************************************************
33 Martin Schram: Keeping nukes in the right hands
TheCabin.net :: CabinWindow ::
--> Friday, May 17, 2002
Syndicated Columnist
Back in the Nuclear Ice Age of the Cold War, U.S.-Soviet arms
limitation summits were all about the numbers. The superpower
leaders ritually waited for the grand finale of their
threat-reduction kabuki to unfurl the numbers of warheads and
launchers that would be officially axed.
Now this: A week before the upcoming Bush-Putin summit, all the
numbers came out. And journalists didn't have to work and wheedle
for a leak of this statistical top secret that of course was
known by both sides but unknown by the people. President Bush
simply announced them -- both nations will cut their arsenals by
two-thirds over 10 years, to between 1,700 and 2,200 strategic
nuclear warheads.
The official willingness to make news with numbers means this
will be one summit where the big threat-reduction discussion will
not be about numbers at all. It will be about an international
security crisis that is so severe that the two presidents are
carefully not speaking about it publicly -- and may not even when
they stand side-by-side for the television cameras at their
summit's conclusion.
The real crisis: Russia's nuclear weapons, nuclear material and
other weapons of mass destruction are dangerously unsecured and
are vulnerable to being stolen by terrorists or agents of
aggressive nations. Also, Russia's top nuclear, biological and
chemical warfare scientists and engineers are so poorly paid that
they are being lured into working on weapons programs of other
potentially aggressive nations.
Experts of all political persuasions agree on the nature and
severity of the threat. Last year, a distinguished panel headed
by former Sen. Howard Baker, a Republican, and former White House
counsel Lloyd Cutler, a Democrat, concluded that Russia has
become a virtual "Home Depot" for would-be nuclear proliferators.
The panel's report concluded: "The most urgent unmet national
security threat to the United States today is the danger that
weapons of mass destruction or weapons-usable material in Russia
could be stolen and sold to terrorists or hostile nation states."
Over at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank in
Washington, strategic-arms expert Baker Spring observed that
Russia's facilities for storing nuclear warheads and
weapons-grade material are so understaffed and poorly secured
that there is little comfort in knowing that the new accord would
remove two-thirds of the warheads from their launchers and place
them in storage. They could then fall into the hands of
terrorists or aggressive states. Spring assessed it as a security
conundrum: "For verification purposes, the safest place to keep
them is on the missiles. But that's not so hot from the U.S.
national security interest, because those missiles are still
targeted at the United States."
The United States has enacted several programs in the past
decade aimed at helping Russia decommission its weapons of mass
destruction, better secure its weapons and storage sites, and
find decent-paying non-weapons jobs for Russia's weapons
scientists and engineers. In 10 years, the Cooperative Threat
Reduction Act, sponsored by then-Sen. Sam Nunn, D-Ga., and Sen.
Richard Lugar, R-Ind., has financed the decommissioning or
dismantling of 5,896 nuclear warheads, 1,212 ballistic and cruise
missiles, 795 missile launchers, 92 long-range bombers and 21
ballistic missile submarines.
Bush originally proposed cuts in Nunn-Lugar program funding,
then restored those cuts -- but has proposed no increases in the
efforts to prevent terrorists from obtaining weapons of mass
destruction. Meanwhile, the House Armed Services Committee's
Republican majority has proposed cuts in a number of related
programs, including slashing a $133.6 million request for a
chemical weapons destruction facility to just $50 million.
Nunn, who is now co-chairs the Nuclear Threat Initiative, a
nonprofit that works to reduce the risks of weapons of mass
destruction, testified before his former Senate colleagues on May
7: "... we are in a new arms race -- between those seeking to
acquire weapons of mass destruction and those trying to stop
them."
The former Senate Armed Services Committee chairman noted that
Bush had declared that "our top priority is to keep terrorists
from acquiring weapons of mass destruction." Nunn added:
"Unfortunately, the president's priority is not yet his
administration's priority."
(EDITOR'S NOTE: Martin Schram writes political analysis for
Scripps Howard News Service.)
*****************************************************************
34 US Wants Better Russia Nukes Count
Las Vegas SUN
May 17, 2002
WASHINGTON- President Bush may raise the issue of Russia's
stockpile of short-range nuclear weapons when he meets with
Russian President Vladimir Putin next week in Moscow.
The arms-reduction treaty the two presidents will sign sharply
cuts each nation's arsenal of long-range warheads over the next
decade, but does not address tactical, or battlefield, weapons.
A senior administration official, speaking on the condition of
anonymity, expressed concern about the size of the Russian
stockpile.
The United States intends to ask Russia to account for these
weapons and explain what it intends to do about them, but is not
interested in engaging in formal negotiations, the official said.
Russia has not said how many of these weapons it has, but
estimates have ranged from 4,000 to 15,000. The U.S. stockpile is
classified, but a non-governmental expert assessment puts the
figure at 1,600. Of those, 320 are deployed in Europe while the
remainder are in storage, the assessment said.
Putin and Bush are expected to discuss ways to further reduce the
proliferation of nuclear weapons and materials during their
meetings.
At next week's summit, Putin and Bush will sign a treaty under
which long-range strategic warheads will be reduced to between
1,700 and 2,200 on each side by the end of 2012, down from the
approximately 6,000 each country has now.
The official said the treaty - cutting the arsenals of
globe-straddling nuclear weapons to a tenth of their Cold War
peak - is the last of its kind. The Bush administration does not
envision further negotiations or arms control treaties with
Russia, given the warming of relations between Moscow and western
nations, the official said.
Bush will visit Moscow and St. Petersburg while he is in Russia.
He will also visit France, Germany and Italy on the weeklong trip
that begins Wednesday.
U.S.-Russian relations have improved dramatically in the
aftermath of the Sept. 11 terror attacks. But sharp economic
disputes remain over U.S. duties on Russian steel and Russia's
ban on imports of U.S. poultry.
The official suggested the poultry dispute is making it hard to
grant Russia's request that the United States lift the
Jackson-Vanik amendment to a 1974 trade law that ties Moscow's
trade privileges to its policies on Jewish emigration and other
human rights.
The administration doesn't have any problem with Russia's recent
record on allowing emigration, but it does have concerns about
its trade practices, the official said.
All contents copyright 2002 Las Vegas SUN, Inc.
*****************************************************************
35 The New Nuclear Danger: George W. Bush's Military-Industrial Complex
New Zealand News -
Dr Helen Caldicott:
18.05.2002
By PAT BASKETT
It is hard to believe that the world is in more danger of nuclear
holocaust now than at any time during the Cold War - and that it
probably would have been even without the horrific events of
September 11.
If you can't face 200 pages of Caldicott's energetic, convincing
expose of how weapons manufacturers have dominated US foreign
policy and brought us to this terrible brink, spend five minutes
in a bookshop and read the introduction. The 10 decisions of the
Bush Administration which Caldicott considers are responsible for
this situation are on page XVII. For more examples of their
aggressive nuclear policy, turn to page three.
Then flick back to the pie graph at the beginning of the book
which shows the Discretionary Budget for last year, and ask
yourself why the most powerful country in the world spends 49 per
cent of that budget on the military.
The answer is pretty much Caldicott's main thesis - that behind
many of these decisions lies the ogre of corporate greed and the
incredible power that money wields.
Not only has the defence department been taken over, Caldicott
shows, by unreconstructed, Reagan-era Cold War warriors, but many
of its key players have, or held, senior positions with the major
weapons manufacturing companies. The chapter giving details is
aptly titled Corporate Madness and Death Merchants.
Here are just two examples of their influence: the expansion of
Nato to include several Eastern European countries (to Russia's
alarm) was, Caldicott claims, entirely about weapons sales; after
the Reagan years, weapons manufacturers (Lockheed Martin, Boeing
and others) advocated ending a ban on sales to Latin America
because of those countries' human rights abuses, and President
Clinton's Directive 41 stated that arms sales were essential for
preserving industrial jobs.
Of course, it's not just the corporates. Somehow, George W. Bush
and a whole administration have bought into a mindset which fails
to perceive the fact that they have themselves spawned the
dangers they use to justify their policies.
This is one of the book's tragic ironies which fill you with
despair. Note also that the Pentagon originally encouraged the
creation of Lockheed Martin in 1993 because it wanted to avoid
dealing with several smaller companies, and the result was lack
of competition, higher prices and a mega-company with
extraordinary power.
The pursuit of that sublime folly known as Star Wars, or National
Missile Defence, has driven erstwhile foes China and Russia into
each other's arms, creating a bloc which the Bush Administration
uses as further justification for defence.
After the end of the Cold War the Administration of George Bush
snr left a legacy of active arms control and unilateral
disarmament programmes, but Clinton's ignorance of military
matters - and his preoccupation with other, more salacious
aspects of his presidency - led him to pass this important buck,
and he failed to support those who advocated continuing Bush's
policies.
The name "heritage" will henceforth arouse deep suspicion
because, according to Caldicott, the Heritage Foundation is one
of the US Government's most influential think tanks, its enormous
budget provided by transnationals such as Exxon, Phillip Morris
and Hyundai. Caldicott gives the text of a petition circulated by
the foundation in support of National Missile Defence, called the
Citizens' Petition to Protect America Now (page 77).
And if you ever read of the US Government's Stockpile Stewardship
and Management Program - beware! It's nickname is Manhattan II,
which more realistically describes its true purpose of designing,
developing and testing new nuclear weapons.
The worst horrors are in chapters on space and on nuclear war in
the Gulf and Kosovo - space because it looks to the future (the
Long Range Plan was written with the co-operation of 75 military
corporations), and Kosovo and the Gulf because the use of weapons
made from depleted uranium has left large areas contaminated by
radiation for ever.
Believe it or not, New Zealand is included in a list of countries
either to which uranium weapons have been exported or where their
production is encouraged.
The book is overwhelming in its detail and the force of its
arguments. Caldicott, the paediatrician with fire in her belly
who so stirred us here in 1982, allows the information to speak
for itself, and on the rare occasion she does make a plea it is
all the more poignant.
The book's disappointment lies in its copious footnotes, many of
which refer to newspaper articles rather than primary sources,
but there are some interesting website addresses. Scribe
Publications $39.95
* Pat Baskett is an Auckland journalist and writer.
©Copyright 2002, New Zealand Herald
*****************************************************************
36 Cold War Redux
Newsday.com -
THE BUSH-PUTIN SUMMIT
The two leaders are set to reduce their nuclear arsenals by
deactivating but not destroying warheads.
Nautilus Institute's archive of force structure studies
By Hans M. Kristensen
Hans M. Kristensen is senior researcher at the Nautilus
Institute in Berkeley, Calif. and co-author of the "NRDC Nuclear
Notebook" in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.
May 19, 2002
This week, when President George W. Bush confers with Russian
President Vladimir Putin at the NATO-Russia summit meeting in
Rome, the two state leaders will sign a three-page agreement to
reduce the number of nuclear warheads deployed on ballistic
missiles and bombers. Under the terms of the agreement, each side
will reduce its operationally deployed strategic nuclear warheads
to no more than 2,200 by 2012.
The White House has been busy heralding the agreement as the
beginning of a new and deeper friendship between the two
countries that "will liquidate the legacy of the Cold War."
Russia has been a little more timid. "By signing an important
treaty on reductions in strategic offensive arms," Russian
Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov said, "we demonstrate once again our
strong resolve to go ahead in reducing the nuclear threshold."
There is no doubt that U.S. and Russian relations are improving,
which is a good thing. Whether this agreement liquidates Cold War
legacy, however, is another question. The Rome summit will be the
fourth time in the last seven months that we will have heard the
"news" about reducing nuclear weapons to 1,700-2,200 warheads on
each side, but details are few and important issues are left open
or ignored entirely.
The most immediate question is what will happen to the thousands
of warheads that are "reduced" and removed from operational
status. According to Secretary of State Colin Powell, the
agreement "does not deal with where the warheads go, or how they
will be disposed of, stored or kept in place if they might be
needed for test purposes or for replacement purposes."
Is that a good thing? Not when both sides had already agreed to
destroy the warheads. The framework for a START III treaty,
signed by the United States and Russia in 1997, would have
brought strategic nuclear warheads on each side down to
2,000-2,500, essentially what Bush and Putin have now agreed to
(the new agreement appears lower because warheads on submarines
and aircraft in overhaul are no longer counted). The agreement
would have required actual destruction of warheads, something
arms control agreements had never done before.
Have I missed something, or has everyone forgotten about this
document?
About six months after the Start III framework was agreed to,
STRATCOM, the Strategic Command that controls U.S. nuclear
weapons, concluded in a white paper that "warhead elimination
must be the centerpiece of post-START II arms control, and should
come before further force structure reductions occur." Yet now
Bush and Putin present us with an agreement that doesn't cut
significantly deeper than START III and doesn't require
destruction of a single warhead.
The agreement to be signed this week also trails the earlier
framework in several other key areas: It ignores non-strategic
nuclear weapons completely, allows for no better inspections of
weapons storage facilities and legitimizes the existence of large
"phantom arsenals" of non-operational warheads that can quickly
be uploaded onto missiles and bombers.
The earlier agreement addressed non-strategic weapons, such as
sea-launched cruise missiles and gravity bombs carried on fighter
jets. The presidents agreed that negotiators would "explore, as
separate issues, possible measures" to address this weapon
category, which has never been subject to any arms control
agreement. The agreement sought to increase transparency of
strategic warhead inventories to improve clarity about what each
side has and avoid misunderstandings, and "promote the
irreversibility of deep reductions" through measures that would
prevent any side from rapidly increasing its number of warheads.
We are talking big numbers: Once the 1,700-2,200 level has been
reached in 10 years, the United States, under current plans, will
hide an additional 7,800 intact warheads that can quickly be put
back on missiles and aircraft. Russia in all likelihood will keep
a similar number.
Since the Soviet Union fell apart in 1991, both U.S.
administrations and the Congress have been worried about the
large stockpile of unaccountable Russian nuclear warheads.
Concern has ranged from avoiding "loose nukes" being smuggled
into other countries to the need for having more open books about
how many warheads each side has in storage. Friends or not, our
intelligence will continue to monitor those stockpiles carefully
and their size will determine the limit for how deep we can cut
in the next round of arms control.
Rather than building on the Clinton-Yeltsin accomplishments from
1997, the Bush-Putin agreement takes us back by needlessly
relinquishing significant arms control accomplishments that there
is no need to give up. Transparency and irreversibility of
nuclear reductions are not threats to U.S. national security, but
lack of it is. Wrapping a backward deal in soft hugs and rosy
remarks about newborn hugs and rosy remarks about newborn
friendship between Washington and Moscow may work for public
relations, but keep in mind that one of the reasons the U.S.
military refused to cut below 2,000 operational deployed
strategic warheads is a requirement to continue to plan nuclear
strikes against Russia.
The Nuclear Posture Review recently completed by the Bush
administration to guide force planning for the next decade
states: "Russia's nuclear forces and programs, nevertheless,
remain a concern. Russia faces many strategic problems around its
periphery and its future course cannot be charted with certainty.
U.S. planning must take this into account. In the event that U.S.
relations with Russia significantly worsen in the future, the
U.S. may need to revise its nuclear forces levels and posture."
Friends, perhaps, but friends don't plan nuclear war against each
other.
While the Bush-Putin agreement is a reversal of arms control
policy, it is entirely consistent with the U.S. force planning
that occurred throughout the 1990s. STRATCOM's studies from that
period planned a slow and gradual reduction of the posture that
preserved launch platforms and flexibility but reduced deployed
warheads. These studies, which have been released under the
Freedom of Information Act, aimed at a force level of around
2,000 warheads. The "new" reductions don't seem to differ from
that plan, but if the newfound U.S.-Russian friendship means
something new, then the cuts must be deep enough and different
enough to clearly show a change compared to the force levels
envisioned five years ago.
But what does 2,000 warheads mean? Compared to the force level of
12,000 in the 1980s, 2,000 warheads don't seem like a whole lot.
Yet the degree of overkill embedded in this force level was
clearly illustrated in "The U.S. Nuclear War Plan: A Time For
Change," a report published by Natural Resources Defense Council
June 2001. The report calculated that more than one-third of all
Russians could be killed or severely injured if the 192 warheads
onboard a single Trident submarine were brought to detonate over
their targets.
How anyone can argue that more than that is needed to adequately
deter any conceivable adversary is hard to understand, but under
the new agreement the United States will maintain 14 Trident
submarines (Russia will probably have fewer than a dozen missile
submarines) in addition to 500 land-based missiles and nearly a
hundred bombers.
The time frame of the new agreement is 10 years. Within that
period, the parties to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)
will meet twice (in 2005 and 2010) to review progress toward
fulfillment of the treaty's obligations. Approximately 187
countries have signed the treaty, under which non-nuclear weapon
states promise not to develop nuclear weapons in return for the
nuclear weapon states disarming the nuclear arsenals. Among these
members are other nuclear weapon states that keep a watchful eye
on how the U.S. and Russian postures develop, including China,
whose own nuclear modernization plans greatly worry U.S.
officials. Other states are important friends, such as Germany
and Sweden, whose push for the United States and Russia to
address non-strategic nuclear weapons now seems to have been
rejected.
A strong nonproliferation treaty is one of the most important
instruments to counter the spread of nuclear weapons to more
countries, but many countries will see the Bush-Putin agreement
as long-awaited but "old news." At the previous review conference
in 2000, the parties to the treaty gave consensus to a
comprehensive document, part of which pledged the "unequivocal
undertaking by the nuclear weapon states to accomplish the total
elimination of their nuclear arsenals."
There is nothing in the new Bush-Putin agreement that even hints
to such an end goal, much less outline how to get there. Instead
it is as if the two superpowers have agreed that as long as each
side stays below 2,200 operationally deployed strategic warheads,
it doesn't matter how many warheads they keep in storage or how
many non-strategic weapons they have.
Targeting capabilities, operational flexibility and command and
control will be upgraded continuously to allow rapid shifting of
forces and warheads within preplanned strike missions, depending
on who the enemy is in the future, and adaptive planning
capabilities will be modernized to permit small-scale strikes
against more opportunistic targets. It is, in a way, a nuclear
posture on the loose.
Copyright © 2002, Newsday, Inc.
*****************************************************************
37 Gambling with nuclear war
New Straits Times
Editorial
EVEN between sworn enemies, the deterrent value of nuclear
weapons begins with a tiny bit of trust: each side must know
something about the other to believe that neither will be crazy
enough to use them. By the end of the Cold War, the United States
and Russia had opened up their arsenals to each other
sufficiently to make the likelihood of a nuclear exchange
virtually nil. Not so for India and Pakistan. There is no trust
between them to speak of, so no margin of safety can be fixed on
how much their trigger fingers are itching.
That itch is greatest across the high-wire "line of control" in
disputed Kashmir, where more than a million Indian and Pakistani
troops face each other. Indian strategists have recently been
mulling over the idea of a "limited war" to give those soldiers
something more to do without triggering a nuclear response. This
is exactly the kind of wishful thinking that puts nerves on edge,
because Pakistan's inferiority in conventional forces would push
it even closer to its nuclear option. Every time a terrorist
"incursion" that can be linked via the Kashmiri insurgency to
Pakistan occurs in India, the world holds its breath.
Last Tuesday's massacre of 35 people at an Indian army base near
Jammu has painted both sides a few inches closer into their
respective corners. With India baying for revenge and Pakistan
wary of any concession that might be seen as a sell-out, the US,
whose involvement is about the only thing keeping them apart,
cannot make much headway. A visit to both countries by US
Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia Christina Rocca last
week came up empty. There is little right now to prevent a band
of renegade militants or a rush of excitement between nervous
soldiers on the Siachen glacier from sparking off the first
nuclear bombs since Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Leave aside the implacable question of the future of Kashmir for
the moment, and the crux of the matter boils down to the issue of
terrorism. India insists that Pakistan abets and shelters
Kashmiri militants. But more credit should be given to Pakistani
President Pervez Musharraf who has gone as far as he can to
satisfy India without putting his own leadership at risk. There
is little point in undermining his credibility since he would
almost certainly have lost his battle against radical Islam had
he been democratically elected. Unbridled for some two decades,
the problem of extremism in Pakistan is huge. Although
Islamabad's effort seems small in comparison, Musharraf has taken
the necessary first steps. Certainly, more needs to be done. But
that will depend to a large extent on the Indian response. It
would be difficult for Pakistan to handle its internal problems
as long as war beckons on its borders.
If Pakistan is struggling to deal with its extremists, so is
India. Tensions fuel the Hindu hotheads in Indian Prime Minister
Atal Behari Vajpayee's BJP who see electoral dividends in a
bellicose posture. Unanswered charges of complicity in the
Hindu-Muslim riots in Gujarat do nothing to soothe the enmity
nurtured since partition in 1947. Without a dampening of
nationalist rhetoric, neither side can move towards a commitment
to stay off the brink. Countries like Malaysia, which wants good
relations with both India and Pakistan, will look on with dismay
as nuclear weapons primed by bad blood keep both sides away from
negotiating a solution to the Kashmir flashpoint.
Copyright © The New Straits Times Press (Malaysia) Berhad, Balai
Berita 31, Jalan Riong, 59100 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Powered by:
Zope, Red Hat, Apache, Python, Php3, Perl s9.emedia.com.my
*****************************************************************
38 Russia hones its nuclear skills
Moscow is still committed to modernizing its current arsenal and
developing new weaponry
Paul Webster
SPECIAL TO THE STAR
MOSCOW IT WAS the sort of encounter that packed the pages of Cold
War thrillers back when the arms race was hot.
Flying east late last month, two giant Russian bombers designed
to carry up to 16 nuclear-tipped cruise missiles were only 60
kilometres off the Alaska coast before American F-15 jets
intercepted them.
The Bear H bombers stayed on course into U.S. airspace just long
enough to make the American pilots sweat a little, then circled
back to base.
The exercise was enough to remind Washington that although the
Kremlin's superpower pretensions crumbled with the collapse of
the Soviet empire in 1991, Russia remains a nuclear colossus.
Over the last few months, Russia has sent a series of such
signals, designed to deliver the message that, despite the treaty
presidents George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin plan to sign here
this week pledging deep cuts in U.S. and Russian nuclear
arsenals, Russia is firmly committed to maintaining its status as
a nuclear front-runner.
According to many observers, Putin has made refurbishing and
strengthening Russian nuclear forces a top priority.
Shortly after he was elected in 2000, he issued a national
security blueprint emphasizing Russia's need for "nuclear forces
that are capable of guaranteeing the infliction of the desired
extent of damage against any aggressor state or coalition of
states in any conditions and circumstances."
According to Gen. Vasily Lata, who works at Russia's nuclear
missile academy, Putin has worked hard to honour that commitment.
"We'll win not with numbers but with skills," Lata says about
plans to cut the number of warheads.
"Russia is not involved in disarmament. We're just reducing the
numbers of warheads to a reasonable level. In the meantime, we're
developing new nuclear weapons and modernizing the ones we have.
"Over the last few years, improving our land-based nuclear
weapons has been emphasized. In many ways, our systems are
superior to the American ones and can easily beat American
missile-defence plans."
In the late 1990s, Russia launched a program to build up to 50
more of its most advanced nuclear-capable missiles a year. On
Feb. 6, the deputy chief of Russia's general staff, Gen. Yuriy
Baluyevskiy, announced that his country's intercontinental
ballistic missile force had been successfully modernized during
the 1990s and will remain "entirely satisfactory" for the rest of
this decade.
Baluyevskiy said the modernization of naval nuclear forces is now
the country's top military priority.
This announcement had been expected since March, 2001, when the
Russian government put in an order for 40 sea-launched ballistic
missiles, the first major order since 1992.
Russia is currently building two new ballistic missile
submarines, having just refurbished a third.
Only weeks after the announcement about the naval nuclear
build-up, Russian aircraft-industry officials announced plans to
modernize all 15 of their Tupolev-160 bombers, the backbone of
the air force's nuclear-attack wing.
Along with the modernization of Russia's land, sea and airborne
nuclear-delivery forces, research continues at 10 ultra-secret
nuclear cities, where an estimated 75,000 specialists work on new
nuclear weaponry.
According to a 2001 study of the secret nuclear and missile
complex by Russian demographer Valentin Tikhonov, key
weapons-research programs have survived Russia's economic
collapse and competition for research jobs in these centres is
now growing.
Ivan Safranchuk, of the Centre for Defence Information in Moscow,
says Russian nuclear researchers intend to match U.S. plans for
nuclear weapons that can be used in battlefield situations.
"They want to develop a less destructive nuclear weapon with
limited radiation effects," Safranchuk says about Russia's
research aims. Although Russian nuclear-weapons testing is
forbidden by international treaty, money has been invested in a
sophisticated program to allow weapons designers to match U.S.
programs that test weaponry innovations in virtual settings using
computer simulations.
Says Lata: "Russia has similar test methods and models to the
U.S. We support the idea of testing nuclear weapons virtually,
maybe even more than the U.S. We're creating new weapons that
way."
Last week, the New York Times reported that the U.S. Joint Atomic
Energy Intelligence Committee says it has evidence Russia is
preparing to resume live nuclear tests.
Although the Russian government vigorously denied this claim, it
has admitted conducting a series of so-called "subcritical"
nuclear experiments in 1999, which it says are not banned.
And while Bush has praised Putin's commitment to cut its nuclear
arsenal, numerous senior U.S. experts and officials have been
expressing concern about Russia's nuclear-weapons program.
According to Siegfried Hecker, a former director of the Los
Alamos National Lab, where U.S. nuclear weapons are designed,
Russia has a major nuclear edge over the U.S. because the
Russians "are able to produce and assemble nuclear-weapon
materials and components at capacities many times that of the
United States."
The U.S. currently is not assembling any new nuclear weapons.
Testifying before the U.S. Senate on March 19, Thomas Wilson,
director of the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency, said Russia
will continue to rely on nuclear weapons and is building new
missiles while upgrading others "to compensate for its diminished
conventional military capability."
That same day, CIA director George Tenet warned the Senate that
"Moscow is likely to pursue a variety of countermeasures and new
weapons systems to defeat a deployed U.S. missile defence."
The worries in Washington about Russia's nuclear ambitions appear
to have triggered a response all too familiar to readers of Cold
War fact and fiction.
A few a few days before Wilson and Tenet gave their warnings,
U.S. Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham appeared before the
Senate's Armed Services Committee to answer questions about
Russia's program to build new weapons.
He told the senators that the U.S. has decided to begin building
warheads again by 2007.
Paul Webster is a Canadian reporter based in Moscow.
Legal Notice:- Copyright 1996-2002. Toronto Star Newspapers
Limited. All
*****************************************************************
39 Cold War Legacy
May 19, 2002
SABRINA TAVERNISE
MOSCOW
ON Aug. 29, 1949, the Soviet Union exploded its first nuclear
bomb on a windswept plain in eastern Kazakhstan. It was the
beginning of the arms race with America, which included 559
Soviet weapons tests over 40 years.
Over 80 percent of those explosions took place at the test site
on the Kazakh steppe called Semipalatinsk. Before 1963, the tests
were conducted above ground and afterward in shafts a third of a
mile underground. The effects were devastating for the 1.6
million people in the region, many of whom had been nomads before
Soviet times.
The Soviet government made the area a closed military test site
and took few precautions to protect people in the area. One
resident of a town at the edge of the site, Semipalatinsk-21,
recalled in a recent interview that one test that went wrong on a
hot August afternoon in 1962 caused the sky to go black with
radioactive dust.
"I was very afraid," said the man, Sergei B. Krizhov, who was 8
at the time. "We stayed at home for a week. A man came to our
house dressed in protective gear. My mother sealed the windows
against the dust."
He also remembered a day in which he played with friends on the
carcasses of helicopters that had been dumped just outside the
town. His father, who worked at the test site, later reprimanded
him: the helicopters had been used to fly through explosion areas
and were highly radioactive.
In 1999, the photographer Robert Knoth traveled to Semipalatinsk
to document the conditions of those who lived through the testing
program. The United Nations estimates that about 100,000 people
in the area currently suffer from radiation-related diseases, and
his photographs show a few of them.
This month, Russia and America are putting the finishing touches
on an agreement to make deep cuts in their nuclear stockpiles and
thus bury one legacy of the cold war. For those who live in
Semipalatinsk, however, the legacy will live on.
Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company | Permissions |
*****************************************************************
40 Swissinfo International News
Russia unhappy with nuclear pact, says military chief
By Ron Popeski
MOSCOW (Reuters) - Less than a week before a Russia-U.S. summit,
a top military negotiator has complained that Moscow remains
deeply unhappy about U.S. plans to store rather than destroy
nuclear warheads.
General Yuri Baluyevsky spoke before presidents Vladimir Putin
and George W. Bush were to sign a pact in Moscow slashing
strategic nuclear arsenals to a third of current levels.
Bush announced the deal on Monday in a surprise statement at the
White House, saying it would "liquidate the legacy of the Cold
War", and Putin said he was satisfied with it.
Russian officials say the four-page treaty is a compromise with
neither side compromising fundamental national interests. U.S.
officials acknowledge the pact was clinched after Russian
concessions to ensure a document was ready for the summit.
Baluyevsky, Russia's deputy chief of staff and one of the pact's
main negotiators, said Russia's leadership could not accept the
notion of "operationally deployed warheads" under which stored
warheads would not be counted in total arsenals.
"There have been repeated declarations at the highest
level...that the concept of operationally deployed warheads is
unacceptable for Russia," Baluyevsky told a discussion on Mayak
state radio on Saturday.
"Hunters will find this easy to understand. Anyone with a gun has
spare shells to use in it. But nuclear weapons are not the sort
of gun you need spare shells for. You can't load a nuclear gun a
second time."
He said accepting the principle was "tantamount to giving a
'green light' to other states who hold or want to hold nuclear
weapons. I believe that storing weapons for what amounts to a
'rainy day' is not the path we should be taking."
Washington says it needs to store, not destroy, the warheads so
it can respond to emerging threats from so-called "axis of evil"
states like Iraq, Iran and North Korea.
PUTIN STRATEGY
The arms deal is part of Putin's strategy of aligning Russia with
the West, underscored by his support for the U.S.-led war on
terrorism, and boosting living standards in a country where about
a quarter of the population lives in poverty.
A day after the arms deal was announced, NATO agreed to the
creation of a 20-member council with Russia to be inaugurated at
a summit in Rome later this month.
The arms treaty limits each side's arsenal to 1,700 to 2,200
warheads, instead of current levels of 6,000. The document
contains no specific provisions on which warheads are to be
eliminated though compliance is to be based on the START-1 treaty
signed by the United States and Soviet Union in 1991.
U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell said in an interview on
Saturday that international relations had improved under Bush's
leadership. Even his announced intention last year to disregard
Russian objections and pull out of the Anti-Ballistic Missile
Treaty in order to build a missile shield had had little effect.
"The ABM treaty is about to lapse," Powell told Britain's
Guardian newspaper. "The geo-strategic situation is not
collapsing and no arms race is breaking out."
But some Russian analysts suggest that the Russian public may
object to the treaty's concessions and offer the first real
resistance to Putin's foreign policy before the pact goes to
parliament for ratification. The Communist opposition has already
accused him of selling out the country.
The Russian Foreign Ministry complained on Saturday that some
U.S. officials were spreading false rumours that Russia planned a
resumption of nuclear explosions at its testing ground in the
Arctic archipelago of Novaya Zemlya.
18.05.2002 17:30, Reuters
*****************************************************************
41 Russian nuke defences maintained
news.com.au -
[19may02]
From correspondents in Moscow
RUSSIA would maintain the three ground, air and sea components of
its nuclear arsenal despite planned arms cuts under a new
agreement with Washington, a top military official said
overnight.
"The nuclear triad will be maintained with the parameters that
correspond to the national interests of the country," first
deputy chief of staff Colonel General Yuri Baluyevsky said,
according to Interfax-Military News Agency.
Baluyevsky said US-Russian negotiators would continue to settle
details of implementing the treaty after it was signed at a
summit next week in Russia between President Vladimir Putin and
US President George W. Bush.
"We are bound to move together with the United States regardless
of disagreements that we have had, have and will have,"
Baluyevsky said.
He said the final text of the agreement had nearly been
finalised and was a "result of compromise that suits both
parties".
Under the agreement, Washington and Moscow will reduce their
number of long-range strategic warheads to between 1,700 and
2,200 by the end of 2012, down from the about 6,000 each country
has now.
The Associated Press
*****************************************************************
42 The Warheads Left Out in the Cold
(washingtonpost.com)
Sunday, May 19, 2002; Page B05
This week in Moscow, President Bush and Russian President
Vladimir Putin will sign an agreement to cut their arsenals of
nuclear weapons by about two-thirds to between 1,700 and 2,200
warheads each over the next decade.
At the end of that period, the two countries still could deploy a
total of more than 9,000 nuclear warheads. Fuzzy math? If the two
sides stick to the ceilings, where will the extra 4,600 warheads
come from?
The agreement only covers what are known as strategic nuclear
weapons. Strategic weapons are those mounted on delivery systems
that can go more than 3,440 miles. The accord says nothing about
tactical nuclear weapons, which are just as lethal even though
they aren't rigged to travel as far.
Here are some figures about currently deployed tactical nuclear
weapons:
U.S. tactical nuclear forces:
• 800 warheads deployed on fighter jets.
Russian tactical nuclear forces:
• 1,000 warheads on land-based surface-to-air missile launchers.
• 1,600 warheads on 400 fighter jets or bomber planes.
• 500 warheads on submarines.
• 400 warheads on naval-based attack aircraft.
• 300 warheads on anti-submarine rockets and torpedoes.
But that's not all. Each nation also will keep active nuclear
warheads -- both strategic and tactical -- in storage. That means
the weapons won't be on launchers, but they have all their key
components and could be put back onto bombers or missiles in a
matter of days, weeks, or months depending on the type of weapons
system. These warheads are called "responsive" or "spares," and
are in a "ready for use configuration," as the Pentagon puts it.
U.S. responsive and spare stockpile: about 1,830 warheads.
(Another 240 warheads are on the two Trident submarines that are
undergoing maintenance at any given time.)
Russian responsives and spares: approximately 10,000 warheads.
Because there aren't data exchanges between the two countries on
this category of warheads, this number is just an estimate by
Western experts.
The Pentagon's "Nuclear Posture Review," submitted to Congress in
January, said, "Delivery systems will not be retired following
initial reductions and downloaded warheads will be retained as
needed for the responsive force." The report added, "The
responsive force retains the option for leadership to increase
the number of operationally deployed forces in proportion to the
severity of an evolving crisis."
Still keeping count? Both countries also can continue to keep
stockpiles of "inactive" warheads. These are missing some
components, such as bottles of tritium gas that boost the power
of the weapon. The United States has about 2,700 warheads in this
category. No one is certain how many Russia has.
The Bush-Putin agreement will not prevent the development of a
new generation of nuclear weapons. The Posture Review said the
United States should develop new types of low-yield nuclear bombs
better able to penetrate and collapse targets buried beneath
ground.
"The strike element of the New Triad can provide greater
flexibility in the design and conduct of military campaigns to
defeat opponents decisively," the review said. "Nuclear weapons
could be employed against targets able to withstand non-nuclear
attack, (for example, deep underground bunkers or bio-weapon
facilities)." The review said that the Energy Department would
reestablish "advanced warhead concepts teams" at each of the
national laboratories and at the department's Washington
headquarters.
-- The Outlook staff
Sources: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Natural
Resources Defense Council, GlobalSecurity.org
© 2002 The Washington Post Company
*****************************************************************
43 Russia hones its nuclear skills
[Thestar.com]
May. 19, 01:00 EDT
Moscow is still committed to modernizing its current arsenal and
developing new weaponry
Paul Webster
SPECIAL TO THE STAR
MOSCOW IT WAS the sort of encounter that packed the pages of Cold
War thrillers back when the arms race was hot.
Flying east late last month, two giant Russian bombers designed
to carry up to 16 nuclear-tipped cruise missiles were only 60
kilometres off the Alaska coast before American F-15 jets
intercepted them.
The Bear H bombers stayed on course into U.S. airspace just long
enough to make the American pilots sweat a little, then circled
back to base.
The exercise was enough to remind Washington that although the
Kremlin's superpower pretensions crumbled with the collapse of
the Soviet empire in 1991, Russia remains a nuclear colossus.
Over the last few months, Russia has sent a series of such
signals, designed to deliver the message that, despite the treaty
presidents George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin plan to sign here
this week pledging deep cuts in U.S. and Russian nuclear
arsenals, Russia is firmly committed to maintaining its status as
a nuclear front-runner.
According to many observers, Putin has made refurbishing and
strengthening Russian nuclear forces a top priority.
Shortly after he was elected in 2000, he issued a national
security blueprint emphasizing Russia's need for "nuclear forces
that are capable of guaranteeing the infliction of the desired
extent of damage against any aggressor state or coalition of
states in any conditions and circumstances."
According to Gen. Vasily Lata, who works at Russia's nuclear
missile academy, Putin has worked hard to honour that commitment.
"We'll win not with numbers but with skills," Lata says about
plans to cut the number of warheads.
"Russia is not involved in disarmament. We're just reducing the
numbers of warheads to a reasonable level. In the meantime, we're
developing new nuclear weapons and modernizing the ones we have.
"Over the last few years, improving our land-based nuclear
weapons has been emphasized. In many ways, our systems are
superior to the American ones and can easily beat American
missile-defence plans."
In the late 1990s, Russia launched a program to build up to 50
more of its most advanced nuclear-capable missiles a year. On
Feb. 6, the deputy chief of Russia's general staff, Gen. Yuriy
Baluyevskiy, announced that his country's intercontinental
ballistic missile force had been successfully modernized during
the 1990s and will remain "entirely satisfactory" for the rest of
this decade.
Baluyevskiy said the modernization of naval nuclear forces is now
the country's top military priority.
This announcement had been expected since March, 2001, when the
Russian government put in an order for 40 sea-launched ballistic
missiles, the first major order since 1992.
Russia is currently building two new ballistic missile
submarines, having just refurbished a third.
Only weeks after the announcement about the naval nuclear
build-up, Russian aircraft-industry officials announced plans to
modernize all 15 of their Tupolev-160 bombers, the backbone of
the air force's nuclear-attack wing.
Along with the modernization of Russia's land, sea and airborne
nuclear-delivery forces, research continues at 10 ultra-secret
nuclear cities, where an estimated 75,000 specialists work on new
nuclear weaponry.
According to a 2001 study of the secret nuclear and missile
complex by Russian demographer Valentin Tikhonov, key
weapons-research programs have survived Russia's economic
collapse and competition for research jobs in these centres is
now growing.
Ivan Safranchuk, of the Centre for Defence Information in Moscow,
says Russian nuclear researchers intend to match U.S. plans for
nuclear weapons that can be used in battlefield situations.
"They want to develop a less destructive nuclear weapon with
limited radiation effects," Safranchuk says about Russia's
research aims.
Although Russian nuclear-weapons testing is forbidden by
international treaty, money has been invested in a sophisticated
program to allow weapons designers to match U.S. programs that
test weaponry innovations in virtual settings using computer
simulations.
Says Lata: "Russia has similar test methods and models to the
U.S. We support the idea of testing nuclear weapons virtually,
maybe even more than the U.S. We're creating new weapons that
way."
Last week, the New York Times reported that the U.S. Joint Atomic
Energy Intelligence Committee says it has evidence Russia is
preparing to resume live nuclear tests.
Although the Russian government vigorously denied this claim, it
has admitted conducting a series of so-called "subcritical"
nuclear experiments in 1999, which it says are not banned.
And while Bush has praised Putin's commitment to cut its nuclear
arsenal, numerous senior U.S. experts and officials have been
expressing concern about Russia's nuclear-weapons program.
According to Siegfried Hecker, a former director of the Los
Alamos National Lab, where U.S. nuclear weapons are designed,
Russia has a major nuclear edge over the U.S. because the
Russians "are able to produce and assemble nuclear-weapon
materials and components at capacities many times that of the
United States."
The U.S. currently is not assembling any new nuclear weapons.
Testifying before the U.S. Senate on March 19, Thomas Wilson,
director of the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency, said Russia
will continue to rely on nuclear weapons and is building new
missiles while upgrading others "to compensate for its diminished
conventional military capability."
That same day, CIA director George Tenet warned the Senate that
"Moscow is likely to pursue a variety of countermeasures and new
weapons systems to defeat a deployed U.S. missile defence."
The worries in Washington about Russia's nuclear ambitions appear
to have triggered a response all too familiar to readers of Cold
War fact and fiction.
A few a few days before Wilson and Tenet gave their warnings,
U.S. Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham appeared before the
Senate's Armed Services Committee to answer questions about
Russia's program to build new weapons.
He told the senators that the U.S. has decided to begin building
warheads again by 2007.
Paul Webster is a Canadian reporter based in Moscow.
Legal Notice:- Copyright 1996-2002. Toronto Star Newspapers
*****************************************************************
44 Russia may be boosting Iran's nuclear arms
Boston Globe Online:
NUCLEAR SHADOW
By Anne E. Kornblut and David Filipov, Globe Staff, 5/19/2002
MOSCOW - It began as a promising business venture. The Russian
government would use its reservoir of unemployed nuclear
scientists to help Iran build a nuclear power plant, a
sophisticated but harmless civilian complex nestled on the
eastern banks of the Persian Gulf.
But as work on the Bushehr power plant has progressed, so have
Iran's efforts to obtain nuclear weapons technology, according to
a well-connected Russian scientist and several former Russian
officials. Contradicting the Kremlin's assertions, these sources
say Russia's Atomic Energy Ministry, known as Minatom - a rogue
force with almost no independent oversight - is providing a
direct boost to Iran's nuclear weapons program, under the guise
of the power plant. And US officials say Iran is on the cusp of
reaching this dangerous goal because of the Russian help.
''So what?'' said the Russian scientist, who has traveled to
Bushehr several times, and who agreed to speak on condition of
anonymity. ''The Iranians will acquire these weapons. Pakistan
has them. Israel has them. Other countries have them. So what if
Iran has them?''
That attitude, and the problem it reflects, is of escalating
concern for US officials who have labeled the state of Iran a
charter member of the ''axis of evil.'' It is also driving a
wedge in US-Russian relations, which both sides might prefer to
portray as rosy as Bush prepares to visit Moscow this week. Above
all, the Iranian nuclear weapons program is an example of
inconsistencies that President Bush, perhaps, should resolve as
he enters a phase of his war on terrorism in a complex post-Cold
War world, a place made murkier by autonomous relics like
Minatom.
The gray textures of the post-Cold War world, with its global
corporations, international terrorist organizations, and
autonomous relics like Minatom, can frustrate a search for
clarity.
Russian officials argue that the Bushehr power plant is an
innocuous, and lucrative, effort to bring power to Iran, similar
to the light-water reactor the United States is building for
North Korea.
In fact, under the rules of the International Atomic Energy
Agency, countries with nuclear knowledge are required to help
nonnuclear states to build power plants, and to safeguard the
spent fuel to prevent it from being turned into weapons-grade
material. Russia and Iran have both pledged to adhere to the
agency's rules, to keep Iran from becoming a nuclear power.
But evidence abounds of far more extensive exchanges of nuclear
information, according to CIA documents and interviews with
dozens of senior Bush administration and Russian officials over
the last two months.
Beyond the $840 million that Iran is paying, officially, for the
Bushehr power plant, Russian officials and scientists are engaged
in clandestine technology transfers, money-laundering schemes and
other transactions that have made a fortune for Russian
officials, according to several officials interviewed by the
Globe.
And that, the scientist said, made it too dangerous to discuss in
great detail.
''This is a super-Mafia,'' the scientist said. ''Anything else I
might tell you could result in conditions not conducive for life,
for me, you and anyone else involved, if you know what I mean.''
And yet for all his threats to isolate nations that support
terror in any form, Bush is unlikely to downgrade US ties to
Russia over Moscow's ties with Iran, which in turn has ties to
Hezbollah, which Bush considers a terrorist group.
Administration officials are weighing sanctions against Russia,
and Bush may raise the issue at his summit meeting with the
Russian president, Vladimir V. Putin, US officials said.
Such concerns have been raised in Congress. ''Russia continues to
supply significant assistance to many of Tehran's nuclear
programs,'' said Senator Richard C. Shelby, the ranking
Republican on the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence.
Of Russia, Shelby said: ''I've been there, I've talked with them
about these programs, and the president will be talking about
this on the highest level. They have told us before that they
would cooperate with us against proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction.''
''But,'' Shelby added, ''what they say and what they do are two
different things.''
Iran, which has signed nonproliferation treaties, denies that it
is seeking nuclear weapons technology.
''There is nothing about production of nuclear weapons in the
agreement signed between Russia and Iran on use of the atom for
peaceful purposes, for generating electrical power,'' Gholam Reza
Shafei, Iran's ambassador to Moscow, said at a news conference in
February.
Publicly, officials in Moscow insist that Russia has no interest
in seeing Iran, a country they see as a regional rival but not an
evil supporter of terrorism that is armed with nuclear weapons.
But Minatom, the Russian atomic energy agency that is
cash-hungry, has little regard for official Kremlin policy, and
it seems to have no compunctions about any role it might have, or
have had, in helping Iran to become a nuclear military power.
A legacy of the Cold War, cloaked in secrecy, Minatom has ignored
numerous agreements between Russian and US officials about Iran,
and it is continuing to do so, many argue - funneling sensitive
technologies to Iran on the side, under the cover of the Bushehr
plant.
''It is a serious issue,'' a senior US official said. ''We take
it very seriously. Russia should think again about what it's
doing.''
The matter has been a source of disagreement between the United
States and Russia for almost a decade, and it had been a focus of
almost every summit meeting that President Clinton held with his
Russian counterparts.
But over the past year and a half, a new dynamic has emerged:
Despite his close relationship with Bush, Russian President
Vladimir V. Putin is loath to be seen as bowing to US demands,
especially by cracking down on an alliance with Iran that
provides jobs for Russian scientists.
Conceived under Stalin as the complex of laboratories and secret
''closed cities'' where nuclear weapons were designed, built and
mass-produced, Minatom is the epitome of Cold War-style secrecy.
Nominally under control of the Russian government, Minatom does
not, in fact, report to anyone on how it spends hundreds of
millions of dollars, given the tight veil of confidentiality
drawn over its operations. There are no independent regulatory
agencies to monitor Minatom's activity, other than
non-governmental organizations whose effect on Kremlin policy is
limited.
The current head of Minatom, Alexander Rumyantsev, insisted
during a trip to Washington earlier this month that the light
water nuclear reactor under construction in Iran cannot be used
to develop material for weapons and does not pose a proliferation
threat. Instead, he said, the project provides jobs in Iran for
over 1,000 Russian specialists, as well as machine building firms
in Russia, providing a much-needed boost to a sector that has
suffered drastically since the end of the Cold War. Minatom is
unable to sell its goods to western markets that remain closed to
it, and nuclear scientists, no longer employed by the Soviet
government, live in remote, impoverished communities, sometimes
not receiving a paycheck for months, their desolation a source of
constant worry for non-proliferation specialists.
Bushehr, Rumyantsev told reporters in Washington, ''is not a
source of proliferation of nuclear material.'' A Minatom
spokesman in Moscow said the ministry needed 45 days to answer
any further questions. The Bushehr plant is still under
construction, and scheduled to be completed by early 2005.
Iran, which has signed non-proliferation treaties, denies it is
seeking nuclear weapons technology.
''There is nothing about production of nuclear weapons in the
agreement signed between Russia and Iran on use of the atom for
peaceful purposes, for generating electrical power,'' Gholam Reza
Shafei, Iran's ambassador to Moscow, said at a news conference in
February.
But ''Bushehr is just the tip of the iceberg,'' a senior US
official in Moscow said, speaking on condition of anonymity. ''We
are quite convinced that dangerous tech transfers are still
taking place. There may be some willful criminality in the Atomic
Energy Ministry, and some agencies that are getting away with
exports on their own.''
''I have no doubt that the building of an Atomic reactor in
Bushehr is a cover-up for Iran's plans to build an atomic bomb,''
said Alexei Yablokov, a former senior adviser to President Boris
Yeltsin on environmental issues, now the head of the Center for
Russian Environmental Policy, a non-profit group. ''It is madness
to build them reactors.''
He said that the spent nuclear fuel generated by any type of
nuclear reactor contains enough uranium and plutonium for the
creation of nuclear explosive devices at low cost.
''In three months, 30 people with a college education could do
it,'' Yablokov said. ''There is no distinction between civilian
and military nuclear programs; that is why handing nuclear
technology to such unstable countries as Iran is a suicidal
step.''
According to Yablokov, in 1995 Minatom contracted to build two
facilities that would allow the production of enriched uranium
and plutonium needed to produce a nuclear weapon. Yeltsin halted
this deal, but Yablokov said Iran's efforts to lean how to build
a bomb have since been augmented by student exchanges and the
transfer of knowledge from Russian specialists working in Iran.
A CIA report last year said Iran is aggressively pursuing nuclear
fuel-cycle capabilities, which ''can also support fissile
material production for a weapons program.'' US officials also
charge that Russia is helping Iran build long-range missiles that
could reach Europe and beyond.
And Maxim Shingarkin, a former officer in the Russian military's
secretive 12th Department, which is in charge of strategic
weapons, said that with the right knowledge, the reactor in
Bushehr could produce weapons-grade plutonium. By replacing the
control rods in the nuclear fuel assembly with rods filled with
uranium 238 and bombarding the rods with neutrons, he said, the
Iranians could produce enough plutonium, over time, to make
several bombs. As a longtime purchaser of Russian conventional
weaponry, Iran could obtain the uranium 238 from the depleted
uranium shells of artillery ordnance.
The Russian government does listen to US concerns about
proliferation. After the US slapped sanctions on seven Russian
firms it accused of peddling sensitive technologies or materials
to Iran in 1998, Russia passed tough legislation putting in place
strict controls on the export of sensitive technologies.
But in Iran's closed system, it is difficult for outside
intelligence to distinguish civilian technologies from equipment
that could be used to develop nuclear weapons. For example, the
US wanted to introduce sanctions against TsAGI, a major Russian
aeronautics firm, for a wind tunnel supplied to Iran. But it was
impossible for the US to tell whether the tunnel was of the type
needed to test nuclear bombs.
''From the early 1990s, our concern was that this large project
would serve as a cover for more sensitive technical interactions
between Russians and Iranians,'' said Robert Einhorn, the
Assistant Secretary of the Bureau for Non-proliferation at the
State Department in the Clinton administration. Now, he said,
''the concerns we had have materialized.''
That presents a major set-back for weapons control programs, and
a major problem for the Bush administration, partly of its own
making: Bush distanced himself from Russia at the start of his
term, and then, after first meeting Putin in Slovenia last
summer, chose to focus on missile defense and the 1972
Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty. According to one former Defense
Department official, Bush raised the matter of Iran with Putin
during one of their four meetings since last year, but it has
never been a focus of US discussions in public.
Since January, however, when Bush first cited Iran as part of the
''axis of evil'' in his State of the Union address, the
administration has renewed its focus on the Islamic state and its
efforts to obtain nuclear weapons. Under pressure to prove its
innocence, Minatom head Rumyantsev traveled to Washington earlier
this month to meet with US Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham and
assure his US counterpart that Russians are not slipping
sensitive material to Iran. After one meeting with Abraham,
Rumyantsev admitted it was still a ''sensitive topic.''
According to several former and current US and Russian officials,
Minatom is still a central part of the problem - aware of
technology transfers and making a large profit from its
illegitimate work, sometimes at the expense of the larger Russian
budget.
In January, Russia's Accounting Chamber issued a report detailing
how $270 million in US aid intended to help clean up and build
safe storage for the country's radioactive waste had disappeared.
Tens of millions of dollars had also been diverted to ''research
projects'' that, because of their secret nature, remained a
mystery.
The Accounting Chamber could not explain where this money goes,
but Shingarkin said it disappears in various book-cooking and
money laundering schemes. Some of the lost funds actually go to
research institutes, which hastily rewrite old research reports
and present them as work recently done.
He said that the Iran project is no different. Minatom,
Shingarkin claimed, had paid four times the going rate when it
purchased ventilation systems from a Czech company for the
Bushehr reactor. Shingarkin and the Russian scientist said
officials had pocketed the difference. They did not know the
actual amounts involved, only that it involved ''many millions''
of dollars, as Shingarkin put it. A Minatom spokesman said the
ministry needed 45 days to answer any questions.
''Sixty percent of the money is returned to Minatom officials in
cash, which they pocket,'' said Shingarkin, who now works for the
Moscow office of Greenpeace. ''I know, because in the past I have
carried it.''
This story ran on page A1 of the Boston Globe on 5/19/2002.
*****************************************************************
45 Savannah River (SC) and Wackenhut (WAK)
Date: Sun, 19 May 2002 13:13:07 -0500 (CDT)
"Gravitational fields of amorphous solid water [ASW] can save our
planet" ... what you should know about Bechtel, Westinghouse, the US
Army Corp of Engineers, and a South African Consortium of banks.
Physics News Update
The American Institute of Physics Bulletin of Physics News
Number 325 (Story #2), by Phillip F. Schewe and Ben Stein
NUCLEAR WASTE FOREVER.
http://www.geocities.com/our4horsemen/ladylewinsky.html
You can't make omelettes without breaking eggs, and the same is true
of nuclear power. Cranking out decades of reactor-based electricity
has meant breaking a lot of nuclei---the leftover consists of 30,000
tons of spent fuel rods in the US. Preparing for (or preventing)
nuclear war has spawned its own trove of nuclear-unstable matter:
400,000 cubic meters of high-level radioactive waste; the biggest
repositories are at Hanford (WA) and Savannah River (SC).
The June issue of Physics Today
looks at the problem of nuclear waste from a variety of angles: for
example, turning the waste products into a more manageable form such
as glass; studying the feasibility of permanent storage sites such as
the proposed vault at Yucca Mountain (NV); and comparing the
disposition of waste worldwide. The current stock of spent reactor
fuel is concentrated largely in only a few countries.
The biggest inventories are in the US (18.3%), UK (16.6%), Canada
(15.4%), France (14.9%), and the former USSR (9.9%).
WACKENHUT CORRECTIONS CORP.,
our #1 Paramilitary Inc.
(WAK)
... for a complete and official table, dilineating ALL the main
nuclear and radiation bad guys, many working for or with Wackenhut or
the Carlyle Group, click here!
WACKENHUT! Think Westinghouse! World Leader in Private Prison
Construction & Management and Paramilitary Security at our Nuclear
Waste Disposal Facilities ... hey look, if you have been lucky enough
not to have been locked down in prison in our present "no-justice"
democracy, then at least invest in this prisons craze and get rich
while you're still on the outside!
TODAY'S HEADLINES:
"Experts say it is the most
lethal garbage in the world"
THE SAVANNAH RIVER, S.C.
NUCLEAR
WEAPONS DUMP PROJECT, S.C.
Summarized from an article by MATTHEW L. WALD, of the New York Times
"The Curse of Yucca Mountain and Benzene"
COLUMBIA, S.C. — For years the Energy Department has promised to
clean nearly all the radioactivity out of bomb wastes here that are to
be secured in giant concrete blocks. Now, faced with a cleaning
technology that it has been unable to make work properly for more than
a decade, department officials have reversed themselves.
A $2.4 billion factory at Savannah River, S.C., is processing the
giant amounts of radioactive sludge ... mixing it with molten glass,
and pouring the mixture into stainless steel canisters. The mixture
cools into glass logs, and about 1,200 of them have been made since
production began in 1996. The plan is to bury them deep underground
[some of the cannisters will be 1000 feet underground], presumably at
Yucca Mountain, Nev. [Yucca Mountain is near Las Vegas groundwater and
exactly adjacent to the Nevada Nuclear Weapons Test Sites of the
1950s], where they are supposed to be secure for thousands of years.
The new proposal to mix a sizable portion of the waste with cement
without cleaning it is adding to tensions between the federal
government and Gov. Jim Hodges of South Carolina, who has threatened
to use state troopers to block new shipments of plutonium into the
site, the Savannah River nuclear reservation here.
[On Friday, a federal judge in South Carolina ordered the Energy
Department to wait 30 days before beginning to ship weapons-grade
plutonium from Colorado to Savannah River. The order, which means that
no shipping can begin until June 15, came a week after Governor Hodges
filed suit to stop the shipments, which he opposes because of
uncertainties about the technology that would be involved in
converting the former nuclear weapons to still toxic powerplant fuel.]
Stored in 51 giant tanks, the mix of radioactive sludge, liquid and
salts is a legacy of the factories here that produced the United
States' atomic arsenal. Experts say it is the most lethal garbage in
the world.
The Energy Department [DOE], which designs, builds and maintains our
nuclear weapons, has a powerful motive to simplify the cleanup. Any
method that proves effective here will be duplicated at sites in Idaho
[most radionuclide wastes from our U.S. Navy nuclear operations are
currently stored at the Idaho National Environmental and Engineering
Facility], and Hanford, Washington [The Hanford Nuclear Site is a
560-square-mile tract of semi-arid land located within the Columbia
River Basin in southeastern Washington, about 50 miles north of the
Oregon border. The Columbia River flows through the Hanford Site
boundary. In early 1943, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers selected the
Hanford Site as their main location for nuclear reactor and chemical
processing facilities for the production, separation, and purification
of plutonium].
[... The suggested method of disposal] is cleaning the radioactive
salts by washing out radioactive cesium-137 and then mixing the salts
with cement. But the washing process also produces a volatile
compound, benzene, which makes the waste tanks vulnerable to fire or
explosion.
The U.S. Dept. of Energy's record with cement is spotty. In the 1980's
it tried to clean up a contaminated pond at the Rocky Flats plant, in
the suburbs of Denver, by mixing radioactive material with cement to
produce what officials called pondcrete. In months, the pondcrete
crumbled. A solution here will be a model for Hanford, Wash., where
there are more tanks, in worse condition, and where the department
recently broke ground for another glass factory.
At the Georgia Environmental Protection Division, James Hardeman,
manager of the Environmental Radiation Division, said, "They can call
it mudpies, it's still high level waste." [regarding the nearby
Savannah River Project]
"It should be buried at Yucca Mountain," Mr. Hardeman said.
MORE PROFITS FOR WACKENHUT Managed Commercial Prisons:
Mentally Disordered in U.S. Swing Between Jail, Hospital
May 14, 2002
Summarized from an article by Alan Elsner, National Correspondent
ROCHESTER, N.Y. (Reuters) - Project Link, a six-year-old program
spearheaded by University of Rochester psychiatrists Steven Lamberti
and Robert Weisman, aims to identify severely mentally ill patients
like Collier and help them re-establish some semblance of a normal
life. The benefits to society could be immense.
"Jails and prisons have become the final destination of the mentally
ill in America. It's a huge problem. There are more mentally ill folk
in state prisons than in state hospitals. The Los Angeles County Jail
has become the nation's largest mental institution," said Lamberti.
"So many people are trapped in what I call a Bermuda Triangle of
prison, hospital and the streets," he said.
Project Link takes severely mentally ill patients -- there are
currently 45 enrolled -- and given each one a case worker, who makes
sure they take their medications, keep in touch with medical and
social service providers in the community.
Most private landlords are reluctant to rent rooms to mentally ill
tenants. But without stable housing, they are almost impossible to
treat.
COSTS DRASTICALLY CUT
The program also drastically cut the costs of caring for participants,
from an estimated average of $62,500 per person to $14.500.
There is an estimated 5.6 million people with severe mental illness
currently living in the United States.
In the 1980s and 1990s, the number of available beds in mental
hospitals plummeted while the commercial prison population more than
doubled to around 2 million, of whom around 15 percent are believed to
be suffering from severe mental illness, according to various studies.
That totals out at around 300,000 people.
In Rochester, a city of around 750,000 near the shores of Lake
Ontario, a regional psychiatric hospital which once held over 3,000
inmates was cut to just 200 beds in the 1990s.
[summarized from a recent New York Times article, by Henri E. Cauvin]
The
Wackenhut Corrections Corp., (WAK)
... based in Florida, has become the world leader in private prison
construction and management. They are currently expanding into South
Africa, after having made great strides in the USA [especially Austin,
Texas], the UK, Australia, New Zealand, and the Carribean islands. WCC
is now building a 3,024 bed maximum security prison in South Africa,
financed by a consortium of SOUTH AFRICAN BANKS.
It is hoped by the consortium that this is only the first step of a
long and lucrative relationship that will rapidly expand.
WACKENHUT SERVICES, INC., the largest commercial builders of prisons
in the world, is also the contractor for the Department of Defense
[USA] and the contractor who is both well paid and responsible for
human security at the Savannah River Site[SRS], the largest nuclear
waste disposal compound in the world, ... Bechtel, Westinghouse, and
the US Army Corp of Engineers all pay WACKENHUT to get rid of
unneccesary risks and problems ... take for instance, prisoners, and
yes, nuclear toxins too! [it is assumed the prisoners will be
liquidated long before the nuclear "cakes" are vitrified]
[quoting directly from the NEW YORK TIMES:]
" [...] Authorities in Texas reclaimed control of a Wackenhut run
prison
in Austin after a dozen former employees were indicted late last year
on charges of sexually assaulting and harrassing inmates ... earlier
this year, authorities in Louisiana transferred the ENTIRE POPULATION
of a JUVENILE PRISON run by
Wackenhut after federal investigations contended that inmates
[JUVENILES] were beaten and deprived of adequate food and clothes."
--->>> check your Wall Street stocks and see which WACKENHUT prison
shares are ahead of the pack this week!! It's one of the best deals in
our "democracy" and "nuclear family" --- you can afford a pension and
your own private health insurance if you invest in penal colonies and
supernatant radioactive salts and RADIOACTIVE SALT CAKES!!!! <<<---
from the "SACRAMENTO BEE"
Q: Have you ever heard that the private prison industry is a good
investment? I heard that Wackenhut stock has soared lately. What do
you think?
-- M.E., Sacramento
A: Wackenhut Corp. (ticker symbol WAK) is an international provider of
security services that also manages privatized correctional
facilities.
For the 39 weeks ended Oct. 1, revenues rose 17 percent to $1.85
billion, but net income fell 4 percent to $13.5 million.
Late last month, the security service company advised Wall Street that
it expects to post earnings[.]
WACKENHUT, in bed for several lost weekends with the Pentagon, gets
two juicy prison contracts in Arkansas ... click here to read how
WACKENHUT is literally drooling over their company being selected to
expand Arkansas's 600-bed facility for adult female offenders to lock
down over 800 teenage females in prison beds.
*****************************************************************
46 DOE drops plutonium shipping plan
Tri-Valley Herald
Sunday, May 19, 2002 - 2:59:04 AM MST
Decision a response to lawsuit, anti-nuclear activists say
By Staff Writer: Glenn Roberts Jr.
LIVERMORE -- Responding to a lawsuit filed by a Livermore-based
nuclear watchdog group, Energy Department officials said they
have abandoned plans to send plutonium to Lawrence Livermore
National Laboratory in substandard containers.
Tri-Valley Communities Against a Radioactive Environment filed a
lawsuit in February in an effort to block a series of shipments
containing nuclear weapons-related plutonium parts bound for
Livermore Lab from Rocky Flats, an Energy Department cleanup site
in Colorado.
Marylia Kelley, Tri-Valley CARE's executive director, said, "This
decision is a direct result of our lawsuit," adding that the
Energy Department "was set to put these (containers) on the road"
until the group took legal action.
Jessie Roberson, Energy Department assistant secretary for
environmental management, said in a statement Friday, "We want to
move forward, rather than engage in unnecessary and costly
litigation from environmental groups that could delay the
environmental restoration of our Rocky Flats facility."
Energy Department officials had approved an exemption -- which
authorized shipments of large plutonium-containing parts in
containers that did not meet all safety standards -- in order to
expedite the shipments.
For example, Energy Department communications stated that the
containers could be crushed if the truck that carried them was
hit by a train. And "if (the truck) was hit from behind by a
large, heavy vehicle, the crush environment may occur."
Another Energy Department document states that the containers "do
not demonstrate compliance with the current ... performance
requirements (most notably the dynamic crush test)."
Roberson said in a Thursday memo to Everet Beckner, deputy
administrator for defense programs for the Energy Department's
nuclear security agency, that approval for the use of the
substandard containers was "contingent on satisfactory completion
of a safety analysis and reviews."
"These reviews have yet to be com-pleted and need not be
completed in light of the decision I have made to ship the
materials in question in certified containers," she said.
Joe Davis, an Energy Department spokesman, said Friday that the
plutonium-contaminated parts bound for Livermore will be cut into
smaller pieces so that they can fit into smaller containers that
meet all safety standards.
When asked whether those parts, once they are cut, will still be
sent to Livermore Lab, Davis said, "As for the 125 items that
were the subject of the lawsuit, those items will not be shipped
to our site."
Kelley said that Tri-Valley CARE's members are working with
Earthjustice, the environmental legal-defense group that
supported the lawsuit, to determine whether the lawsuit can be
dropped.
"We hope to resolve satisfactorily all the issues," Kelley said.
"We want to (have) iron-clad assurance that they will not be
shipping in these uncertified containers."
Rocky Flats was also scheduled to ship plutonium to an Energy
Department site in South Carolina using the sub-standard
containers, though all plutonium shipments to South Carolina from
Rocky Flats have been suspended pending negotiations between
state and Energy Department officials.
Though Energy Department officials have planned to complete
cleanup at the Rocky Flats site by 2006, a report released by
Energy Department investigators this week states that "missed
milestones increase the risk of delays" to this closure date.
Plutonium-packaging operations at the site are not expected to be
completed until May 2003, a year behind schedule, the report also
states.
©1999-2001 by MediaNews Group, Inc. and ANG Newspapers
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47 Plutonium packaging a problem at Flats
[www.TheDailyCamera.com]
By Katy Human
Camera Staff Writer
South Carolina's refusal to accept plutonium shipments from
Rocky Flats isn't the only thing threatening the 2006 deadline
for cleanup of the former nuclear weapons plant.
The company packaging Rocky Flats' weapons-grade plutonium into
containers is struggling to meet production schedules, which
could delay the plant's timely cleanup, according to a new
federal audit released Thursday.
Kaiser-Hill was supposed to have packaged 9,800 kilograms —
nearly 11 tons — of highly radioactive plutonium metals and
oxides into about 1,900 containers by this month, according to
the Office of the Inspector General, but the work is less than
half done.
The packaged plutonium originally was scheduled to be trucked to
South Carolina beginning last September, but an ongoing dispute
between the Department of Energy and South Carolina's governor
delayed shipments. A recent lawsuit filed by Gov. Jim Hodges
further postponed shipments until at least June 15.
The new report expressed doubt about Kaiser-Hill's ability to
increase the speed of packaging, given technical problems that
have plagued the system: "... we remain concerned that the
current target of 140 containers per month may not be
realistic," it reads.
It also recommends that Kaiser-Hill develop a contingency plan
for packaging the plutonium, in the event of a "catastrophic
failure" of the current system.
John Corsi, spokesman for Kaiser-Hill, said he's confident the
company can package the remaining containers by early next year
with the current system.
"We just did 48 containers last week," he said. "The machine's
working, and it's going to get us to 2006."
The new report is available online at www.ig.doe.gov. Click on
"IG Reports."
Contact Katy Human at (303) 473-1364 or
humank@thedailycamera.com.
Copyright 2002 The Daily Camera.
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48 Rocky Flats won't use contested containers
[www.TheDailyCamera.com]
By Katy Human
Camera Staff Writer
Rocky Flats will not ship highly radioactive plutonium to South
Carolina and California in controversial shipping containers as
previously planned, a federal official announced Thursday.
A California environmental group filed a lawsuit over the issue
in February, but Jessie Roberson, assistant secretary for
environmental management in the Department of Energy, said the
agency decided to use fully approved containers instead of
battling the issue in court.
"We want to move forward, rather than engage in unnecessary and
costly litigation ... that could delay the environmental
restoration of our Rocky Flats facility," said Roberson,
formerly the Department of Energy manager at Rocky Flats.
As part of the cleanup of Rocky Flats, a former nuclear weapons
plant south of Boulder, officials planned to send seven
trucks-worth of plutonium parts to Lawrence Livermore National
Laboratory in California and additional shipments to South
Carolina in DT-22's.
Using the DT-22's, relatively large, 45-gallon containers, would
have meant Rocky Flats workers could package many plutonium
parts wholesale, without having to cut them down to size first.
But a California activist group argued that the federal
government had "illegally" exempted itself from environmental
laws in planning to use the containers, which did not pass crush
tests typically required for carrying large amounts of
plutonium.
Ann Seitz, office manager for Tri-Valley Communities Against a
Radioactive Environment group in Livermore said she was happy to
learn that the Energy Department decided to drop the
controversial containers.
"They obviously realized they had been caught and that they were
going to have more trouble trying to continue than simply making
shipments safe," she said.
Seitz declined to comment on whether the lawsuit would be
dropped — group members need time to evaluate the news, she
said.
John Corsi, spokesman for Kaiser-Hill, the company managing
Rocky Flats cleanup, said he assumed Rocky Flats workers will
need to do more "size reduction" work to fit plutonium parts
into smaller, approved containers.
"We'll have to look into what this means," he said.
Contact Katy Human at (303) 473-1364 or
humank@thedailycamera.com.
Copyright 2002 The Daily Camera.
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