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NUCLEAR POLICY
1 National says Cullen trying to start debate on nuclear policy
2 NZ's nuclear stance factor in US trade deal
NUCLEAR REACTORS
3 US: Indian Point workers rally to keep plants open
4 US: Political donations' helped Davis-Besse
NUCLEAR SAFETY
5 Vieques
6 US: Father of Fallon leukemia cluster victim to conduct cancer surve
7 Hiroshima/Activist artist blames bomb for his cancer
8 Nuclear 'health threat' to generations
9 Family calls for nuclear health tests
10 UK Doctor Opposes Gulf War Syndrome 'Mythology'
11 UK: Families of nuclear test veterans 'suffering'
12 US: NRC Conducts Special Inspection of Possible Radiation Exposures
NUCLEAR FUEL CYCLE
13 US: Goshutes fight over N-waste and feel abandoned by state
14 Uranium powerhouse fuels dreams
15 AU: Radioactive dump is put out to pasture -
16 CTR's Battle for Permanent Waiver Becomes Fight for its Very
17 Greens to oppose Laverton Shire bid to store nuclear waste.
NUCLEAR WEAPONS
18 US: [southnews] Bush rattles sabre at Iraq
19 Tests to encourage missile, N-race: US --
20 EDITORIAL A Ticking Bomb in Russia
21 US: Saddam's Last Ploy
22 Sharon Tells Cabinet to Keep Quiet on U.S. Plans
23 US: Congressional war on Iraq
24 N. Korea must show its sincerity
25 US: Grove: Decision looms this week on Iraq dilemma
26 US: What Good Is Delay?
27 Truth's already a victim, and the war hasn't started
28 New Zealand government says U.S. trade pressure won't end
29 US: Fox interview various reps on Iraq
30 Cullen: Nuclear Ban Pushes New Zealand Down US's Free-Trade Queue
31 No 10 confident of tough UN resolution
US DEPT. OF ENERGY
32 Scarboro sampling draft report deadline extended
33 Layoffs expected from accelerated cleanup program
34 DOE hearing allows public to comment on nuke site
35 EPA proposal repeats work, plants believe -
36 Nuclear Test Readiness at Risk, DOE Reports
OTHER NUCLEAR
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FULL NEWS STORIES
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1 National says Cullen trying to start debate on nuclear policy
07.10.2002
The National Party says Deputy Prime Minister Michael Cullen
deliberately commented on New Zealand's relationship with the
United States with the aim of starting a public debate on the
anti-nuclear issue.
Dr Cullen visited the US last week, and was told New Zealand's
anti-nuclear law was a barrier to a trade deal worth about $1
billion a year, and a factor in Australia being ahead of New
Zealand in the race to achieve it.
He told NZPA yesterday the issue had been tactfully discussed,
and he was not sure whether it was the firm position of the US
administration.
He ruled out any change in the law, saying it would be "an
extraordinarily bad signal" for New Zealand to send to other
countries that trade liberalisation was connected with such
issues.
Today, National's foreign affairs spokesman, Wayne Mapp, said his
party's position was basically bipartisan.
"Dr Cullen has obviously quite deliberately raised the issue in
the New Zealand public domain, presumably with the intent that
people start thinking and talking about this issue," he said on
National Radio.
"The question really is are we, as a nation, prepared to even
have a national conversation on the issue."
Dr Mapp said any such debate could only be about the law which is
preventing nuclear-powered ships coming to New Zealand, not about
the ban on nuclear weapons.
"It could only ever be on the propulsion issue. New Zealanders
right across the board are absolutely committed to New Zealand
being nuclear free in terms of weapons," he said.
But Dr Mapp said it was 17 years since the policy came into
force, and there had been many changes since then.
"Virtually all of the fleet is now conventionally-powered in the
US navy," he said.
Dr Cullen said yesterday he did not think it was in the US
interest for trade policy to be seen as a means of exerting
pressure for strategic purposes.
He believed the US and Australia would enter free trade
negotiations in the next few months, but did not expect a quick
result.
In the meantime, New Zealand would continue impressing on the US
administration and business interests that a deal was important,
and should not be related to military alliances.
"The Australian relationship with the US has seen them favoured
in terms of beginning discussions but there are many Americans,
particularly within Congress I'm sure, who would not see that as
a necessary and natural consequence of the strategic relationship
between the US and Australia and would hope to see discussions
occur with New Zealand as well," he said.
Dr Mapp said Australia was well ahead of New Zealand.
"Australia is in the queue, there will be negotiations. The
reality is we're not in the queue," he said.
National has previously said it remains firmly committed to the
anti-nuclear laws, and Dr Mapp said there would have to be
widespread support before any change was considered.
ACT defence spokesman Ken Shirley said Labour and National should
stop "shadow boxing" on the nuclear propulsion issue and clearly
state their positions.
Dr Cullen had initiated a debate on the issue to sound out the
electorate.
"For their part, National are pirouetting around the issue
confirming their non-nuclear policy on the one hand while
simultaneously trying to beat up the Government for the lost
opportunities resulting from the policy that they share."
ACT policy was to amend the anti-nuclear legislation and let
nuclear-propelled ships into New Zealand ports and territorial
waters.
"The removal of the ban on nuclear-propelled ships is the key to
reactivating our involvement in Anzus which in turn would put us
on equal footing with Australia in facilitating freer trade
access to the US market," Mr Shirley said.
Progressive Coalition MP Matt Robson, who was disarmament
minister in the previous government, said New Zealand's
opposition to nuclear weapons gave it hard-earned moral
authority.
He said Dr Mapp was being "two-faced when he makes his immoral
call to cuddle up to the weapons of mass destruction club".
"New Zealand cannot be part of the United Nations weapons
inspection team to destroy weapons of mass destruction in Iraq
and at the same time try to be part of the club that continues
with those same weapons of mass destruction," he said.
- NZPA
©Copyright 2002, New Zealand Herald
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2 NZ's nuclear stance factor in US trade deal
07.10.2002 By VERNON SMALL deputy political editor
Deputy Prime Minister Michael Cullen has raised eyebrows among
senior colleagues by admitting New Zealand's anti-nuclear stance
is a factor in Australia's head start in free-trade talks with
the United States.
Background briefings by officials in the US and in New Zealand
have always acknowledged that the "ally" status of Australia has
given it the inside running on a coveted free-trade deal.
But Dr Cullen's comment breaks with the Government's public line
- that although the ban on US nuclear ship visits is a sticking
point in the relationship, trade and security issues are kept
separate.
Senior sources said there was surprise at "how frank" Dr Cullen
had been about discussions he had held in the US last week.
Prime Minister Helen Clark, in Sydney for the Warriors' rugby
league grand final game, declined to be interviewed about Dr
Cullen's comments.
Speaking through a spokesman, she repeated that New Zealand would
not change the anti-nuclear law passed in 1987.
She said the issues of defence and trade had traditionally not
been linked.
"New Zealand will argue the case for a free-trade agreement on
its merits."
Dr Cullen also reaffirmed New Zealand's commitment to the
anti-nuclear law and rejected a call from National MP Lockwood
Smith for an independent inquiry into the policy.
Last year, foreign affairs officials warned Helen Clark that
Australia was using its Anzus relationship with the US to steal a
march on New Zealand. Australia has since decided to "go it
alone" in trade negotiations.
During talks with President George Bush in April Helen Clark
pressed New Zealand's case. She received a polite hearing after
New Zealand's contribution of special forces to Afghanistan, but
she was seen to make little progress on trade.
New Zealand is pushing more resources into its embassy in
Washington to support its bid.
During his visit last week, Dr Cullen said he had argued "with
some success ... that New Zealand should be next in line after
Australia" because of the strong transtasman links through the
closer economic relations pact.
A US-New Zealand free-trade pact is estimated to be worth $1
billion a year to New Zealand through access to the world's
largest market.
In a newspaper interview, Dr Cullen said the subject of New
Zealand's anti-nuclear law was raised during discussions in
Washington, and he was told the door was certainly not shut.
The anti-nuclear policy did not rule out a free-trade pact
forever, but it was a reason the Bush Administration would deal
with Australia first.
However, reports from Australia suggested that even alone, John
Howard's Government is struggling to make progress.
US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick announced last week that
Washington's priorities were to open free-trade talks with
Morocco and five Central American countries.
That prompted Mr Howard to admit that a deal with the US might
founder over agricultural trade.
©Copyright 2002, New Zealand Herald
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3 Indian Point workers rally to keep plants open
By HEMA EASLEY THE JOURNAL NEWS
(Original publication: October 6, 2002)
PEEKSKILL — Speaking at a rally that drew nearly 500 Indian Point
workers and supporters, a union leader yesterday called efforts
by an environmental group leading a drive to close the nuclear
facility no more than "domestic terrorism."
"Riverkeeper has no bearing as an environmental group," Manny
Hellen, president of Local 1-2, Utility Workers Union of America,
told the cheering crowd, which consisted primarily of plant
workers and their family members. "This is domestic terrorism.
It's psychological warfare. How else would you describe an
organization that uses fear and propaganda to advance its cause?"
Hellen said Riverkeeper has distorted facts about Indian Point's
safety and played on the public's fear after the Sept. 11 attacks
to push for the facility's closure.
Riverkeeper, based in Garrison, has been leading a coalition of
groups in a campaign to have Indian Point shut down. Along with
many local residents, the group believes that in the event of a
terrorist attack or a radioactive leak, the consequences for the
region would be devastating.
In response to the accusation that Riverkeeper was using
propaganda to stir fear in the public, the group's executive
director, Alex Matthiessen, said: "Nothing could be further from
the truth. Ninety percent of the information that we use has been
regurgitated from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission's reports and
data.
"Our intent is not to scare the public. Our intent is to make
information available so that they can make their own informed
judgment."
At the demonstration at Peekskill's Riverfront Green, Indian
Point workers greeted Hellen's attack on Riverkeeper with shouts
of, "Yeah, Yeah," and clapping. Some in the crowd held up banners
reading, "Keep Indian Point Open," and, "Indian Point: Safe,
Secure, Vital." Children distributed balloons and red-and-white
pompoms, which supporters waved during the three-hour rally.
Since the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, pressure has grown
for shutting down the reactors in Buchanan, an issue that has
been marked by protests on both sides.
In February, Riverfront Green was the venue for dueling Indian
Point protests by plant workers and anti-nuclear activists. That
event drew more than 1,000 people, most of whom were part of the
increasingly vocal lobby of plant workers.
Federal emergency and nuclear regulatory officials recently
conducted a drill of emergency response plans for Indian Point 2
to show that the public could be safely evacuated or sheltered in
the event of a real nuclear disaster at the power plant.
But critics have severely criticized the Sept. 24 drill, saying
key command centers were closed to public oversight, no actual
evacuation was involved and the scenario tested didn't mirror the
kind of sudden catastrophe the public fears most.
"We want the plant open. We think it is very safe," said Arlene
Sweeny. Her husband, John, works for Indian Point, and the couple
recently bought a house a mile from the nuclear plants.
"We wouldn't have bought a house here if it wasn't safe," she
said. "He wouldn't be working there if we thought it wasn't
safe."
Hema Easley [heasley@thejournalnews.com]
Home [http://www.thejournalnews.com] -News Copyright 2002 The
Journal News, a Gannett Co [http://www.gannett.com/] .
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4 Political donations' helped Davis-Besse
The Plain Dealer
10/07/02
How fortunate for FirstEn ergy Corp. that Rep. Billy Tauzin's
House Energy and Commerce Committee found that future
investigation into the Davis-Besse nuclear plant debacle was not
needed. This was a disaster waiting to happen and due to the
laxity of FirstEnergy and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, it
almost did.
FirstEnergy must be very pleased with how its investments in
Tauzin and Rep. Paul Gillmor, as reported in The Plain Dealer
Sept. 27, have paid off. This is yet another example of how the
money of Big Business influences our politicians.
Bernard Epstein
University Heights
© 2002 The Plain Dealer. Used with permission.
© 2002 cleveland.com. All Rights Reserved.
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5 Vieques
Date: Mon, 7 Oct 2002 23:26:42 -0500 (CDT)
congressperson.
Congress will soon go into recess. Let's get more for Members of Congress
to write letters to Bush requesting the Executive Order on Vieques before
they soon go back to their districts to campaign.
The following are only a few of the Members of Congress -along with the
email address of one of their staff- who need a little extra push. So
please call them and/or email them and tell them to send the letter as soon
as possible, and also please follow up on the other congressional offices
you may have contacted in the past. Below you will also find the most
recent letter to Bush by a Member of Congress specifically requesting an
Executive Order on Vieques (#31, by Rep. Jim McDermott of WA).
Thank you,
Mayaguezanos con Vieques
U.S. Capitol Switchboard: 202-225-3121 (toll free: 1-800-648-3516)
Maxine Waters (California):
kathleen.sengstock@mail.house.gov
Zoe Lofgren (California):
Sandra.Soto@mail.house.gov
Lucille Royball-Allard (California):
Victor.Castillo@mail.house.gov
Hilda Solis (California):
laura.rodriguez@mail.house.gov
Nancy Pelosi (California):
carolyn.bartholomew@mail.house.gov
Diane DeGette (Colorado):
ben.humphreys@mail.house.gov
Mark Udall (Colorado):
jennifer.barrett@mail.house.gov
Barney Frank (Mass.):
peter.kovar@mail.house.gov
John Tierney (Mass.):
christine.pelosi@mail.house.gov
Sen. John Kerry (Mass.):
kate_rhudy@kerry.senate.gov
Lloyd Doggett (Texas):
michael.mucchetti@mail.house.gov
September 23, 2002
The Honorable George W. Bush
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. President:
I am writing to urge you to issue an Executive Order that ends
immediately the military training and bombing operations by the U.S.
Navy on the Puerto Rican island of Vieques. This is a matter of
great importance to constituents in my Congressional District.
For more than two decades, Puerto Ricans have opposed the military
use of Vieques. The damage inflicted by the U.S. Navy has caused
irreparable environmental and economic damage, and its continued use
further endangers the health and well-being of the people of the
island.
Your issuance of an Executive Order would be consistent with the June
14, 2001 announcement of your decision to permanently cease military
operations on Vieques by May 2003. An early decision to turn over
the Navy-owned land to the U.S. Department of the Interior for clean-
up and disposal to the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is warranted.
Your consideration of this matter is most appreciated.
Sincerely,
JIM McDERMOTT
Member of Congress
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6 Father of Fallon leukemia cluster victim to conduct cancer survey
Las Vegas SUN
October 06, 2002
ASSOCIATED PRESS
FALLON, Nev. (AP) - The father of a Fallon childhood leukemia
cluster victim will soon launch a door-to-door survey here to try
to determine whether a higher-than-normal cancer rate exists.
Floyd Sands of Mehoopany, Pa., said he wants to uncover the cause
of his daughter Stephanie's disease and eventual death.
The 21-year-old woman died in September 2001 at a Pennsylvania
hospital after battling the disease for two years.
She is one of 16 people ages 20 or younger - all with ties to the
Fallon area - who have been diagnosed with a form of childhood
leukemia since 1997. Two others have died.
"We're basically doing a door-to-door canvas of Fallon residents
asking five basic questions," Floyd Sands told the Lahontan
Valley News &Fallon Eagle Standard newspaper.
He said he and a team of volunteers, including University of
Nevada, Reno students, will start the three-day survey Oct. 14.
The five questions concern the health conditions of members of
each household. Residents will be asked whether they have any
diseases such as leukemia, lymphoma, lupus or other cancers. No
names or addresses will be taken.
"Depending on the number of volunteers and the hours they're
available, we hope to cover the whole city," Sands said. "I've
heard it's impossible, but impossible is not in our vocabulary
... We'll knock on every door possible."
Sands, a former Fallon resident, said he believes no genuine
effort has been made by state and federal health officials to
find the cause of the leukemia cluster.
He said the answer could be found by simply asking Fallon
residents if there are any sicknesses in their family, then
comparing the results with statistics from the National Institute
of Health.
"I hope we don't find anything," he told the newspaper. "What
we're looking for is the incidence of diseases above the normal
... if something jumps out at us."
After results are tabulated and presented to Fallon leukemia
families and Assemblywoman Marcia de Braga, D-Fallon, they will
be released to the public, he said.
In a suburb of Sacramento, Calif., residents are conducting a
similar grassroots investigation to try to determine the extent
of a potential cancer cluster, also involving leukemia.
The Fallon cancer cluster was identified in 2000 and state health
officials suspect an environmental cause.
Information from: Lahontan Valley News, Fallon
All contents copyright 2002 Las Vegas SUN, Inc.
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7 Hiroshima/Activist artist blames bomb for his cancer
Daily Yomiuri On-Line
Yomiuri Shimbun
Hiroshi Hara, 71, a survivor of the 1945 atomic bombing of
Hiroshima who has been painting watercolors with antinuclear
themes for the past eight years, has been hospitalized with colon
cancer that he attributes to exposure to the bomb's radiation.
The resident of Aki Ward, Hiroshima, began painting his 1,208th
image of the A-bomb Dome on Sept. 26, but stopped after two hours
without finishing it, saying he would paint again after
recovering.
Hara was 13 when the atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima. As the
leader of the Hiroshima o Kataru-kai (Association to Tell about
Hiroshima), which disbanded in spring last year, he used to
relate his experiences to children.
Starting in April 1994, he began painting pictures of the A-bomb
Dome every day at the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park in memory of
the war dead.
He sometimes created as many as three paintings a day. Two of his
works are on display in UNESCO's Paris headquarters. Hara
finished his 500th painting on Dec. 6, 1996, when the dome was
designated as a world heritage site.
Recently, he had been forced to slow down because of worsening
eyesight due to glaucoma--possibly caused by his exposure to the
atomic bomb blast--but he managed to finish his 1,201st painting
when a ceremony to mark the bombing was held this year.
Hara lost his appetite in late August, and when he had a medical
check-up on Sept. 16 he was found to have cancer.
He lost the desire to paint, but he was encouraged by a letter
from some of the children who had heard his stories and urged him
to continue his work until he finishes his 2,000th painting.
Hara said he told himself not to succumb to the disease.
On Sept. 26, he used water from the Motoyasugawa river near the
memorial park to dissolve colors, as usual, and began painting.
The dome seemed to be angry at the United States, which resumed
its subcritical nuclear testing that day, Hara said.
Hara, who is expected to undergo an operation in early October to
remove the cancer, will be hospitalized for about one month.
"My succumbing to cancer caused by radioactivity would mean I've
lost to the atomic bomb. I'll keep painting until I die and there
are no more atomic bombs in this world," he said.
Copyright 2002 The Yomiuri Shimbun
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8 Nuclear 'health threat' to generations
BBC NEWS | UK |
Sunday, 6 October, 2002, 15:08 GMT 16:08
[Maralinga]
Maralinga: Australian site was base for weapons tests
Radiation exposure from nuclear bomb testing has left generations
of servicemen and their families suffering from ill-health and
disease, a newspaper has claimed.
The nuclear tests were carried out in the 1950s and witnessed by
15,000 servicemen in Australia and the Pacific.
The investigation, as a result, argues three generations of men,
their children and grandchildren have suffered cancers, mental
illness, deformity, infertility and long-term illness.
The Ministry of Defence (MoD), however, has discounted the
alleged link as unproven.
The survey, undertaken by the Sunday Mirror, claims:
+ Leukaemia rates among servicemen's grandchildren are six
times the national average
+ The number born with deformities and other crippling diseases
is 10 times above average
+ Rates of Down's syndrome are seven times higher The figures
in the newspaper¿s investigation are based on a sample of 350
nuclear test veterans of who 115 reported health problems with
their grandchildren.
Test programme
John Urqhuart, a government adviser on radiation exposure, called
for a fresh review into possible links.
He told the BBC: "If we are not investigating it, we are not
investigating a very important problem.
"We really need to know more about this."
[Australia]
Australia was a popular site for British nuclear testing in the
1950s and numerous servicemen were sent out to observe or witness
the test programme. Notable sites included twelve blasts at
Maralinga near Adelaide on the south Australian coast and the
first A-bomb test explosion on the Monte Bello islands in 1952.
Responding to the claims, the Ministry of Defence insisted that,
so far, studies had failed to reveal any link between the nuclear
tests and illness. Tony Blair supported a private member's bill
in 1990 calling for compensation for the veterans.
However, the government now believes there is insufficient
evidence surrounding the claims.
A spokeswoman for the MoD said: "Comprehensive independent
studies including some 42,000 individuals have shown no evidence
of excess illness or mortality amongst the veterans that could be
linked to participation in the nuclear test programme.
"The MoD has seen no evidence to contradict these findings.
"If there is any new evidence or data it should be put before the
independent panel of experts."
© MMII | News Sources | Privacy
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9 Family calls for nuclear health tests
BBC NEWS | UK | Wales |
Monday, 7 October, 2002, 07:34 GMT 08:34
[Michelle Roberts (right) and daughter Louise] Michelle (right)
and Louise had abnormal pregnancies
Relatives of an army veteran from north Wales used in nuclear
experiments are demanding health tests after a series of medical
problems in the family. The family of Norman Callender, from
Caernarfon, north Wales, claim they have been affected by
radiation as a result of his involvement with nuclear tests in
the 1950s.
[Norman Callender] Norman Callender died of cancer last year
Mr Callender - who died of cancer last year - witnessed Britain's
first nuclear tests on Christmas Island in the Pacific.
His granddaughter Louise recently had to abort her baby because a
scan revealed it had no arms or legs.
She was not the first woman in her family to lose a baby. Her
mother Michelle Roberts miscarried a badly deformed child.
She was born with a heart defect, and claims she has had to cope
with a series of other medical problems for several years.
"I've been in and out of hospital since 1990," she said.
"I just want to know what's wrong with me."
First tests
"I've had the most horrendous tests you can think of, but I still
haven't had an answer."
Mrs Roberts' father was among those who witnessed Britain's first
nuclear tests on Christmas Island.
New research by a Sunday newspaper has suggested that the
grandchildren of nuclear test veteran are six times more likely
to develop leukaemia and seven times more likely to develop Downs
Syndrome.
The government has dismissed the findings - but the Callenders,
along with many other veterans' familes, have insisted their
problems must be taken seriously.
[mushroom cloud] Thousands claim they were affected by the tests
Earlier this year two British law firms began investigating
thousands of claims by veterans who said they became chronically
ill after witnessing nuclear tests during the 1950s and 1960s.
The work being carried out by Alexander Harris and Clarke
Willmott &Clarke could result in legal action against the
Ministry of Defence to claim compensation for the victims.
Thousands of British, Commonwealth and United States troops took
part in the tests which were held in Australia, Christmas Island
and other islands in the South Pacific.
Many of those present say they were not given suitable protective
clothing as they watched the detonation of nuclear devices by
Britain and the United States.
Cancer deaths
The MoD has always denied that the level of exposure was enough
to have caused the cancers and associated illnesses which many of
the veterans claim resulted from the tests.
A number have died from cancer and others say the exposure to
atomic radiation has made them severely ill.
Mervyn Fudge, a partner at Clarke Willmott &Clarke, said:
"Research shows that the stance taken by the Ministry of Defence
is incorrect and that the veterans have sustained injuries which
should allow them to claim compensation from the British
Government".
It is still unclear how many veterans have been affected and
would be in a position to claim compensation.
A helpline has been set up for veterans who may have questions
about the investigations: 0800 358 1855.
© MMII | News Sources | Privacy
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10 UK Doctor Opposes Gulf War Syndrome 'Mythology'
Reuters Wire | 10/07/2002 |
Posted on Mon, Oct. 07, 2002
BY PETER GRAFF Reuters
LONDON - As the world prepares for a possible second Gulf War,
there is unfinished business from the first: "Gulf War Syndrome,"
the media's name for a collection of symptoms that disabled
thousands of otherwise healthy veterans.
More than a decade after allies fought to drive Iraqi troops from
Kuwait, thousands of veterans are still suffering symptoms that
range from exhaustion to loss of motor function.
It makes a good news story, but Dr. Harry Lee says it is time to
drop it. The reports are hurting his patients.
"It's been a tragedy. It's been a mythology that's been
propounded by the press and television," said Lee, who heads a
team that worked with 3,000 British Gulf veterans for the Defense
Ministry.
"The more people cling to a group of symptoms -- 'I served in the
Gulf so I have Gulf War Syndrome' -- then they won't get better,"
he told Reuters.
Neither the United States nor Britain accepts that a direct link
has been established between the war and the syndrome, even
though the countries have spent more than 300 million dollars
researching possible causes.
Veterans' groups say they suspect the use of pesticides in the
battlefield, burning oil tanks, bombs made from depleted uranium
and new vaccines for causing health problems.
Yet Lee's finding that there is no Gulf War Syndrome, newly
published in the Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, has
ignited outrage among ailing veterans and their scientist
supporters as the West contemplates a new Iraq war. In a
statement on behalf of a British veterans' group, Dr. Malcolm
Hooper, of Britain's University of Sunderland, called Lee's work
"wicked" and "a betrayal of the trust of the veterans."
And Dr. Robert Haley of the University of Texas Southwestern told
Reuters that Lee's work was "not even junk science."
"It's anti-science. What hypothesis is he testing?" said Haley,
whose research has shown that a small number of Gulf War veterans
have suffered impaired brain function. "We actually want to find
out what's wrong with these people and find a cure."
POLITICAL MINEFIELD
All sides in the debate say Gulf War veterans are no more likely
than others to die of illness, or to develop ailments that
require hospitalization.
Even a report backed by Haley for a U.S. government advisory
committee, which said up to 30 percent of Gulf War veterans were
ill, concluded the ailments had "generally not been associated
with increases in mortality and hospitalization rates."
But stories of disabled veterans tug on the emotions.
British veteran James Moore says his life is a wreck. He suffers
from blinding headaches, night sweats, nausea and diarrhea, and
constant pain in his knees, hand, elbows and shoulders.
"I stutter. I slur my words. Sometimes people think you're drunk
when you've had nothing to drink at all," he told Reuters.
"I'm looking with some trepidation at some forthcoming action
against Iraq again. I don't understand how you can send fit men
and women into an area where they are possible to suffer long
term health problems for years afterwards."
In the United States, Gulf War illness is a signature cause of
billionaire Ross Perot, who held hearings with U.S. congressmen
in Britain in June. He has likened leaving the issue unsolved to
leaving the wounded on the battlefield.
Efforts have been taken, especially by Washington, to compensate
veterans without acknowledging a syndrome exists.
Congress passed a law allowing U.S. Gulf veterans to claim full
disability benefits for life, if they show that they are disabled
by "undiagnosed symptoms." About 3,000 of the 700,000 U.S. Gulf
War veterans are receiving the benefit.
"A lot of Gulf War veterans are very sick," said Defense
Department spokesman Austin Camacho. "You can't, can't, can't
tell people who are suffering that there is nothing wrong with
them."
But Lee argues that leaving the door open is making the problem
worse, by adding to the anxiety that makes veterans ill.
BIRTH DEFECTS
Take the issue of birth defects, arguably the most
heart-wrenching facet of all in reporting about Gulf War
Syndrome.
"I've had patients come to me who are newly married, who have
read something in the paper and decided not to have children
because they are afraid they will be born with birth defects. Can
you imagine?" Lee says.
A 1997 paper published in the New England Journal of Medicine
checked records of all live births at 135 military hospitals in
the United States in 1991-93, and found that Gulf War veterans
were no more likely than non-deployed soldiers to have children
with defects.
"Because they read these things in the news about birth defects
and cancer, they become terrified," Lee said. "When we tell them
the facts they are greatly relieved."
About Ledger-Enquirer.com
*****************************************************************
11 UK: Families of nuclear test veterans 'suffering'
Scotsman.com
*Monday, 7th October 2002*
/Pauline Taylor/
THREE generations of Britons have had their lives blighted by
nuclear-bomb tests which exposed thousands of British servicemen
to high doses of radiation, army veterans have claimed.
Fifty years on from the first nuclear tests witnessed by 15,000
servicemen in Australia and the Pacific, three generations of
men, their children and grandchildren have suffered cancer,
mental illness, deformity, infertility and long-term illness.
The ex-servicemen claim leukaemia rates among their grandchildren
are six times the national average.
The number born with deformities and other crippling diseases is
ten times higher than normal and the figure for Down?s syndrome
is seven times higher, it has been claimed.
The figures are based on a sample of 350 nuclear-test veterans of
whom 115 reported health problems in their grandchildren.
Responding to the claims last night, the Ministry of Defence
insisted that, so far, studies had failed to reveal any link
between the nuclear tests and illness.
A spokeswoman said: "Comprehensive independent studies including
some 42,000 individuals have shown no evidence of excess illness
or mortality amongst the veterans that could be linked to
participation in the nuclear-test programme.
"The MoD has seen no evidence to contradict these findings.
"If there is any new evidence or data it should be put before the
independent panel of experts."
©2002 scotsman.com | contact
*****************************************************************
12 NRC Conducts Special Inspection of Possible Radiation Exposures
At Ann Arbor Medical Facility
NRC: News Release - Region III - 2002-055 -
U.S. NUCLEAR REGULATORY COMMISSION Office of Public Affairs,
Region III 801 Warrenville Road, Lisle IL 60532 www.nrc.gov
No. III-02-055 October 4, 2002
CONTACT: Jan Strasma (630) 829-9663 Viktoria Mitlyng (630)
829-9662 E-mail: opa3@nrc.gov [opa3@nrc.gov]
The Nuclear Regulatory Commissions staff is conducting a
special inspection into possible radiation doses above NRC limits
which occurred while family members visited a patient receiving a
nuclear medicine treatment at St. Joseph Mercy Health System in
Ann Arbor, Michigan. The medical facility reported to the NRC
that a patient received a therapeutic dose of radioactive
iodine-131on July 1. The patients condition subsequently
worsened, and she died on July 7. There is no indication that her
death was associated with the iodine-131 treatment.
Members of the patients family visited during the treatment
period and were in prolonged, close contact with the patient.
The hospital reported that one family member may have received a
radiation dose in the range of 3,000 to 5,600 millirems, based on
conservative assumptions. The NRC limit for radiation doses to a
member of the public is 100 millirems per year. (A millirem is a
standard measure of radiation dose.)
Radiation exposures in the range reported would not produce any
immediate health effects; the NRC limit for workers in
occupations associated with radiation is 5,000 millirems per
year.
Other family members visiting the patient may have received
significantly lower doses, although possibly in excess of the NRC
limit.
The hospital placed shielding around the patient to reduce the
radiation level and counseled the family members on the need to
minimize their time and proximity to the patient. Due to the
family members desire to be near the patient, many of the family
members apparently did not adhere to the controls established and
the directions provided by the licensee to minimize radiation
exposure.
The hospital initially reported the situation to the NRC on
August 15 and submitted its final report to the agency on October
1.
Following its review of the reports, the NRC dispatched two
radiation specialists to perform a special inspection to review
the circumstances surrounding the possible overexposures and to
perform independent calculations of the possible radiation doses
received by the family members.
Privacy Statement | Site Disclaimer Last revised Friday,
October 04, 2002
*****************************************************************
13 Goshutes fight over N-waste and feel abandoned by state
[deseretnews.com]
Sunday, October 6, 2002
By Donna Kemp Spangler Deseret News staff writer SKULL VALLEY,
Tooele County — A Goshute tribal member is bemoaning what he
calls bad faith on the part of Gov. Mike Leavitt.
Michael Brandy, Deseret News
Sammy Blackbear is a leader of dissident band members
fighting tribal leadership to stop nuclear waste from going to
tribal lands. As such, he's a natural ally of Leavitt, who is
fighting the same battle against storing nuclear waste here. But
he says Leavitt has broken his promises.
That leaves a faction of the fractured nuclear waste opposition
destitute of means to keep up its fight in federal courtrooms.
"The state reneged on a deal," said Blackbear, referring
to a promise by the state to appropriate money for the Goshute
opposition's legal case. To date, Blackbear's legal team has
received $214,000 to help pay a bill that is estimated at more
than $1 million over four years.
Leavitt said that although he supports Blackbear's cause,
he feels it's not appropriate for the state to continue to fund a
lawsuit that's really a dispute with the tribal government.
"Do I agree with Sammy's position? I do," the governor
told the Deseret News Thursday. "I try to be supportive of our
allies when it's appropriate, but Sammy's lawsuit is not one of
them."
Leavitt mounted his own legal campaign against the Bureau
of Indian Affairs, which approved the lease between a consortium
of nuclear power utilities and the Goshute tribal leadership to
temporarily store spent fuel rods on tribal land while awaiting a
permanent site at Yucca Mountain, Nev. But the federal courts
have already ruled the state, which fears the nuclear waste could
be permanent, did not have standing, leaving the dissident
Goshutes to fight the battle on their own.
That battle is being waged by environmental attorneys
Duncan Steadman and Samuel Shepley, who have been driven to the
brink of poverty by the all-consuming case. Steadman is now dying
of pancreatic cancer (a third attorney in the case died two years
ago in an auto accident).
Blackbear dismisses rumors that Shepley would be forced to
drop the case. "I am not worried about Sam leaving. He's
committed," Blackbear said.
He wishes he could say the same about the state. He
watches the state's public relations machine with dismay.
"It's PR crap," he said. "What they have been doing is
using our work effort for their own fame. We are not in it for
the glory. We are doing what we feel is right."
Blackbear has resorted to begging for donations from
Eastern environmental groups and other Indian tribes who abhor
the thought of nuclear waste on tribal lands. There is a certain
sense of irony, he said, that people in states that produce
nuclear waste are stepping forward, but not in Utah where up to
40,000 tons of highly toxic nuclear waste would be stored in
above-ground canisters.
Not all of the dissident Goshutes share Blackbear's
opinion.
"Sammy has never trusted the state," said Margene
Bullcreek, who has split from Blackbear and hired Brigham Young
University law professor Larry EchoHawk and his son, Mark, to
represent her concerns. To date, the state has contributed
$108,742 to Bullcreek's opposition case.
That is money that is spent on environmental justice
issues, explained Dianne Nielson, executive director of the Utah
Department of Environmental Quality. "We have made it clear we
could not cover those intertribal disputes," she added.
State leaders say they are committed to stopping nuclear
waste from entering the state, having spent about $3.4 million
over the past four years to fight the plan.
But if it were not for the legal efforts of the dissident
tribal members, nuclear waste might now be rolling toward Utah,
Blackbear said. "The reason why there is no nuclear waste here
today is because of our efforts, not because of the state of
Utah's," he added.
Blackbear, a 38-year-old single father of three, is also
frustrated at the Utah congressional delegation, which he says
dismissed him with a healthy dose of condescension.
"Their arrogance," he said. "They said, 'You give us
information and we'll tell you what you can do with it.' It was
insulting. This is crap."
In 1997, Tribal Chairman Leon Bear signed a lease with
Private Fuel Storage, a consortium of nuclear power utilities
wanting to store waste on tribal lands for up to 40 years in the
$3.1 billion facility. The BIA later approved the lease.
That lease has never been made public, but it has led to
allegations within the tribe that Bear supporters reaped
financial windfalls while waste opponents were shut out.
Blackbear points to one statement made by Bear that PFS is
paying the tribe more than $1 million a year. "I have received
$7.81," Blackbear said.
And he is not kidding. "As long as I get paid something, I
can't go to court and say I haven't been paid."
In 1999, Blackbear and 17 other dissidents in the tribe,
which numbers 67 adult members, filed a civil rights lawsuit
against the secretary of the interior and the Bureau of Indian
Affairs, alleging corruption, bribery and other wrongdoing in
connection with the lease.
A federal judge in Salt Lake City recently dismissed the
case on legal technicalities but urged Blackbear to re-file it to
include claims not in the original lawsuit.
"There is no basis for the allegations," Bear responded.
"I don't know why they go through this whole process in court"
when they have no chance of winning.
Blackbear said there is proof, boxes of it. "As long as
the BIA keeps getting us on technicalities, the judges won't hear
the merit of the case," he said.
Bear also asserts that Blackbear's attorneys are not
sticking with the case out of the goodness of their hearts. "They
are getting paid," he said.
Shepley laughs at that, saying he is practically destitute
because the Goshute case has eaten up all their time and
resources — thousands of hours worth.
"I have started living on our savings," said Shepley, who
works from his home in Payson. "Right now we are about ready to
go under."
In the tightly knit Goshute community, the nuclear waste
issue has divided the tribe. Most tribal members are related.
Blackbear and Bear are actually cousins, "but we are not close,"
Blackbear observed.
"Family or not, when you see somebody doing the wrong
thing it doesn't make it hard to chose which side you are on,"
Blackbear said.
E-mail: donna@desnews.com [donna@desnews.com]
© 2002 Deseret News Publishing Company
*****************************************************************
14 Uranium powerhouse fuels dreams
NEWS.com.au |
(October 07, 2002)
Workers 'waste' 90 days a year
By Rebecca DiGirolamo
URANIUM production will double at South Australia's Olympic Dam
mine and copper output will treble under $10billion expansion
plans the state hopes will be its economic saviour. In a move
that will transform the site 520km north of Adelaide into the
largest mining operation in Australia, project owner WMC
confirmed yesterday that it would start exploring an untapped ore
deposit larger than the Adelaide CBD in a bid to boost annual
copper production from 200,000 tonnes to 600,000 tonnes.
The mining giant also wants to double uranium production to more
than 10,000 tonnes at the mine.
The Rann Government has set up a task force to assess the
economic, environmental, technical and social impacts of the
expansion.
If approved, the plan has the potential to generate tens of
thousands of jobs over the life of the mining operation, and
attract related industries and research to the state.
"Clearly, it could well be the economic saviour of the state,"
Business SA chief executive officer Peter Vaughan said.
"South Australia has an ageing population and desperately needs a
drawcard to bring people and industries to this state, and the
WMC project is something that can do that."
WMC corporate affairs manager Richard Yeeles said test drilling
on a 3.3sqkm ore deposit near the mine would begin in January as
part of a feasibility study.
He said the expansion would make Olympic Dam the largest mining
operation in Australia, adding hundreds of millions of export
dollars to the national economy each year.
Premier Mike Rann said the proposal would be the single most
expensive and ambitious investment in South Australian history.
"It would be a huge kick-start to the state economy. It would
give us an essential shot in the arm," he said.
The Government could see its $32 million annual collection in
royalties from the mine's operation jump to nearly $100 million.
"I want this investment to happen -- and I intend doing all I can
to help it happen."
The Australian
*****************************************************************
15 AU: Radioactive dump is put out to pasture -
smh.com.au
By Penelope Debelle
October 7 2002
The likely site for Australia's national low-level radioactive
waste dump is on privately owned pastoral land in South Australia
where sheep and cattle graze.
The owner, whose property falls inside the vast Woomera rocket
area, expects a 1.5 kilometre square section to be compulsorily
acquired by the Commonwealth for the dump.
"We're in livestock and virtually chemical-free up here," said
the man, who does not want to be named, or his station
identified, for fear the association with radioactive waste will
ruin his business.
"Our main issue is perception of our stock and whether they are
going to be glowing green - even though it may not be that bad,
but that is the perception."
The site, which is due to be announced early next year, will
permanently store short-lived radioactive waste mainly from
hospitals and industry. This will include discarded protective
clothing, contaminated soil and laboratory equipment.
The Senate environment committee inquiry into uranium heard
evidence in Adelaide last week from mine operators Heathgate
Resources about a series of potentially hazardous spills at the
Beverly uranium mine 200 kilometres to the east of Woomera.
· Peace protesters clashed with police guarding the Pine Gap
joint defence facility near Alice Springs for a second day
yesterday. Four demonstrators are facing charges which include
weapons offences.
Copyright © 2002. The Sydney Morning Herald. advertise
*****************************************************************
16 CTR's Battle for Permanent Waiver Becomes Fight for its Very
Existence
International cooperation on naval clean-up
This section covers international efforts to tackle the
challenges deriving from inactive nuclear subs and nuclear waste.
The US, Norway and EU have been main contributors to on-going
projects.
MOSCOW - The Nunn-Lugar act is fighting for its very existence as
its supporters battle opposition on Capital Hill to giving the US
President permanent authority to waive the requirement that the
chief executive sign off annually on the activities of the
11-year-old American-Russian nuclear non-proliferation effort, a
US government official told Bellona Web in a telephone interview
Friday.
CTR-funded dismantlement of ballistic missile submarines takes
place at the Nerpa shipyard, at the Kola Peninsula.
Nils Bøhmer
Charles Digges, 2002-10-07 15:49
"We're fighting to save Nunn-Lugar every day. People are fighting
us all the time, primarily in the House of Representatives," the
official said. "What we need is something big, something big to
bring these peoples' attention to this problem, because it's not
going away."
Asked whether the debate had reached a level of bipartisan
bickering, the official wryly answered: "No, it's the
Republicans," who can't seem to come to an agreement on the
issue.
The official and analysts point out that congressional and
administration Republicans are not necessarily involved in a
stone-walling effort to kill Nunn-Lugar, but that the Republican
administration of President George Bush is itself bitterly
divided about the future of the joint US-Russian
non-proliferation programme.
On one side, the government official said, there is the president
and a number of his advisors who want Congress to pass a
permanent waiver, granting Bush the authority to disburse funding
for Nunn-Lugar without an annual review of Russia's "commitment"
to its stated non-proliferation goals, as federal law currently
requires. On the opposing side are arrayed other administration
advisors, mostly Pentagon and State Department brass, who oppose
bypassing the yearly progress evaluation of Russia's dismantling
of nuclear and biological weapons as a precondition to US
expenditures that aid the programmes.
"Parts of the administration do not really care if the programmes
are shut down because they have always been sceptical of their
value," said Jon Wolfsthal, a former US Department of Energy
(DOE) official who is now a non-proliferation expert with the
Washington office of the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace. "Those portions of the administration that are pushing for
the permanent waiver are doing so as part of the traditional
battle with Congress over White House authority, while others are
acutely aware of the risks."
What could be at stake in this political melee is a programme
that has since 1991 — with the help of the DOE's related
non-proliferation efforts — supported the destruction of the
former Soviet Union's nuclear arsenal. According to the US
government's Defense Threat Reduction Agency website (
[http://www.dtra.mil/ctr/ctr_score.html] ), as of July 7th 2002
5,970 nuclear warheads have been deactivated, 1,269 ballistic and
long-range nuclear cruise missiles eliminated, 829 missile
launchers destroyed, 97 long-range bombers eliminated and 24
ballistic missile submarines destroyed. In addition, thousands of
former Soviet weapons scientists have been supported by US funds
in non-weapons related research.
The waiver debate, therefore, is a piquant moment for the
administration, which itself in March declined to certify
Nunn-Lugar — officially known as the Co-operative Threat
Reduction Act, or CTR, and run by the Pentagon — over concerns
that Russia may still be developing non-conventional weapons.
Bush finally signed a temporary waiver in August, giving CTR
three months to start spending some $450 million budgeted for its
non-proliferation programmes in Russia before the close of the
2002 fiscal year, which came on October 1st.
But Bush's current overtures toward attacking Iraq, and his open
appeals to Congress for the waiver, have intensified the dilemma:
on the one hand, the administration justifies military action
against Iraq as a pre-emptive strike on Saddam Hussein's apparent
stores of chemical weapons and incipient nuclear weapons
capabilities. On the other, expert opinion holds that Iraq's
nuclear capabilities are negligible unless it gets its hands on
poorly secured fissile material from a third country, like Russia
— just the kind of material CTR, and a permanent waiver for its
activities, are designed to secure.
The effect is that Bush's own political endorsement of those
elements in his administration that encouraged him not to certify
Nunn-Lugar this year may have become his biggest obstacle to one
of the most effective methods of stemming the threat of nuclear
terrorism — not just from Iraq, but worldwide. But the largely
Republican hostility to CTR, said the government source, is
nearly intractable in its opposition, and Senator Richard Lugar —
himself a Republican from Indiana who co-authored the CTR act in
1991 with Georgia Democrat Sam Nunn — is taking centre stage in
this White House vs. Congress debate.
"[The opposition] says Nunn-Lugar is foreign aid, they say the US
Military should not be involved, they think [Nunn-Lugar deals
with] environmental issues, they think they are issues the
Pentagon should not be involved with," said the US government
official.
"Senator Lugar is saying that [poorly-secured weapons of mass
destruction in Russia are] a national security issue — not only
for the United States but for the world, for our allies in
Europe, for NATO and others, for our allies in Asia."
The CTR cause has also courted — and received — the warm support
of America's most influential newspapers. One day early last
month, the Washington Post devoted its lead editorial to
supporting the permanent waiver. The New York Times editorial
page followed suit last week.
"Congress should grant President Bush the permanent authority he
seeks to waive conditions that have slowed the flow of money to
Russia for safeguarding dangerous materials," wrote the Times.
"But the most important missing ingredient is sustained,
high-level attention to a danger that virtually everyone agrees
is there. An administration that is putting such intense effort
into planning for war in Iraq and bolstering homeland security
can surely pick up the pace on the much easier and cheaper task
of safeguarding materials that could prove devastating in the
wrong hands," the Times concluded.
USA Today featured a page one article last week that chided
Congress over the waiver issue by reporting on Russia's virtually
unsecured stocks of chemical weapons at a Urals warehouse in
Shchuchye. But even the austere opinion of the leading
broadsheets seems to be having little effect on Capital Hill
opposition.
In the face of the threat of terrorist nuclear or chemical
attacks — especially after the events of Sept. 11 made clear how
easy such attacks could be — the government official said it was
baffling to see such opposition to the permanent waiver, and the
nearly blind resistance to the Nunn-Lugar programme on the floor
of the House of Representatives.
"When Senator Lugar sits down with [representatives of the
opposition] and tries to explain the implications to US security
and world security, [about] the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, and the world we are facing, they listen politely
and nod," said the official.
"And then, all of the sudden, they say ‘Well, no.' And we say,
‘Well, the president wants [the waiver] to happen,' and they have
full respect for [the president] but they think he is wrong on
this issue. It's mind-boggling." Indeed, the prospects of CTR
making even deeper, more successful inroads into
non-proliferation have never seemed better than they did this
year. In July, G-8 member countries, during their Canadian
summit, pledged to provide $10 billion over the next 10 years to
continue the kinds of programmes sponsored by CTR. The United
States pledged another $10 billion.
According to a report in the Global Security Newswire, or GSN,
Senator Lugar outlined a "top ten list" of how that money should
be spent in the former Soviet Union over the next decade.
Lugar's proposed future programmes include destroying Russia's
estimated 2 million rounds of chemical weapons, securing Russia's
biological pathogens, eliminating and securely storing tactical
nuclear weapons, engaging more former Soviet weapons scientists
in peaceful pursuits, providing enhanced security systems and
training to the remaining 60% of Russian nuclear facilities that
have not received them yet, and securing Russia's forgotten
radioactive sources, such as radioactive generators that are
spread throughout the former Soviet Union.
According to non-proliferation experts, however, CTR is not
likely to get a permanent waiver in the Defence Appropriations
Bill for 2003, and will, once again, have to apply for
re-certification of its programmes, which — unless the
certification is granted more or less immediately — will set back
its activities by eight to 10 months into the new fiscal year, as
happened this year. Lacking this certification, roughly one third
of CTR's activities controlled by the US Military shuts down.
But the consensus among analysts is that the debate goes beyond
granting waivers to the president and extends to arguments about
whether the Nunn-Lugar programme should exist at all.
"I think that some type of waiver will be granted but it won't be
permanent," said Kenneth Luongo, executive director of the
Russian American Nuclear Safety Advisory Council, or RANSAC, in
an email interview with Bellona Web. RANSAC is a non-governmental
organisation that advises both the US and Russian governments.
"I really don't think that CTR is in mortal danger but a can of
worms has been opened by this administration and it is being
exploited on the Hill," said Luongo.
Luongo noted that the conferences between the House of
Representatives and the Senate on the Defence Authorization Bill
were closed sessions, but that news that tricked out of them when
they ended indicated that a permanent waiver for CTR was not in
the offing, but rather one that had time periods for
re-certification built in.
He added that there may also be some temporary relief from the
conditions Congress placed on the expenditure of funds for
chemical weapons destruction. "It won't be much, but enough to
allow the programme to limp along and not have to shut down,"
said Luongo.
Luongo's version of the House-Senate conference was confirmed by
the government official.
Wolfsthal, however, said that missing the permanent waiver this
year could cripple CTR, especially in the field of chemical
weapons liquidation. "Failure to obtain a waiver this year will
be a terrific blow to the chemical weapons destruction
programme," he said. "People will be laid off, contractors will
go home, and it will be hard to regain any momentum at the
chemical weapons destruction site [in Shchuchye]," he said.
"But if it is a temporary waiver — one to three years — then it
will be hard to convince Russia to invest the resources it needs
to provide over the long term for the project to be successful."
Asked if he thought the programme as a whole was in danger of
grinding to a halt over the waiver debate, he said:
"Yes, without a doubt."
"If the programme shuts down, it may never be restarted," he
said.
Publisher: [bellona@bellona.no] , President:
[frederic@bellona.no] Information: [info@bellona.no] , Technical
contact: [webmaster@bellona.no] Telephone: +47 23 23 46 00
Telefax: +47 22 38 38 62 * P.O.Box 2141 Grunerlokka, 0505 Oslo,
Norway
*****************************************************************
17 Greens to oppose Laverton Shire bid to store nuclear waste.
7/10/2002.
ABC News Online
The Greens will strongly oppose any move by the Laverton Shire
Council, in central Western Australia, to store nuclear waste
within its boundaries.
The council is asking Laverton residents to comment on a proposal
to store radio isotopes from the Lucas Heights reactor in Sydney.
Greens spokesman Jim Scott says it is not a matter just for
Laverton ratepayers but an issue for every Western Australian to
consider.
He says Laverton should also appreciate that a nuclear waste
facility could deter tourism and future mining projects in the
shire.
© 2002 Australian Broadcasting Corporation
*****************************************************************
18 [southnews] Bush rattles sabre at Iraq
Date: Mon, 7 Oct 2002 18:41:46 -0500 (CDT)
Home Selling? Try Us!
http://us.click.yahoo.com/QrPZMC/iTmEAA/MVfIAA/7gSolB/TM
---------------------------------------------------------------------~->
----------
Bush Warns Iraq to Disarm or Face a U.S.-Led Coalition That Will Force Disarmament
By Ron Fournier The Associated Press Oct 7, 2002
CINCINNATI (AP) - President Bush, seeking warmaking power from Congress and
the United Nations, said Monday night that Iraq's Saddam Hussein is the
greatest threat to world peace and must be disarmed. "The time for denying,
deceiving and delaying has come to an end," he declared.
"Saddam Hussein must disarm himself or, for the sake of peace, we will lead
a coalition to disarm him," Bush said in remarks prepared for delivery in a
rare evening address to the nation.
On the anniversary of the first airstrikes in Afghanistan, Bush used an
appearance before civic groups in Cincinnati to try to explain why Iraq
should be the next front in the war on terror. He hoped to dispel doubts of
domestic critics and persuade other nations to support a U.N. resolution
ordering Iraq to submit to weapons inspections.
Advisers said the biggest questions Bush hoped to answer were: Why now? And
why Iraq? Critics question whether the threat posed by Saddam is imminent.
"While there are many dangers in the world, the threat from Iraq stands
alone because it gathers the most serious dangers of our age in one place,"
Bush said. "By its past and present actions, by its technological
capabilities, by the merciless nature of its regime, Iraq is unique."
The address came amid fresh evidence of voter unease as Republicans and
Democrats struggled for control of the House and Senate in Nov. 5
elections. While his job approval rating remains high, a new CBS-New York
Times poll showed that a solid majority of Americans believe Bush should
give U.N. weapons inspectors time to act.
Bush argued that Iraq's capability to attack with chemical, biological -
and, eventually, nuclear - weapons poses a grave threat to America and its
allies.
Democrats countered that he should focus more on the economy than Iraq.
"The threats posed by Iraq are significant, yet our nation's economic
security is just as critical," Democratic Party chairman Terry McAuliffe
said. "The president should use the opportunity tonight to address the
American people's growing concern about our stalled economy."
The CBS-New York Times poll showed that more than one-third of Americans
fear the economy will get worse if the United States attacks Iraq. Half
think military action against Iraq would increase the risk of terrorist
attacks.
The House will begin debate Tuesday on the war resolution and probably will
vote Thursday. The Senate is expected to vote next week. Both chambers are
expected to give the president the authority he seeks.
Bush hopes to win overwhelming victory in Congress to build his case in the
United Nations for a tough new resolution forcing Saddam to disarm, by
force if necessary. The official policy of the United States to seek a
change of government in Iraq.
Bush, sensitive to critics who say he is too eager for war, focused on his
efforts to disarm Saddam rather than to oust him and pledged to help Iraq
recover if war were necessary.
"Approving this resolution does not mean that military action is imminent
or unavoidable," Bush said in his Cincinnati speech. "The resolution will
tell the United Nations, and all nations, that America speaks with one
voice and is determined to make the demands of the civilized world mean
something."
Bush won support Monday from House Majority Leader Dick Armey, R-Texas, one
of the few senior Republicans in Congress who had voiced worries about the
president's Iraq policy. Armey said after an exhaustive review of the
facts, he now believes Iraq violated terms of the peace agreed after the
Persian Gulf War a decade ago. "I don't see this as pre-emptive at all,"
Armey said.
But Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass., urged Bush to exercise the same restraint
that Kennedy's brother, President Kennedy, did in refraining from an attack
on Cuba during the 1962 missile crisis.
A first-strike attack on Iraq "is impossible to justify," Kennedy told the
Senate. "Might does not make right. It is unilateralism run amok."
Sen. John Edwards, D-N.C., who supports a hard line toward Saddam,
nevertheless accused the administration of "gratuitous unilateralism" that
could undermine the war against terror.
"In word and deed," the administration "frequently sends the message that
others don't matter," the potential 2004 Democratic presidential candidate
said in a speech prepared for delivery at the Center for Strategic and
International Studies.
Bush tried to soften his tone, particularly toward the Iraqi people.
"America is a friend of the people of Iraq. Our demands are directed only
at the regime that enslaves them and threatens us," Bush said in an address
to civics groups at the Cincinnati Museum Center.
At the United Nations, the United States continued talks with other
governments, trying to gain their approval for a Security Council
resolution accusing Iraq of violating past resolutions, specifying what it
must do and threatening force if it were to refuse.
Democrats spent the summer demanding that Bush work with the international
community on Iraq, then were caught off guard when the president decided to
work through the United Nations. White House officials hope to stagger
Democrats again by directly confronting their questions.
In Vienna, Austria, U.N. arms inspectors began four weeks of technical
training for their possible redeployment to Iraq for a new assessment of
Saddam's weapons arsenal. Bush wants the mission delayed while he presses
for a tough new U.N. resolution in Iraq.
The Iranian Foreign Ministry, meanwhile, said Tehran will not let the
United States use its airspace to attack Iraq.
Bush's address drew little interest from the television networks. ABC, NBC
and CBS said they would not cover it live. The White House did not ask the
networks to interrupt their normal programs for his speech.
AP-ES-10-07-02 1830EDT
This story can be found at: http://ap.tbo.com/ap/breaking/MGAJ5WOY07D.html
----------
Bush's Iraq Lies
By Morgan Strong
A UPI Outside view commentary From the International Desk
10-6-2
NEWARK, NJ (UPI) -- A decade ago, the United States and its allies
liberated Kuwait from Iraq's occupation. The actual battle to free
Kuwait was far shorter than the battle to win the approval of the
American people to go to war.
The military tactic of the battle to defeat Iraq and liberate Kuwait was
quite similar to tactics used to convince the American public they had
to go to war to defeat the evil menace of Iraqi President Saddam
Hussein. In American football, they call it the "End Around." The
military calls it a "Flanking Movement"; it is the same thing. The idea
is to get behind the other side's defense by deception, than attack from
the rear.
President George Herbert Walker Bush did a marvelous job of getting
behind the defenses of the American people and attacking their
complacency and indifference from behind.
The first President Bush had to convince the American public of Saddam's
unmitigated evil. He brought in his best troops, a public relations firm
bristling with the powerful weapons of deception and fraud, to convince
the docile Americans they had to rid the world of this most despicable
and evil man. The Americans had an obligation to restore peace,
tranquility and democracy to the helpless people of Kuwait now
brutalized by the hideous thug Saddam.
The elder Bush had to show us just how evil Saddam was. So they told us
about the atrocities the Iraqi army committed in Kuwait. They told us of
how his troops had entered the hospitals of Kuwait and tore innocent
babies from incubators and shipped the incubators back to hospitals in
Iraq. We saw television news broadcasts of a young girl, a witness to
this unimaginable horror, describe to a congressional committee how
babies only days old were taken from incubators, thrown to the floor of
the maternity ward in clear sight of their mothers, and stomped to death
by Iraqi soldiers.
Nothing could outrage the people of this country more than this awful
barbaric cruelty, surely.
The incubator story was repeated over, and over. There was testimony
before the United Nations General Assembly by another witness, a Kuwaiti
woman who said she also worked at the hospital and had seen this horror.
Even the first President Bush repeated the story several times to
demonstrate the extraordinary cruelty Saddam was capable of.
The American people were provided the tearful pleas of elected officials
of Kuwait imploring us to restore democratic government and free their
people from the tyranny of Saddam.
All of this was heart wrenching, and all of this was a lie. All of this
was a product of a Washington D.C. public relations firm with close ties
to the Bush administration.
While Iraqi troops did commit atrocities in Kuwait, they never tore
little babies from incubators and murdered them -- and there was never
democracy in Kuwait. We found all this out afterwards.
The young woman who testified to the horror before congress? She was the
daughter of the Kuwaiti Ambassador to Washington. She was in Paris when
the Iraqi's invaded Kuwait. She never worked in a hospital; she never
worked in her life. Her father was a scion of the immensely wealthy
dynasty that rules Kuwait. The woman who testified before the General
Assembly? She was not in Kuwait at the time of the invasion either. She
was the wife of the information minister of Kuwait
And Democracy? A single family rules the country. The al Sabbah family.
The emir the aged patriarch, rich beyond belief, who ran Kuwait, lived
in an opulent palace with a lot of gold trimmings. There never was, and
there is not now, or will there ever be, a democratic government in
Kuwait. The tribe, the family, the dynasty run Kuwait. I came to the
conclusion during my time reporting on the war from Saudi Arabia and
from the desert accompanying the army of Kuwait during the battle for
the country, that they are not very nice people.
The American people had to be convinced that we were going to risk the
lives of our young men and women to free the people of Kuwait and to rid
the world of the evil of this man Saddam and his army. George Bush the
elder lied to them to get them to agree. And they did. They tied yellow
ribbons everywhere, rallied behind the men and women of their military.
And we beat Saddam in a matter of hours. We beat his army and drove them
in panic from Kuwait. And we were within sight of Baghdad. We could have
gone into the city and routed Saddam from his palace. His army no longer
existed.
Why didn't we? That is another lie. We did not do it because if we had
occupied Iraq we would be obligated to create a democratic government in
Iraq. Nothing could upset our Arab brothers, our allies, more than a
real democracy in the Middle East.
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Syria, Jordan, Egypt, are all run by despotic
dynasties. How long would they last if Iraq was free, truly free? And
the Americans were there to make sure Iraq stayed that way. Not very
long, I would bet. And somebody, maybe George Bush the elder would have
had to convince the American people that we had to support these
despotic regimes, no less oppressive than Saddam's Iraq, when the people
of those countries rebelled and demanded freedom. We would be sending
troops to every country in the Middle East just to keep our supply of
oil intact.
We can do business with dictators, we always have in the Middle East,
and we would find it harder to do business with a free people.
No matter what the Bush administrations tells us we have to remember it
is really about oil and money. The rest is nonsense.
-- Morgan Strong is a journalist and consultant on the Middle East for
"60 Minutes" and others, and is a former professor of Middle Eastern
History at Mercy College, Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.)
http://www.upi.com/view.cfm?StoryID=20021004-034429-3028r
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19 Tests to encourage missile, N-race: US --
WASHINGTON,* Oct 5: The United States said on Friday that
tit-for-tat missiles tests by India and Pakistan would further
increase tension in an already tense region and encourage a
nuclear and missile race between South Asia's two nuclear rivals.
"We are disappointed at ballistic tests occurring in the region,"
said State Department spokesman, Richard Boucher.
India tested a medium-range surface-to-air missile nine hours
after Pakistan tested its own nuclear-capable medium-range
ballistic missile. Islamabad then accused India of fuelling an
arms race, a charge New Delhi immediately called an overreaction.
The State Department's spokesman further said: "There is a
charged atmosphere in the region. Tests can contribute to that
atmosphere and make it harder to prevent a destabilizing nuclear
and missile arms race.
"We continue to urge both Pakistan and India to take steps to
restrain their nuclear weapons and missile programmes, including
no operational deployment ... and to begin dialogue on
confidence-building measures which would reduce the likelihood
that such weapons would ever be used," he added.
"Our primary concern is with missiles that can deliver weapons of
mass destruction, which a surface-to-air missile cannot. In broad
terms, however, we look to both India and Pakistan not to take
steps that increase tension," said Boucher.
He said Washington was against missiles tests and would convey
its feelings to both the countries.
Copyright 1996-2002 . Hi Pakistan. All rights reserved. No part
*****************************************************************
20 EDITORIAL A Ticking Bomb in Russia
Los Angeles Times -
October 7, 2002
The United Nations, spurred by Washington, is pushing Iraq to let
inspectors scour the country for its biological and chemical
weapons. But what Iraq has may be peanuts compared with the
stockpiles in Russia.
Inside Russia--but not far from Afghanistan--are 2 million
artillery shells filled with nerve gas such as VX and sarin. The
United States has spent hundreds of millions of dollars to design
a plant to destroy those chemical weapons before they fall into
the hands of other nations or terrorists. But for the last three
years, Congress has blocked additional spending and some involved
in building the facility are now being laid off.
The main bottleneck is in the U.S. House of Representatives. It
should agree to resume funding for the plant in the Russian town
of Shchuch'ye, near the border with Kazakhstan, that would
destroy the deadly armaments.
Since the Cold War ended, the United States has helped finance
Russia's destruction of nearly 6,000 nuclear warheads once aimed
at the U.S. Hundreds of missiles, launchers and missile-firing
submarines also have been destroyed. The Bush administration
deserves praise for supporting this program.
The U.S. record on destroying chemical weapons like those in
Russia is dismal, thanks to congressional reluctance to spend
promised funds on destruction.
For the sake of comparison, U.N. inspectors reported in 1999,
soon after they left Iraq for the last time, that Baghdad had not
accounted for at least 15,000 artillery rockets that had been its
preferred delivery method for nerve gas and for more than 500
artillery shells filled with mustard agents. There is little
doubt Iraq has continued producing sarin and VX gases in the
years since, but the Russian stockpile would be hard to match.
A State Department official said last month that the United
States has spent more than $6 billion to ensure that nuclear,
chemical and biological weapons materials and technology in the
former Soviet Union are safe from theft or surreptitious sales by
underpaid workers in economically ravaged nations. That's money
well spent.
Several Republican congressmen have complained, however, that
Russia has not fully accounted for all weapons of mass
destruction and has not provided practical plans for destroying
those they agreed to scrap.
Congress in 1993 required that the president certify that states
of the former Soviet Union were spending money to destroy weapons
and were not replacing them before the U.S. allotted money for
destruction. The president was allowed to waive certification if
need be, but Republicans on the House Armed Services Committee
have ordered additional conditions before U.S. money can be spent
on destroying Russian chemical weapons.
The Bush administration is seeking the ability to waive those
conditions as well if national security so requires. Some
conditions are difficult or impossible to meet, such as a minute
detailing of the stockpile that former Democratic Sen. Sam Nunn
of Georgia says the Russians may not have or be able to put
together.
Congress should grant at least a temporary waiver, preferably a
permanent one. The longer the weapons exist, even in heavily
guarded facilities thought to be secure, the greater the danger
an enemy nation or terrorists will acquire them.
Copyright 2002 Los Angeles Times
*****************************************************************
21 Saddam's Last Ploy
The New York Times
*October 7, 2002*
*By WILLIAM SAFIRE*
WASHINGTON
The central question being put to President Bush is this: Is your
purpose in Iraq limited to the destruction of all its present and
potential weapons of mass destruction? Or is your goal "regime
change" ? to overthrow Saddam Hussein, liberate the Iraqi people
and remove the threat of terrorism planned against the U.S.?
The answer I hope Bush will give tonight is that the two purposes
are inseparable; one cannot be achieved without the other.
Saddam's final ploy to avert ouster is to divide those two
purposes. His technique has worked for him time and again over
the past dozen years: acquiesce under pressure, play
hide-and-seek with inspectors and then ? with France and Russia
eager to do business ? eject the U.N. "spies."
He sees the U.S. Congress falling into step with the U.S.
president this week. He knows that this will push the U.N. to
pass an "or else" resolution. Accordingly, to prevent the purpose
of disarmament from being joined to the purpose of his regime's
overthrow, Saddam will launch his pre-emptive diplomatic strike:
another "no conditions" invitation to the U.N. for "unfettered"
inspections. Headlines will cheer: "Saddam Caves In; War
Averted."
His "yes" will bring hosannas from the diplomats he has duped
before. Delay will buy him the time his scientists and arms
buyers need to provide enriched uranium as well as the ability to
deliver a germ weapon to the West's major cities.
We must not take that lying "yes" for an answer. Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, in his Sept. 18 testimony to House
Armed Services, said: "Iraq has demonstrated great skill in
playing the international community. . . . It's a dance. They can
go on for months or years jerking the U.N. around."
It's a pity Rumsfeld's lucid, comprehensive 8,000-word case for
liberation received just snippets of media coverage. It addressed
24 questions, from "What's changed ? why now?" to "Where's the
smoking gun?" to "Won't our Arab allies oppose us?" to "Won't
this provoke him to use his terror weapons against us?"
Those who say they are waiting for the administration to "make
its case" should read his 24 thoughtful answers in full. You can
find them at
http://www.defenselink.mil/speeches/2002/s20020918-secdef.html (I
think that's code for D-Day). Stalwart peacemongers may still
disagree, but at least they'll be challenged to counter his
answers with answers of their own.
I remember how our complacent C.I.A. misled the elder Bush's
administration before the Kuwait invasion, deriding hard-liners'
warnings about Saddam's weaponry. Rumsfeld evidently remembers,
too: "Before Operation Desert Storm in 1991, the best
intelligence estimates were that Iraq was at least 5-7 years away
from having nuclear weapons. The experts were flat wrong. When
the U.S. got on the ground, it found the Iraqis were probably six
months to a year away ? not 5 to 7 years."
Some of our intelligence evaluators are making the same mistake
as last time, interpreting their abysmal lack of hard
intelligence as evidence of no nuclear weapons development.
In that regard, Brent Scowcroft, leading opponent of the Bush
policy (who has still not resigned as chairman of the President's
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board), made headlines by
dismissing as "scant" evidence of Saddam's links to Al Qaeda.
"Some have opined," testified Rumsfeld, "there is scant evidence
of Iraq's ties to terrorists. . . . That is not correct. . . . We
know that al-Qaeda is operating in Iraq today. . . . We also know
that there have been a number of contacts between Iraq and
al-Qaeda over the years."
After Gulf War II, we'll be flooded with confessions about
Saddam's terrorist connections, just as we learned a decade ago
of the C.I.A.'s egregious misjudgment of the danger posed by the
lying dictator. Such past experience should remind us now: there
can be no guarantee of disarmament in Iraq without the overthrow
of Saddam and his gang.
? A noncorrection: Rudolf Scharping, until recently Germany's
defense minister, claims there is no truth in my report of his
informing a group in Hamburg that he told the Schröder cabinet
that President Bush's motive in attacking Iraq is to win votes
from a "perhaps too powerful Jewish lobby." I have three sources
who were present backing up my account and I believe them.
Copyright The New York Times Company
*****************************************************************
22 Sharon Tells Cabinet to Keep Quiet on U.S. Plans
The New York Times
*October 7, 2002*
*By JAMES BENNET*
JERUSALEM, Oct. 6 ? Israel's prime minister, Ariel Sharon, warned
his cabinet ministers today not to talk about American plans for
Iraq, urging them to overcome for the good of the possible war
effort what often seems a national compulsion to share one's
insights as widely as possible.
Prodded by the Bush administration, Mr. Sharon concluded that it
was time to address what one senior Israeli official today called
"the blabbering thing that occurs here."
Given the rollicking tumult of Israeli politics, it is not
uncommon to see leaks in the news media about official anger over
leaks, or to read an inside account of one high official dressing
down another for talking too much to reporters. The Israeli media
have been awash recently with officials' views on Iraq.
The Israeli media have also been reporting that the Bush
administration is furious about the chatter.
"Everybody wants to voice his opinion on any lively subject," the
senior Israeli official said. "This is healthy. But there are
times when you need to be responsible, to take responsibility,
and to shut up."
Late last week, Defense Minister Benjamin Ben-Eliezer, who in the
past has shared too much for the Bush administration's taste,
ventured that the Americans would attack Iraq at the end of
November. His comment captured banner headlines, even though his
hasty clarification said that he was merely voicing a "personal
assessment" and that he meant the attack would begin at the end
of November or later.
Mr. Sharon is planning to go to Washington this month, at
President Bush's invitation, to discuss Iraq and the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
After today's cabinet meeting, the official public summary
reported tersely, "Prime Minister Sharon requested that ministers
cease making remarks about Iraq."
Even as Mr. Bush has sought in recent days to play up the
imminence and potency of the Iraqi threat, some of Israel's top
security officials have played both down.
Lt. Gen. Moshe Yaalon, Israel's chief of staff, was quoted in the
newspaper Maariv today as telling a trade group in a speech over
the weekend, "I'm not losing any sleep over the Iraqi threat."
The reason, he said, was that the military strength of Israel and
Iraq had diverged so sharply in the last decade.
Israel's chief of military intelligence, Maj. Gen. Aharon
Farkash, disputed contentions that Iraq was 18 months away from
nuclear capability. In an interview on Saturday with Israeli
television, he said army intelligence had concluded that Iraq's
time frame was more like four years, and he said Iran's nuclear
threat was as great as Iraq's.
General Farkash also said Iraq had grown militarily weaker since
the Persian Gulf war in 1991 and had not deployed any missiles
that could strike Israel.
The torrent of newspaper articles continued today with Yediot
Ahronot elaborating on reports in the United States about the
details of American-Israeli plans for coordination in the event
of war. It said that Mr. Bush would give Mr. Sharon 72 hours
notice and that the two nations had agreed on targets in Iraq. It
also mentioned previously published reports that the Americans
would offer Israel a satellite to provide early warning of Iraqi
missile strikes and that spare parts and other American equipment
would be stored in Israel.
The Bush administration wants to dissuade Israel from responding
should Iraq attack it after an American invasion, fearing that
Israeli action would rally Arab support for the Iraqi leader,
Saddam Hussein.
*****************************************************************
23 Congressional war on Iraq
FOXNews.com
Sunday, October 06, 2002
We are on the verge of an important week in the war on terror.
Consider the calendar: Monday the Senate continues debate on a
resolution to authorize military action against Iraq. That night
President Bush delivers a major speech about Saddam Hussein's
capabilities, and the administration hopes next week to broker a
new United Nations Security Council resolution against the
government of Iraq.
Joining us to discuss these issues and more, Senate Minority
Leader Trent Lott.
Senator Lott, let me first begin by asking you about some of the
reservations the Democrats have raised about a war resolution
agreed upon by the president and a bipartisan group in the House
of Representatives.
Your colleague, Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle, had this to
say the other day. He said, "I think it's fair to say that the
information we've provided through intelligence sources is
helpful, but I don't think it's conclusive. That is, I think you
can interpret it in different ways. I don't think there is any
consensus with regard to the threat today."
In other words, it's not compelling enough to act now. What's
your view?
SEN. TRENT LOTT (R-Miss.): Well, it's interesting to me that Tom
Daschle thought that it was compelling enough way back in 1998.
He gave a really dramatic speech saying we've got to act, we've
got to act now, Saddam Hussein is a threat, a continuing threat.
There's plenty of evidence. In fact, there's no doubt that Saddam
Hussein has biological and chemical weapons, has the ability to
have nuclear weapons, and is trying to get the final products he
needs to have it, and he has the ability to deliver them, and
he's increasing the range. I mean, how much do you need to know?
SNOW: Increasing the range of his missiles?
LOTT: Yes, increasing the range of the missiles. You know, some
people say he couldn't deliver a nuclear missile to the United
States. Maybe not now, but he could in the region. And, by the
way, biological and chemical weapons can be delivered in an
aerosol can or an envelope. This is a part of the war on terror.
He has weapons of mass destruction that could be used anywhere by
just about any group. And we know he has had at least some
contacts with Al Qaeda.
SNOW: OK. Knowing all that, do you think Senator Daschle's
politicizing the war effort?
LOTT: Senator Daschle did not join the bipartisan group that came
together last week. There were modifications made in the
resolution the president originally asked for that took out the
reference to the region and directed it only to Iraq, required
additional reports to the Congress, urged that we reach out to
the United Nations. This was a very good and responsible effort
in a bipartisan way. Senator Daschle can't figure out quite what
to do.
The core...
SNOW: Why do you think that is?
LOTT: ... of the Democrat Party is certainly very liberal and, I
think, is really represented by people like Jim McDermott and
David Bonior that went over to Baghdad and said, "We can take
Saddam Hussein at face value, but we can't trust the president of
the United States."
Now, as I said on the floor of the Senate earlier, who's the
enemy here? Saddam Hussein or the president of the United States,
George W. Bush? Well, there's no question about that.
SNOW: You talked a moment ago about the capability of Iraq to
deliver biological weapons. Do you think right now there is a
threat that Iraq may be trying to deliver, via aerosol cans or
envelopes, those kind of weapons on American soil?
LOTT: There's evidence that is troubling in that area. I can't
get into the details at this point. But why would he have them
and continue to develop them if he didn't feel like he was going
to need them and would be prepared to use them?
SNOW: So you think -- let me try to rephrase it then -- that it
is conceivable that he would try to do that?
LOTT: It is conceivable that he would try to make use of these
weapons.
I think what he really wants is to be a modern-day leader or
martyr, if you will, in the Arab world. And he would be prepared
to do whatever it takes to reach that level of exultation.
SNOW: Senator Biden has argued that the United States ought to be
clear about what the real problem is with Iraq, not merely
weapons of mass destruction but specifically nuclear weapons.
Do you think the Senate would pass a war resolution that was
limited to saying we would go after Saddam Hussein if we found
out he was close to developing nuclear weapons?
LOTT: I think that weapons of mass destruction are all very
dangerous. I don't think we should just base it on nuclear
weapons, and I don't think that's even what Senator Biden, but
particularly Senator Lugar, have said.
They have raised reservations about the whereas's that identify
in the resolution all the different resolutions passed by the
United Nations that have been ignored that talk about human
rights violations and Kuwaiti prisoners and a whole variety of
things. And their inference is, well, we wouldn't want to use
force because the violation of...
SNOW: Kuwaiti prisoners, he said.
LOTT: Yes, Kuwaiti prisoners.
By the way, it was put in there at the request of some Democrat
leadership staff members. And we said, "Here's a whole litany of
what he's not done." And the weight of the evidence creates this
clear mosaic. We didn't mean to infer that based on any one
violation, but the accumulation of those, but particularly the
weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.
SNOW: So you might be amenable to some slight amendment of the
resolution coming over from the House conference committee?
LOTT: I don't want to hold that out. I think the resolution is
fine the way it is. But if we could, you know, allay those fears
in some way, certainly you've always to be trying to reach out
and get the broadest possible support in the Senate. And I think
we will have.
SNOW: What do you want to hear the president say Monday night?
LOTT: I want him to enumerate the fact that Saddam Hussein in
instance after instance after instance, Saddam Hussein personally
has killed people, violated all kinds of human rights and U.N.
resolutions, and that he is the problem. And it's going to be
very hard to deal with the weapons of mass destruction without
being prepared to deal with him.
SNOW: We keep talking about two games: getting rid of weapons of
mass destruction and regime change. It's your view that you can't
get rid of weapons of mass destruction until first you get rid of
Saddam Hussein?
LOTT: I think that's the way they're tied together. It's not
that, you know, you just want to get rid of him.
And, by the way, you're going to have regime change without him
even leaving, once the people feel like that he can't kill them,
that they're not threatened by him, the regime has changed
instantly. I think Secretary Colin Powell made that point.
I just don't think we're going to be able to really get an honest
inspection, a complete inspection and destruction of weapons as
long as he's in there dissembling the way he does.
SNOW: OK, speaking of which, Hans Blix, who is the head of the
U.N. weapons inspection group now called UNMOVIC, had this to say
the other day about weapons inspections. I want to get your
reaction.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
HANS BLIX, U.N. WEAPONS INSPECTOR: On the question of access, it
was clarified that all sites are subject to immediate,
unconditional and unrestricted access. However, the Memorandum of
Understanding of 1998 establishes special procedures for access
to eight presidential sites.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
SNOW: Under those circumstances, should the United States ever
agree to such a resolution that would have, quote, "special
rules" for presidential palaces in Iraq?
LOTT: Absolutely not. I mean, you can't say "not here, not
there," especially when you realize the size of these palaces
and, by the way, the small area that's required to do some of
this very dangerous research and assembly.
SNOW: Let me take up a couple of other topics quickly. Department
of Homeland Security, we've had some success in recent days. I
guess you could call them the Portland Six, there were six people
picked up the other day on suspicion of at least harboring some
desire of dealing with Al Qaeda.
The Department of Health and Human Services says it now has
stockpile sufficient to inoculate everybody against smallpox.
We've had a lot of success so far, correct?
LOTT: We've had some successes, and I hope we can continue to
have them.
SNOW: The question then is, why do we need a Department of
Homeland Security? Can you name any time in which somebody has
made a department more efficient by making it larger?
LOTT: No, I cannot. But hope springs eternal, Tony.
(LAUGHTER)
There's no question the federal government is dysfunctional in a
number of areas. And a number of these agencies and parts of
departments have not functioned well. They don't have the
authority or they're hampered by union workplace rules that don't
allow them to really do the job quickly and efficiently. All the
way from the Border Patrol, and of course we all know the chaos
at the Immigration and Naturalization Service.
So I'm hoping -- in fact, I talked to Tom Ridge the other day --
one of my concerns about their proposal, Homeland Security
Department, is they're going to bring 170,000 people under one
umbrella. Well, you would think if you eliminated duplication and
had greater efficiencies, you could do the job with 150 instead
of the 170.
So I would hope that you could get a department that is
efficient, is run better. And that's what the fight in the Senate
is over. The president wants the flexibility and the management
ability and the national security waiver to say, "Forget all
these delays and cumbersome rules, we're going to do the job,"
and the Democrats don't want that.
SNOW: So he wants to change labor rules to make the department
more efficient, correct?
LOTT: Sure, yes.
SNOW: So why not apply that same rule throughout the whole
federal government?
LOTT: You probably should. But certainly when it comes to
security here at home, you should have that ability, because what
you're talking about is American people's lives and their
children's lives.
LOTT: If we don't have the ability to move quickly and
efficiently and do it in a coordinated way -- right now, you
know, quite often you have turf wars between DEA and Customs and
INS and Border. It's ridiculous. So, hopefully we can get a new
Homeland Security Department.
SNOW: New Jersey. The United States Supreme Court a few years ago
in the case of Bush v. Gore said that the Florida Supreme Court
had rewritten state law and it took the Supreme Court decision,
threw it back to the Florida State Supreme Court, and said, "Find
the place in the law where this is true." Now, many Republicans
are saying the same thing has happened in New Jersey.
If that is true, in the name of consistency, should not the U.S.
Supreme Court hear this case?
LOTT: I think they should, and I hope they will. But in the final
analysis, this is going to be in the court of the opinion of the
people of New Jersey, and I hope they're going to say, "We're
tired of this. It's time for a change. We want somebody that's
going to give us efficient and honest, effective government. Doug
Forrester will do that."
SNOW: All right, but...
LOTT: But they're cheating here once again, Tony. It shows that
if the rules don't suit them, they just change them.
SNOW: Do you assume, though, that Frank Lautenberg is in fact
going to be the Democratic candidate on the ballot?
LOTT: I guess you have to assume he will be, and that's
unfortunate because he has a very poor record of his own. He
voted twice, for instance, against the death penalty for
terrorists that killed U.S. citizens. Do the people of New Jersey
want that?
And by the way, I want to make the point. Torricelli isn't
deceased, isn't sick, and it's not even about his ethical
problems. It was about the fact he was losing.
SNOW: All right, we're going to let Doug Forrester make those
points later in the broadcast.
Final question. The Washington Post said yesterday that you
pretty much given up on the nomination of Miguel Estrada to the
U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. circuit. True or false?
LOTT: False, in that if all that meant was the Democrats are
probably going continue to try -- or to block this very fine
conservative American-dream success story, efficient, all of
that, but it's only because we're running out of time and because
they're determined to block him.
Let me tell you this. He will be one of the first six judges that
will be confirmed next year when Republicans take back control of
the majority in the Senate.
SNOW: And you're sure that you all -- are you afraid of any
defections that would cost you a majority in the future if you
were to regain the Senate?
LOTT: I hope we're going to have enough of a margin, won't even
have to worry about that. And it is definitely possible that that
could be the case, Tony.
SNOW: All right. Senate Minority Leader Trent Lott, thanks for
joining us.
LOTT: All right, Tony.
FOX News Network, LLC 2002. All rights reserved. All market data
*****************************************************************
24 N. Korea must show its sincerity
Daily Yomiuri On-Line
Yomiuri Shimbun
U.S. Assistant Secretary of State James Kelly has held talks with
senior North Korean officials in Pyongyang. The high-level
meeting was the first of its kind to be conducted between the
reclusive country and the administration of U.S. President George
W. Bush.
During the talks, Kelly expressed Washington's concerns about
several issues, including North Korea's development and export of
weapons of mass destruction and missiles. He also raised the
topic of the North Korea's menacing deployment of conventional
weapons and its human rights records. The U.S. assistant
secretary of state strongly urged North Korean officials to help
dispel these concerns.
After his trip to Pyongyang, Kelly arrived in Tokyo, where he met
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda and Foreign Minister Yoriko
Kawaguchi. The three agreed that Japan, the United States and
South Korea should cooperate in future dealings with the North.
Kelly also told Japan that he had urged the North Korean
officials to sincerely work toward resolving the dispute over
Japanese abducted to their country.
Stop missile sales; open up to inspectors
North Korea must seriously heed the United States' warning and
implement specific measures in line with it. The country must
allow inspectors unfettered access to its nuclear facilities and
abandon its missile development program. These are necessary
steps toward closer relations with Japan and the United States.
To ensure that North Korea lives up to these requirements, Japan
should not rest its guard in dealing with the country.
On Sunday, Radio Pyongyang said the North Korean government was
prepared to resume dialogue with the United States if it dropped
its hostile policy toward North Korea. To survive its current
difficulties, Pyongyang has no choice but to carry on a dialogue
with Washington. However, North Korea cannot expect to find a way
out of its dire situation unless it works to put U.S. concerns to
rest.
In this sense, it is out of the question for North Korea to
dismiss U.S. worries about the threat it poses as a result of
Washington's hostile policy toward it.
Long-time menace
North Korea must seriously realize that the threat it has posed
for years is a source of international distrust and caution. It
continues to develop Taepodong and other long-range missiles
despite international suspicion over its nuclear program, yet it
is trying to gain money by selling missiles to the Middle East
while soliciting food aid from the international community. This
has posed a menace to an increasing number of countries.
For years, North Korea has carried out hostile activities against
Japan, including kidnapping Japanese citizens and dispatching
armed spy ships to waters surrounding Japan.
President Bush has consistently taken a stern attitude toward
North Korea. He regards the North as part of an axis of evil, and
says it is a nation attempting to acquire and proliferate weapons
of mass destruction. His policy toward Pyongyang is marked by a
firm determination to eliminate the threat posed by North Korea.
Kelly's visit to the North Korean capital could contribute to an
improvement in relations between Washington and Pyongyang. What
comes out of the visit hinges on what North Korea does to dispel
international concerns about the danger it represents.
This question will also directly affect the fate of upcoming
talks on normalizing diplomatic relations between Tokyo and
Pyongyang. North Korea should fully realize that it will not be
able to make any progress in promoting dialogue with Japan and
the United States if it continues to be dishonest and deceptive.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 7)
Copyright 2002 The Yomiuri Shimbun
*****************************************************************
25 Grove: Decision looms this week on Iraq dilemma
Las Vegas SUN
October 04, 2002 Benjamin Grove covers Washington, D.C., for the
Sun. He can be reached at grove@lasvegassun.com
[grove@lasvegassun.com] or (202) 662-7245.
DO NEVADANS support an invasion of Iraq, even without United
Nations or ally support? They do, if the state's four lawmakers
in Congress reflect Nevada's population.
Rep. Shelley Berkley, D-Nev., a frequent GOP critic, was one of
a handful of Democrats amid 14 lawmakers who huddled with
President Bush at the White House on Tuesday for an "amazing"
45-minute meeting.
Bush had been courting Democrats to support his policy to oust
Saddam Hussein and Berkley caught the eye of the White House. She
is a member of the International Relations Committee, which began
the debate in Congress of the Iraq resolution last week. (She
also sits on the Veterans Affairs Committee.) And Berkley had
openly stated she was willing to work with the president to reach
a resolution compromise.
Berkley has repeatedly called for Bush to relentlessly pursue
building a strong coalition with other nations. But she backs his
request to invade Iraq with or without allies or the United
Nations.
So does Rep. Jim Gibbons, R-Nev. He told me he strongly objects
to Democrats who advocate mandatory U.N. support.
"I'm very, very disillusioned by that," Gibbons, a former
Vietnam and Persian Gulf combat Air Force pilot, said. "The
president should be able to use military force to defend military
personnel without having to get the permission of the United
Nations."
Sen. John Ensign, R-Nev., said he would not change a word of the
resolution crafted by Bush and House leaders last week that
allows the president to launch a unilateral strike regardless of
what the United Nations does.
Lawmakers who support changes that stress diplomacy over giving
Bush war authority "are marginalizing themselves when you have a
compromise with this much support. It will pass with pretty
overwhelming numbers," Ensign said.
Only Sen. Harry Reid, D-Nev., has not jumped on the Bush
resolution bandwagon. He may later this week, as the Senate
likely wraps up debate.
But late last week, Reid said he was also mulling a resolution
by Sens. Joe Biden, D-Del., and Richard Lugar, R-Ind.
The Biden-Lugar resolution emphasizes exhausting diplomatic
options and dismantling Iraq's weapons of mass destruction first.
It authorizes Bush to go it alone only if the United Nations does
not pass a new resolution calling for stricter arms inspections.
Bush also would have to prove that Iraq's weapons were so
dangerous that an attack was absolutely necessary.
Reid said he was "very impressed" with Biden-Lugar. "I want to
see how that one feels when we get out there in debate," Reid
said.
Reid, who calls himself a "hawk," not a dove, has nevertheless
been adamant that Bush vigorously pursue the support of the
United Nations and European allies, calling a go-it-alone attack
a very last resort.
What's the rush? Reid has asked.
House Democratic leader Richard Gephardt, whom Bush recruited to
support his resolution last week, brushed off criticism that he
sold out his party. Lawmakers have to make a personal decision,
not a political one, based on their own consciences, Gephardt
said.
But they also should make decisions that take into account the
will of their constituents, although that is not always easy to
gauge. Many Americans say they support Bush, but others aren't so
sure. A Washington Post poll last week found 61 percent of
Americans support Saddam's forced ouster, but only 46 percent
favored an invasion without allied support, with 47 percent
opposed.
Nevada's lawmakers, like the rest of Congress, are a microcosm
of a nation that is wrestling with what to do about Iraq. This
week they face the most difficult decision that exists in
Washington: whether to endorse sending soldiers to war.
They will have to painstakingly weigh each resolution and take
their time debating every word.
They will live with their vote -- and others may die because of
it.
All contents copyright 2002 Las Vegas SUN, Inc.
*****************************************************************
26 What Good Is Delay?
(washingtonpost.com)
By Charles Krauthammer
Monday, October 7, 2002; Page A19
There are two logically coherent positions one can take on war
with Iraq.
Hawks favor war on the grounds that Saddam Hussein is reckless,
tyrannical and instinctively aggressive, and that if he comes
into possession of nuclear weapons in addition to the weapons of
mass destruction he already has, he is likely to use them or
share them with terrorists. The threat of mass death on a scale
never before seen residing in the hands of an unstable madman is
intolerable -- and must be preempted.
Doves oppose war on the grounds that the risks exceed the gains.
War with Iraq could be very costly, possibly degenerating into
urban warfare. It likely would increase the chances of weapons of
mass destruction being loosed by a Saddam Hussein facing
extinction and with nothing to lose. Moreover, Saddam Hussein has
as yet never used these weapons against America and its allies
because he is deterred by our overwhelming power. Why disturb the
status quo? Deterrence served us well against such monsters as
Stalin and Mao. It will serve us just as well in containing a
much weaker Saddam Hussein.
Preemption is the position of the Bush administration hawks.
Deterrence is advanced by a small number of congressional
Democratic doves. But, ah, there is a third way. It is the
position of Democratic Party elders Al Gore, Ted Kennedy (both of
whom delivered impassioned speeches attacking the president's
policy) and, as far as can be determined, Senate Majority Leader
Tom Daschle. This third way accepts all the premises of the
antiwar camp. It gives us all the reasons why war could be
catastrophic: chemical or bio-weapon attacks, door-to-door
fighting in Baghdad, alienating allies, destroying the worldwide
coalition of the war on terror, encouraging the recruitment of
new terrorists, etc.
Moreover, they argue, deterrence works. "I have seen no
persuasive evidence," said Kennedy, "that Saddam would not be
deterred from attacking U.S. interests by America's overwhelming
military superiority." So far, so good. But then these senior
Democratic critics, having eviscerated the president's premises,
proceed to enthusiastically endorse his conclusion -- that Saddam
Hussein's weapons facilities must be subjected to the most
intrusive and far-reaching inspection, and that if he cheats and
refuses to cooperate, we must go to war against him.
This is utterly incoherent. In principle, a search for genocidal
weapons that can be hidden in a basement or even a closet cannot
possibly succeed without the full cooperation of the host
government. Not a serious person on the planet believes that
Saddam Hussein will give it.
More important, why are these critics insisting on inspection and
disarmament anyway? They have elucidated all the various costs of
attempting to disarm Iraq forcibly, and told us that deterrence
has worked just fine to keep Saddam Hussein from doing us any
harm. If deterrence works, by what logic does Kennedy insist that
Saddam Hussein "must be disarmed"?
The enthusiasm of these senior Democrats for inspections is
really nothing more than an argument for delay. Yet what
advantage is there to delay? The war will be just as costly
tomorrow as today. Even assuming that delay gets us a few extra
allies, how does that prevent Saddam Hussein from launching his
awful weapons or resorting to urban warfare?
The virtue of delay is that it gives Democrats political cover.
Ever since George McGovern, Democrats have been trying to escape
their reputation for being soft, indeed unserious, on foreign
policy. The last time Saddam Hussein threatened the peace (by
invading Kuwait), seven out of 10 Democrats in Congress voted
against authorizing the use of force and in favor of the useless
pseudo-solution of sanctions. So this time, the Democrats'
leaders make the antiwar argument but have the political savvy to
conclude by running up the flag and sounding the bugle.
I happen to believe that the preemption school is correct, that
the risks of allowing Saddam Hussein to acquire his weapons will
only grow with time. Nonetheless, I can both understand and
respect those few Democrats who make the principled argument
against war with Iraq on the grounds of deterrence, believing
that safety lies in reliance on a proven (if perilous) balance of
terror rather than the risky innovation of forcible disarmament
by preemption.
What is hard both to understand and to respect, however, is the
delay school. They tell us that this war will be both terrible
and unnecessary -- and then come out foursquare in support of
starting it later, after Saddam Hussein has refused to play nice
with inspectors. They manage to criticize the war, and still come
out in favor of it. A neat trick -- and, given the gravity of the
issue, an unseemly one.
© 2002 The Washington Post Company
*****************************************************************
27 Truth's already a victim, and the war hasn't started
Toronto Sun Columnist: Eric Margolis
October 6, 2002
By ERIC MARGOLIS [margolis@foreigncorrespondent.com] --
Contributing Foreign Editor
SAN FRANCISCO -- Once the United States overthrows Saddam Hussein
and "liberates" Iraq, it will then proceed to spread democracy,
human rights, and enlightenment throughout the Mideast. So vows
the Bush administration's national security adviser, Condoleezza
Rice, an academic expert on Soviet affairs.
One hopes her preposterous assertion is simply part of the
administration's propaganda buildup before invading oil-rich
Iraq.
Truth is indeed the first casualty of war. Recall in 1990 the
famous tearjerker about Kuwaiti babies thrown from incubators by
evil Iraqi soldiers, a canard that ignited war fever across
America, but turned out to be a total fabrication. Or White House
claims to have photographic evidence of an impending Iraqi
invasion of Saudi Arabia. These claims were also phony, but they
succeeded in stampeding the petrified Saudis into allowing the
U.S. to permanently station military forces in the kingdom, where
they remain to this day.
If Rice really believes the U.S. will bring democracy to the
Mideast, she must also believe in the tooth fairy. Such naivete
is unacceptable in a senior policy maker.
Unsurprisingly, Rice's silly claim was greeted from Morocco to
Iran with profoundest derision by the very people she aspires to
"liberate." In fact, the Bush administration's stated goal of
bringing democracy to the Arabs faithfully echoes claims by
Victorian Britain's imperialists that they were conquering and
exploiting Africa and Asia only to bring the benefits of
Christianity and western civilization to benighted heathen.
Fifty years ago, Middle Easterners would have believed Rice.
After World War II, they hailed the United States as the symbol
of honest government, decency, generosity and opposition to
colonialism. When America's great president, Dwight Eisenhower,
ordered the British, French and Israelis to end their 1956
aggression against Egypt, the U.S. was a supreme hero across Asia
and Africa.
In the ensuing half-century, the U.S. has gone from hero to
supreme villain. America's ever-growing support for Israel was
half the reason, but the other half was the U.S. policy of
keeping oil prices low, and supply high, by imposing despotic
surrogate rulers on the region.
The U.S. has dominated the Arab world for the past 50 years. What
has it done to promote democracy or human rights there, Miss
Rice? Name one democracy, one nation ruled by laws, one nation
not run by the secret police.
Take a tour of the Arab states under U.S. "protection."
+ Morocco - A medieval monarchy, as brutal as Iraq, with
thousands of political prisoners tortured and confined in
underground dungeons.
+ Algeria - Sunk in a nightmare civil war. When Algeria held the
Arab world's first free vote in 1991, Islamic parties won. The
army, backed by France and the U.S., annulled the elections and
has ruled since.
+ Tunisia - A military dictatorship.
+ Egypt - Home to 40% of all Arabs, and intellectual heart of the
Arab world, is a military dictatorship with a ruthless secret
police. They routinely torture and murder opponents. Many
thousands are held in political prisons, the press is censored
and parliament is a sham. As in the case of Iran under the late
Shah Reza Pahlavi, the FBI, CIA, and NSA all assist Egypt's
secret police in repressing opposition and keeping the military
regime in power. Ayman al-Zawahri, 9/11 chief planner, was
tortured for years in Egyptian prisons.
+ Jordan - Decent and well-run, but no democracy. The U.S.-backed
king and his Bedouin army rule a nation that is over 60%
Palestinian.
+ Saudi Arabia - A feudal monarchy of 7,000 princes. Political
opponents are muzzled or charged with drug dealing and beheaded.
The Saudis sell oil to the U.S. and its allies on the cheap. In
exchange, they get protection against their neighbours and their
own people. Saudi Arabia buys billions of U.S., British and
French arms it cannot use and keeps $100 billion in the U.S.
financial system. Osama bin Laden claims the West steals Arab
oil. He says oil should cost US$300 a barrel, not $20-30 - true
terrorist talk to SUV owners.
+ Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates - all tiny
feudal monarchies inherited by the U.S. from the British Empire.
Oman, another monarchy, is discreetly run by British
intelligence, MI6.
Arab nations not under direct or indirect U.S. domination -
Libya, Syria, Yemen, Sudan - are also nasty dictatorships (Yemen
less so). Lebanon is a tribal/feudal society dominated by Syria.
Saddam's brutal Iraq was a close U.S. ally from 1979-90.
Now, suddenly, Rice and the neo-conservatives who are pulling the
Bush administration's strings, claim they will bring the balm of
democracy to the wretched Arabs.
But why now, after half a century of fostering petro-despotism?
Why the sudden conversion on the road to Baghdad? At the very
same time the Bush administration is busy shoring up Pakistan's
military dictator, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, and maintaining a
U.S.-imposed regime in chaotic, "liberated" Afghanistan whose
leader, Hamid Karzai, must be protected by teams of U.S.
bodyguards from his own unloving people.
In the buildup to the 1991 war against Iraq, George Bush Sr.
promised a Palestinian state. This time around, the whopper du
jour is democracy and freedom for all Arabs, and especially
Iraqis. Why, just recently, George W. Bush promised Palestinians
democracy - provided, of course, they didn't re-elect Yasser
Arafat.
Eric can be reached by e-mail at
margolis@foreigncorrespondent.com should be sent to
editor@sunpub.com [editor@sunpub.com] or visit
*****************************************************************
28 New Zealand government says U.S. trade pressure won't end
anti-nuclear policy
policy Sun Oct 6, 9:35 PM ET
WELLINGTON, New Zealand - U.S. officials have told New Zealand
that its policy barring nuclear ship visits and nuclear weapons
on its territory is hindering negotiations over a free-trade
pact, the government said Monday.
Deputy Prime Minister Michael Cullen said U.S. officials broached
the subject tactfully with him during a visit to Washington last
week.
They suggested the anti-nuclear policy was a hindrance to a
free-trade agreement, but not an insurmountable obstacle, he
said.
"Certainly they said that should we change our mind, that might
assist us in getting a deal, but there was no suggestion that a
deal wouldn't occur unless we changed our policy," Cullen told
National Radio.
Cullen ruled out any change to the policy, which has widespread
support among New Zealanders.
After the anti-nuclear law was adopted in 1985, the United States
and Australia ejected New Zealand from a three-way military
alliance, known as ANZUS.
Australia retains a strong military relationship with New
Zealand, but the United States either severed or downgraded most
military and intelligence links.
Cullen said previous U.S. administrations had been careful to
keep the trade issue separated from security matters.
"I don't think it's in the United States' interests to see trade
policy being used as a means ... to exert pressure for strategic
purposes," the minister said.
He said both governments agreed that completion of the current
Doha Round of World Trade Organization talks was a more
important priority than a free-trade deal between the two
countries.
Copyright © 2002 The Associated Press.
*****************************************************************
29 Fox interview various reps on Iraq
FOXNews.com
Sunday, October 06, 2002
TONY SNOW, FOX NEWS: Democrats are divided on the issue of war
against Iraq. House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt supports the
president, but Democratic Senator Paul Wellstone and Senate
Majority Leader Tom Daschle still have doubts.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIPS)
U.S. SENATOR TOM DASCHLE (D-SD): In my view, there is still
improvement that I think can be made.
U.S. SENATOR PAUL WELLSTONE (D-MN): A preemptive, go-it-alone
strategy toward Iraq is wrong.
(END VIDEO CLIPS)
SNOW: For more on this debate, we turn to Senator Evan Bayh,
Democrat of Indiana.
Senator Bayh, I want to read to you a quote from Zell Miller, it
was in the Wall Street Journal the other day. He's afraid that
your party still has the look of an anti-war party and it's going
to pay a political price. He said, "No matter how it is
articulated, now matter how laudable or well-intended, the
anti-war, peace-at-almost- any-price position is a loser for
Democrats."
Is he right?
SEN. EVAN BAYH (D-Ind.): Well, there's no question, Tony, if you
look at the public opinion polls, that the majority of the
American people tend to trust the Republican Party more on issues
involving national security and defense than they do the
Democratic Party. And I think we need to work to improve our
image on that score by taking a more aggressive posture with
regard to Iraq, empowering the president. As you know, I happen
to agree with Dick Gephardt on this.
So, yes, to answer your question directly, yes, I do think it's
an issue that we need to work to improve on.
SNOW: We've heard your majority leader say he has no doubts that
Saddam Hussein's going to present a problem at some point, but
he's not persuaded that we've got enough information to say with
assurance that he's a problem right now. Is he right or wrong?
BAYH: Well, he is a problem now, and he's likely to be a bigger
problem in the future. One of the lessons we've learned from
Afghanistan is that we await events at our peril.
If we were having this same debate two years ago, Tony, and
someone had said, look, Afghanistan's a dangerous place, there
are terrorists there who may be attacking America, we would have
heard a lot of the same arguments and would have missed an
opportunity to perhaps save 3,000 lives.
And so the final thing I'd say is, a lot of this is dealing with
the unknown. Our intelligence is imperfect. We do know he has
weapons of mass destruction. We do know he's caused problems in
the past. I think he presents an unacceptable probability of
attacking America in the future, and we should act before it's
too late.
SNOW: The CIA report, portions of which were leaked the other
day, indicate that there's some confidence he'll have a nuclear
weapon by the year 2010. Is it likely, in your opinion, that he
would have one before then?
BAYH: It's quite possible.
SNOW: How?
BAYH: Well, a couple of ways. The most dangerous scenario is that
he would acquire some nuclear material on the black market.
SNOW: In other words, enriched uranium or plutonium?
BAYH: Correct. There's an unfortunate amount of that that went
missing from Russia before Putin came in and began to exercise
greater control.
Saddam is now cheating on the oil-for-food program, and so he has
about $3 billion a year to invest in weapons of mass destruction.
So, with an unfortunate amount of nuclear material out there, $3
billion to spend, the chances of him acquiring some of that are
unfortunately significant.
SNOW: Now, Tony Blair, the British prime minister, has said that
if he were to acquire such stuff, that he could build and deploy
a nuclear weapon in about six months. Is that right?
BAYH: Six months to a year, if he can acquire it on the black
market.
Now, if he has to develop it himself, one of the reasons there's
a big to-do about these tubes, aluminum tubes, is that he could
construct centrifuges and make some of it internally in Iraq
quicker than the 2010 scenario.
But the quickest way would be to acquire it on the black market.
And then you're probably looking at six months to a year of him
having a nuclear device.
SNOW: So you believe that it's urgent to act by when?
BAYH: Oh, I think we should act sooner rather than later. I think
we should give the president the authority to act, hopefully --
my argument to this to my fellow members of my party who don't
want to take action is, if you don't want hostilities, if you
don't want to go to war, the best way to prevent that is to give
the president strong authority so that Saddam knows he has to
disarm or there are going to be consequences.
This is a man who only understands one thing, either the use of
force or the credible threat of the use of force. That's what we
need to present him with.
SNOW: Senator Daschle also seems to believe that it's possible to
get regime change without going to war. Do you agree?
BAYH: I don't. I think they're one and the same thing. The reason
that they're pursuing weapons of mass destruction is because of
Saddam. It's his megalomania, his desire to project their power
around the region, possibly project it toward us as a deterrent
to us stopping him. So, how you would remove weapons of mass
destruction without also changing the regime, I don't know.
Let me say one other thing, though. I do think Tom and I agree,
Saddam is a menace, we need to move. We have some differences in
how we'd move, but I don't think anybody, with a few exceptions
that Trent mentioned earlier, in our party is saying that we
shouldn't deal with this issue.
SNOW: Let's hear from those exceptions. David Bonior and Jim
McDermott were over in Baghdad, and they had some things that a
lot of people have thought are provocative to say about it.
SNOW: Let's take a listen to some of it.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIPS)
U.S. REPRESENTATIVE DAVID BONIOR (D-MI) (?): Inspections work
better than war. That should be our goal.
U.S. REPRESENTATIVE JIM MCDERMOTT (D-WA) (?): I perhaps
overstated my case. But the question still remains, when has the
president proved to us that we should commit our troops to war?
(END VIDEO CLIPS)
SNOW: Senator Lott characterized that as the mainstream position
of the Democratic Party. Is it?
BAYH: No, absolutely not, Tony. I would say 99 percent of
Democrats would disagree with certainly the latter statement
about whether Saddam presents a threat to peaceable peoples.
SNOW: When you heard these comments, what was your personal
reaction?
BAYH: I was shocked, frankly. I don't know what they hope to make
by -- hope to gain by making those comments.
With regard to inspections, we've been down that road before,
and, you know, I think that's only going to give Saddam more time
to develop his weapons. They've proven to be ineffective. We
might try them again with teeth involved, but there needs to be a
real enforceability clause.
SNOW: If the U.N. doesn't act or if it attaches conditions about
any kinds of inspections, should the United States be prepared to
put together its own coalition and just go?
BAYH: I think we should make every effort to bring the United
Nations around to our point of view with a strong ultimatum to
Saddam, disarm or face the consequences.
If the United Nations is not willing to come along with us in
that approach, I do think we need to put together our own
coalition. And I think you'll be surprised at the kind of support
that we would generate for taking action.
SNOW: All right, let's turn to domestic politics. On the
Democratic National Committee website there's kind of a cartoon
that makes fun, lampoons the president's position on Social
Security, or at least the position he had in the past, which was
trying to allow people to invest some of their own money in
retirement funds. I want to show you just a portion of that
cartoon and get your reaction to it.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
NARRATOR: Bush and the Republicans still want to push their
privatization plans through Congress. And they will if you let
them.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
SNOW: Is that over the line?
BAYH: Well, it's a cartoon. I suppose showing the president
pushing someone in a wheelchair over a cliff is a little stiff,
but the point they're trying to make is that if funds had been
invested in the stock market, Social Security funds over the last
two years, those Social Security funds would have declined
dramatically.
Would I have chosen to make the point in quite that way? Probably
not. But the underlying point that we're trying to make here is
that you need to keep the "security" in the term "Social
Security," and when you invest in higher-risk investments, you
run the risk of undercutting that.
SNOW: Al Gore, your former presidential candidate, made a speech
on the economy the other day. He, like many Democrats, thinks
that this ought to be an important issue. Again, let me play a
clip from the former vice president and his comments.
(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)
AL GORE, FORMER VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: Like a lost
driver who won't stop to ask for directions, the president
clutches his old plan and continues racing in the wrong
direction, farther and farther into the economic wilderness with
the fate of nearly 300 million Americans in tow.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
SNOW: Is that correct?
BAYH: That the president lacks an economic plan? Certainly the
economy's not as good as it needs to be, Tony, and I don't think
that there's been a coherent agenda for getting the economy
started in the short run or in the longer term put before the
American people. I do think that that is correct.
SNOW: Final question. New Jersey, you swap out candidates, Bob
Torricelli way behind. Does it strike you that your colleagues
have managed to pull a fast one?
BAYH: I think Senator Torricelli had a sober assessment of his
political chances and decided to withdrawal.
SNOW: Have you ever heard of anybody at the end say, "You know
what, I'm going to lose, I'm going to get out of here and put in
somebody who can win"?
BAYH: Well, the bottom line on this is, this may be a first, but
you know who has the final say on this, the people of the state
of New Jersey. And if they dislike that tactic more than they
disagree with the positions of your next guest, they can vote
accordingly. We've got to let the people of the state of New
Jersey decide who their senator's going to be.
SNOW: He not only answers questions, he teases upcoming segments.
(LAUGHTER)
Senator Evan Bayh, thanks so much.
*****************************************************************
30 Cullen: Nuclear Ban Pushes New Zealand Down US's Free-Trade Queue
Mon, Oct 07, 2002
WELLINGTON -(Dow Jones)- Finance Minister Michael Cullen said a
senior adviser to U.S. President George W. Bush made it clear
that New Zealand's antinuclear ban is the key reason why
Australia is higher in the queue for free-trade negotiations.
Gary Edson, deputy assistant to the president for international
economic affairs and deputy national security adviser, broached
the issue with Cullen on his visit to the U.S. last week,
tempering New Zealand's hopes for a speedily negotiated trade
agreement.
"Certainly Mr. Edson made it clear that the Australians are ahead
in the queue because of their strategic relationship. I did point
out that the U.S. is also talking to countries they don't have a
strategic relationship with, but they saw fit to have trade
discussions with them," Cullen told National Radio on Monday.
"And certainly they said that should we change our mind, that
might assist us in getting a deal, but there was no suggestion
that a deal wouldn't occur unless we changed our policy. I'm sure
they wouldn't be as crude as that," he said.
New Zealand banned visits by nuclear powered or armed ships in
1985, and was then downgraded to friend status from ally by the
U.S. administration. New Zealand's exports to the U.S. would
increase by NZ$1.7 billion a year from a free-trade agreement,
according to a study by the Washington based Institute of
International Economics.
Local exporters send about NZ$5.1 billion worth of goods to the
U.S. a year, with imports of goods from the U.S. slightly less
than that. Cullen said the government is pressing ahead with its
lobbying efforts in the U.S.
"We accept Australia will be negotiating first, should the U.S.
proceed with those negotiations, but we are very keen to
establish that if Australia goes through the door, the door won't
be shut," he said.
"I think that message was carefully listened to and of course we
are lobbying continuously in the U.S., with the administration,
with congressmen, and with business interests who are very
sympathetic to our cause," he said.
The opposition National Party wants a public inquiry into the
antinuclear law but senior government ministers have so far
rejected that call, saying the policy won't change.
But a National Party spokesman said Cullen's frank admission
about the impact of the nuclear ban is a sign he wants the policy
revisited.
-By Stephen Wright, Dow Jones Newswires; 64-4-471-5990;
stephen.wright@dowjones.com [stephen.wright@dowjones.com]
Copyright © 2002 Dow Jones. All rights reserved.
*****************************************************************
31 No 10 confident of tough UN resolution
Guardian Unlimited |
Staff and agencies Guardian Unlimited Monday October 7, 2002
Britain is certain it will get a fresh UN resolution for
a tough new weapons inspection regime in Iraq backed up by force
if necessary, Downing Street said today.
The prime minister's official spokesman said there were
"intensive" discussions going on in New York - but cautioned
against expecting an early decision on the text of the
controversial motion.
His comments came as the foreign secretary, Jack Straw, set off
on a four-day tour, beginning in France - one of the more
cautious permanent members of the UN security council - which
will also take him to key Middle East states.
The government today refused to confirm or deny that it had
received advice from attorney general Lord Goldsmith that
military action specifically aimed at "regime change" in Baghdad
would be contrary to international law.
Mr Blair's spokesman insisted: "We are confident that there will
be another resolution.
"I can't give you a timescale for when we might see a text, there
are intensive discussions going on in New York.
"That work is focusing on the disarmament of Saddam Hussein of
his weapons of mass destruction. It is obviously important that
we get the detail right, rather than that this is rushed." Mr
Straw's whistlestop diplomacy will see him move on from Paris to
Egypt, Kuwait, Jordan and Iran, all either neighbours of Iraq or
key states in the region.
Foreign Office officials said Mr Straw wanted to address
"concerns" about Iraq in the Middle East, bringing ministers into
"the circle of discussion" and ensuring they were briefed on what
Britain and the US believe is evidence of Iraq's chemical,
biological and nuclear weapons programme.
Mr Straw will argue that there is not a choice between dealing
with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict or Iraq, but that the
international community must deal with both urgently for the sake
of the stability and prosperity of the region.
He will also attempt to hammer home the message that the UN's
authority is at stake if it does not take effective action
against President Saddam. Speaking about his visit, he told the
BBC: "The views of each of these countries is pretty well stated.
They are these: each of these countries has reason to fear
Saddam. Three of them - Jordan, Kuwait and Iran - have been the
subject of military action by Saddam.
"Egypt is also worried about the long-term instability caused to
the region and the way in which Iraq helps the under-development
of the Arab region. They are worried about that.
"At the same time, they do want to see, I know, better progress
being made on the peace process between the Israelis and
Palestinians."
Mr Straw said he could discern movement within the Palestinian
camp which might hold out hope for the future.
"What we have to do in what is a very difficult and depressing
situation is try to identify those areas where progress can be
made," he said. "There has been some progress in reform of the
institutions of the Palestinian Authority in recent months.
"Many of the leaders below [Yasser] Arafat understand that the
way Chairman Arafat has run the Palestinian Authority has not
been satisfactory, either for the reputation of the Palestinians
abroad or, above all, for the quality and standards of life of
the Palestinians themselves."
The EU's high representative Javier Solana was in Israel
yesterday and was due to meet Mr Arafat today as part of a joint
effort by the EU, US, UN and Russia to restart the peace process,
he said.
[UP]
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2002
*****************************************************************
32 Scarboro sampling draft report deadline extended
The Oak Ridger Online -- Area News --
Monday, October 7, 2002
The deadline for commenting on the Scarboro sampling draft report
has been extended to Nov. 22.
Copies of the draft report are available at the Scarboro
Community Center and the Oak Ridge Public Library.
Comments should be sent to Constance Jones, U.S. EPA, Region 4,
61 Forsyth St. SW, Atlanta, GA 30303.
Jones will give a presentation at the Citizens Advisory
Committee meeting to be held at 5:15 p.m. Tuesday at 102
Robertsville Road.
Two public meetings are planned for November. The final report
is planned for release in January.
[http://www.oakridger.com] All Contents ©Copyright The Oak
Ridger
*****************************************************************
33 Layoffs expected from accelerated cleanup program
The Oak Ridger Online -- Area News --
Monday, October 7, 2002
by R. Cathey Daniels Oak Ridger staff
The accelerated cleanup program will likely mean a reduced
workforce for Bechtel Jacobs, though company officials today
would not specify the scope of any planned layoffs.
In an internal memo from company president Steve Liedle to all
employees, posted Oct. 3, Liedle stated the following:
"The new skill mixes required to implement the closure plan may
result in reductions in force in some areas. However, any such
reductions are expected to be minimal."
Officials this morning would not define what is meant by
"minimal," nor say which areas of the workforce would be most
affected, nor state what percentage of the workforce would be
laid off.
"It's possible, and it will be minimal," said Dennis Hill,
company spokesman.
When asked whether layoffs are expected to hit middle management
positions hardest, Hill said he did not know and "that is yet to
be determined... ."
"The impact on employment is not expected to be significant,"
said Hill. "It's not going to be massive layoffs or anything like
that."
Hill also declined to define "massive."
"We've got to realign, so we'll do what we need to do," said
Hill. "It doesn't look like it's going to have a huge impact on
employment."
Liedle stated that management has been "streamlined" into three
support categories for the cleanup program, each headed by a
"closure project manager." The new structure became effective
Oct. 1, according to Liedle.
"As you are aware, Bechtel Jacobs Company is reorganizing to
better align itself to perform under DOE's accelerated cleanup
and closure mission," stated Liedle.
He noted that a series of meetings will be held later in October
"to provide additional detail" about the "changes associated with
the accelerated cleanup plan."
Bechtel Jacobs currently employs just under 1,000 workers.
That's down from the 1,800 workers from Lockheed Martin and 200
new hires from Bechtel Jacobs when the company took over the
management and integration contract in April 1998.
At that time the contract goal of the company was to reduce its
core workforce to approximately 450 workers at the three sites,
Oak Ridge, Portsmouth and Paducah. Work was to be subcontracted
to other companies for environmental management.
However, said Hill, that goal was dropped when the company "got
into the meat of the work" and it was found that "some
adjustments had to be made in order to get the work done the way
DOE wanted it to get done." A decision was made for more work to
be "self-performed," said Hill.
The accelerated cleanup program is the newest wrinkle in
Department of Energy environmental cleanup missions. It has been
criticized for bumping against an established DOE mission, that
of reindustrialization, but Energy Department officials have said
the two missions can be compatible.
The accelerated cleanup program also is roundly criticized for
setting too aggressive a schedule for complex cleanup problems,
and concerns have been raised that the program will create more
local expense for long-term stewardship of cleanup not addressed
in the accelerated schedule.
Agreements have been signed with the state, the Environmental
Protection Agency and DOE's Oak Ridge Operations site office to
clean high-risk areas quickly. The DOE has agreed to send
approximately $105 million to Oak Ridge for closure of the K-25
site, completion of cleanup work at Melton Valley, and other
reservation high-risk cleanup. Those funds are about $45 million
over the original amount set for allocation.
R. Cathey Daniels can be contacted at (865) 220-5515 or
danielsrcd@oakridger.com.
[http://www.oakridger.com/contact/index.html]
[http://www.oakridger.com] All Contents ©Copyright The Oak
Ridger
*****************************************************************
34 DOE hearing allows public to comment on nuke site
Amarillo Globe-News: Local News:
10/06/02
By Jim McBride And Greg Rohloff jmcbride@amarillonet.com
[jmcbride@amarillonet.com] grohloff@amarillonet.com
[grohloff@amarillonet.com]
The public will have a chance to comment Tuesday night on a
proposal to consider the Pantex Plant for a plutonium production
facility to make weapons cores for nuclear warheads.
Energy Department hearings on the proposed facility will be from
7 to 10 p.m. Tuesday at Amarillo College's College Union
Building, Oak Room, 24th Avenue and Jackson Street.
The public meeting will let the public present comments, ask
questions and discuss issues with representatives from the DOE's
National Nuclear Security Administration.
Besides Pantex, other possible sites include the Waste Isolation
Pilot Plant near Carlsbad, N.M.; Los Alamos National Laboratory
in New Mexico, the Nevada Test Site and the Savannah River Site
in South Carolina.
The DOE hearings are the first step in carrying out government
recommendations to develop a modern capability to manufacture
plutonium pits, the triggers for nuclear warheads. The proposed
$4 billion plutonium production facility would employ about 1,500
people, and the DOE hopes to have it running by 2020.
Jeri Osborne, a Pantex neighbor, said she is opposed to the
proposed facility and doubts that the government needs to build a
new production facility. She also cited contamination problems at
other sites that have produced nuclear warheads or other
radioactive weapons components.
"We've got lots and lots of pits out there, and some of those
certainly could be reused. And Los Alamos has the capability to
make them. I don't see any need for it at all," she said. "And I
certainly don't want plutonium produced out here. That's nasty
stuff. Rocky Flats, Hanford, Oak Ridge you name it."
Mike Bourn, president of the Amarillo Economic Development
Corp., said a strong selling point for Pantex is that this is
where new pits would be used in the assembly process.
"You lessen the need to transport them around the country,"
Bourn said.
In scouting out the possibility of a pit production plant being
opened here, Bourn said the economics of such a project make it
attractive, starting with the $500 million needed to build the
facility, and moving to the 150 to 300 people who would staff the
plant.
"Those would be highly trained, highly skilled and highly paid
positions," he said.
Because the support and administrative personnel are mostly in
place, a new plant could be started here for a lower cost than
elsewhere, he said.
A prime concern, though, is the need for reassurances that a new
plant would have sufficient environmental safeguards to keep the
plutonium waste stream out of the groundwater supplies, Bourn
said.
Safety for workers and neighbors are priorities, he said.
While Los Alamos has produced pits on a test basis in recent
years, the laboratory is geared more to research than production.
Pantex has a production mentality, he said.
As for security questions, Bourn praised the security staff,
noting its recent successes in national competitions against
other DOE security personnel.
Doris Smith, another Pantex neighbor, said she won't be able to
testify at Tuesday's hearings and questioned the need to place a
plutonium production facility in a populated area that produces
crops vital to the nation's agriculture needs.
She also questioned whether Pantex will be a viable candidate
for the new facility.
"They don't have the technical expertise. They have all of this
at the other sites," she said. "How many of these nuclear bombs
do we need? Look at the number that we already have. It only
would take one or two weapons for us to cause mass destruction in
any area, and then we also would suffer from the consequences."
Don Hancock, director of the Southwest Research &Information
Center in Albuquerque, N.M., said he thinks the DOE ultimately
will choose between the Nevada Test Site or the Savannah River
Site for a pit production plant.
"If you were choosing a place, Pantex would not be high on the
list," Hancock said, recalling hearings about 10 years ago when
Pantex's lack of adequate room and potential damage to
groundwater were reasons to dismiss Pantex from consideration for
a pit production facility then.
None of those reasons has changed, Hancock said, and since then,
the Department of Energy has acknowledged weaknesses in Pantex
security.
Because the Los Alamos National Laboratory does not want the
production site, and federal law prohibits the Waste Isolation
Pilot Plant site near Carlsbad, N.M., from being used for
anything other than low-level waste storage, that leaves DOE with
a choice of Savannah River or the Nevada Test Site, which also
has been designated as the high-level waste repository for the
nuclear industry.
Hancock, a longtime critic of the nation's nuclear weapons
program and its environmental record, said he would probably
submit written comments to this round of hearings but prepare
testimony for the draft environmental statement hearings round
later.
1996-2002 Amarillo Globe-News
*****************************************************************
35 EPA proposal repeats work, plants believe -
The Paducah Sun Paducah, Kentucky Monday, October 07, 2002
Chemical plants and utilities, including some in western
Kentucky, say the security rules would just repeat Homeland
rules.
By Joe Walker jwalker@paducahsun.com--270.575.8650
Thirty business and industrial groups nationwide have urged the
Senate to drop proposed new legislation giving the U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency greater security oversight of
public and private chemical facilities. Officials of local plants
and utilities that have large chemical inventories say they are
concerned about the potential operational and cost effects of
legislation that some think duplicates the Bioterrorism Act
passed earlier this year.
As a result of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, Paducah Water Works
already has spent about $75,000 on security upgrades — fencing,
gates, cameras, motion alarms, lighting and signs — at its
distribution plant and other parts of the system, General Manager
Glen Anderson said. An additional $25,000 could be spent meeting
stringent terrorism-vulnerability assessments required by the
previous act, he said.
Anderson said the Paducah system is part of the American Water
Works Association, which believes the new proposal essentially
duplicates the Bioterrorism Act.
"To have to do another assessment and have other deadlines and
components that surely would be different from the Bioterrorism
Act makes no sense to us," he said.
The new legislation would "splinter security responsibility" from
the Department of Homeland Security and grant the EPA "extensive
new authority that may be detrimental to advancing our nation's
critical infrastructure security," the 30 associations said in an
Aug. 29 letter to Congress. Opposition includes the American Farm
Bureau, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of
Chemical Distributors and the U.S. Oil and Gas Association.
Last week, congressional debate intensified over attaching the
new bill, proposed by Sen. Jon Corzine, D-N.J., to the huge
Homeland Security Act. This week, legislative sources said the
measure may take a back seat until after Congress reconvenes next
year.
Sens. Mitch McConnell, R-Louisville, and Jim Bunning,
R-Southgate, as well as Rep. Ed Whitfield, R-Hopkinsville, have
not taken stances on the legislation, their aides say. There is
no comparable legislation in the House.
McConnell issued a statement saying homeland security is
critical, but he advocates a "consensus position that improves
the safety of chemical plants by linking cooperatively with
existing state, local and private security sources."
The bill would greatly expand EPA’s oversight of plants with
hazardous materials. Some industrial groups say it could unfairly
give the agency power to determine which chemicals are used, how
they are used and which products are produced.
Gary Shemwell, manager of administration at Westlake Group in
Calvert City, said his and other plants have spent considerable
time and money upgrading security as a result of the 2001
attacks.
"We have general information about the bill, but we don't have
specifics," he said. "From what we've seen, we think plant
security should remain with the Department of Homeland Security."
In a Sept. 5 letter to colleagues, Corzine said security at many
chemical plants is inadequate. Citing EPA information, he said
there are 123 plants in 24 states where an accident "could expose
more than 1 million people to highly toxic chemicals. Corzine
said there are nearly 3,000 plants in 49 states where an accident
"could threaten more than 10,000 people."
In January, a fire accompanying an accidental release of about
10,000 pounds of chlorine and vinyl chloride at Westlake
threatened residents downwind in Livingston County. Federal
health officials said it was very unlikely the trouble caused
more than minor problems for healthy neighbors, but those with
existing health problems would have been at greater risk if
exposed.
Amy Ridenour, president of the conservative National Center for
Public Policy Research in Washington, D.C., attacked the new bill
in an editorial on her organization's Web site, www.
nationalcenter.org.
She said that earlier this summer, the radical environmental
group Greenpeace posted color maps obtained from the EPA on the
Internet showing chemical plants near large U.S. cities. The
group claimed terrorist attacks on them would shroud the
surrounding area in a deadly mist of toxic ingredients.
One of the plants most prominently publicized was a Kuehne
Chemical bleach factory in South Kearney, N.J., a few miles from
Manhattan and in Corzine’s home state, she said. Greenpeace said
a terrorist attack on the Kuehne facility could unleash a cloud
of chlorine and sulfur that might cover a radius of 25 miles and
jeopardize the lives or health of about 12 million people, she
said.
Although the FBI managed to persuade a reluctant EPA bureaucracy
to remove the toxic chemical disclosures rather than give
terrorists an advantage, the data and maps were downloaded by
Greenpeace and posted on its Web site, she said.
Mark Donham, chairman of the Paducah Gaseous Diffusion Plant
citizens' advisory committee, said he doesn't have enough
information about the Corzine bill to make a judgment. He said
the terrorism risks to chemical plants are real, but he isn't
sure the nation "can afford" the hundreds of billions spent on
increased security measures for airlines, the nuclear industry,
border protection "and now chemical plants."
"I can't see us climbing back from this under the same old way of
doing things," said Donham, president of the Regional Association
of Concerned Environmentalists. "So I wonder if it's not going to
take something more unusual, maybe thinking out of the box."
He said the United States needs to rethink its energy policies
and its Middle Eastern oil policy to relax tension in hopes of
reducing terrorism. Elizabeth Stuckle, spokeswoman for USEC Inc.,
which operates the diffusion plant, said it was premature to
discuss the bill. The plant has large inventories of chlorine and
other chemicals.
"We're still watching this carefully," she said, "and studying
what effect it might or might not have on us."
*****************************************************************
36 Nuclear Test Readiness at Risk, DOE Reports
Arms Control Association: Arms Control Today:
Christine Kucia [%20ckucia@armscontrol.org]
The Energy Department’s ability to resume full-scale nuclear
testing within 36 months is at risk due to the loss of
experienced employees, dismantled facilities, and unusable
equipment, according to a report by the department’s Office of
Inspector General (IG). The department is required to be able to
conduct a nuclear test within three years of receiving an order
from the president to resume testing.
The report, released September 9, harshly criticized the
department’s National Nuclear Security Administration’s (NNSA)
management of the test readiness program, noting a significant
lack of planning to fill key roles and update equipment. The
audit asserted that NNSA “did not have a comprehensive plan or
methodology in place to address its most significant test-related
concerns.”
Lack of personnel with testing experience was a chief problem
listed in the report, which cited a 50 percent loss of such
employees in the past five years. Physical assets, such as
computer equipment and diagnostic tools used during testing, are
in disrepair or obsolete. In addition, computer modeling to
determine the site’s readiness has not been updated to reflect
changes in personnel, facilities, and safety requirements over
the last 10 years.
In an accompanying memorandum addressing the report’s findings,
NNSA Deputy Administrator for Defense Programs Everet H. Beckner
defended the agency, saying, “NNSA is confident that the weapons
complex could resume testing on a time scale appropriate” to deal
with any potential problem. Other Energy Department management
comments noted that the audit focused only on the Nevada Test
Site’s preparedness when it is the national weapons laboratories
that have the greatest technical capabilities to conduct nuclear
tests.
The IG report was issued as Congress contemplates reducing the
time required to resume nuclear testing as part of the FY 2003
defense authorization and appropriations bills. Both the Senate
and the House of Representatives approved $15 million to enhance
test readiness, but only the House authorization bill calls for
the ability to resume underground nuclear weapons testing within
12 months.
Given the current state of the test site’s facilities and annual
funding level of $10 million, it would be “an ever greater
challenge to meet a smaller window” of test readiness time,
according to an Energy official familiar with the report.
The audit was conducted from September 2001 to July 2002 and
involved interviews with over 70 current and former employees,
visits to the Nevada Test Site and the North Las Vegas Facility,
and reviews of policies and procedures.
© 2001 Arms Control Association, 1726 M Street, NW; Washington,
DC; 20036; Tel: (202) 463-8270; Fax: (202) 463-8273
*****************************************************************
NOTE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107 this
material is distributed without profit or payment to those who
have expressed a prior interest in receiving this information for
non-profit research and educational purposes only. For more
information go to:
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