***************************************************************** 07/31/05 **** RADIATION BULLETIN(RADBULL) **** VOL 13.175 ***************************************************************** RADBULL IS PRODUCED BY THE ABALONE ALLIANCE CLEARINGHOUSE ***************************************************************** Send News Stories to news@energy-net.org with title on subject line and first line of body NUCLEAR POLICY 1 [NYTr] Uranium from US "Broken Arrows" in Iran? 2 IRNA: Asefi: West wants Iran to revise decision on nuclear issue 3 Guardian Unlimited: Iran: Europe Proposes Nonaggression Pact 4 BBC: UK warns Iran over nuclear plans 5 FT.com: EU diplomats fear collapse of nuclear talks with Iran 6 Rueters: Iran to defy EU by resuming nuclear activity 7 Reuters: Iran says ready to restart nuclear work 8 Reuters: Iran and EU in dispute over nuclear issue 9 Guardian Unlimited: Iran threatens to restart nuclear activity 10 Guardian Unlimited: U.S. Envoy Says Korea Statement in Works 11 Guardian Unlimited: China Offers Draft Statement at Nuke Talks 12 Guardian Unlimited: Nuke Talks Focus on China Draft Statement 13 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: [EDITORIALS] The talks' steady progress 14 Daily Yomiuri: Japan to N. Korea: Let's talk 15 Daily Yomiuri: U.S. may tolerate peaceful N. Korean nuclear program 16 Las Vegas SUN: N. Korea Nuke Disarmament Talks Hit Snag 17 Xinhua: DPRK to rejoin NPT if nuclear issue be resolved satisfactori 18 Xinhua: Heads of delegations end meeting on fifth day's six-party 19 Xinhua: Deadlocked nuclear talks extend into weekend 20 ITAR-TASS: Rssn diplomat on prospects for passing final doc at Korea 21 Reuters: N.Korea talks envoys struggle for consensus on paper 22 Reuters: Envoys clash as Korea nuclear talks seek consensus 23 Reuters: North Korea nuclear talks enter uncharted territory 24 Reuters: North Korea nuclear talks straggle into seventh day 25 Reuters: N.Korea vows to rejoin NPT if nuclear issue solved 26 Reuters: N.Korea rejects Seoul offer of energy aid -paper 27 Reuters: Text of N.Korea foreign minister on nuclear crisis 28 AFP: Talks resume as US says NKorea must also abandon civilian nucle 29 Guardian Unlimited: North Korea Nuclear Talks Reach 4th Day 30 US: Lake County Record-Bee: Leaving the gate open 31 US: Deseret News: Newly passed energy bill will help little, critics 32 US: WorldNetDaily: Media sycophant jailbird? 33 US: York Daily Record: Senate passes energy bill - 34 US: UCS: Barton Investigation 35 US: Cato: Burning Money Produces Scant Energy 36 Sunday Times: Before the Fall-Out by Diana Preston - 37 Herald-Leader: 60 years after A-bomb, we must face truth 38 Bellona: Electricity debt can mean lights out for Northern fleet bas 39 Sunday Herald: HIROSHIMA: THE LEGACY 40 SF Chronicle: HIROSHIMA: The birth of nuclear warfare / An ugly end, 41 Courier-Journal: After the A-bombs 42 SF Chronicle: Shrines, temples create magic of Miyajima / 43 SF Chronicle: Hiroshima at peace / Sixty years later, it's a city of 44 SF Chronicle: HIROSHIMA: The birth of nuclear warfare / Thank God fo 45 SF Chronicle: Killing a golden age of nuclear research / Why the U.S 46 Arizona Republic: The day we vaporized a city 47 SF Chronicle: HIROSHIMA: The birth of nuclear warfare / 50,000 survi 48 SF Chronicle: HIROSHIMA: The birth of nuclear warfare / How the U.S. 49 SF Chronicle: HIROSHIMA: The birth of nuclear warfare / Nazi nuke pr 50 SF Chronicle: TWO CENTS / Who will be the next to use a nuclear bomb 51 APP.COM: HIROSHIMA/NAGASAKI: 60 YEARS LATER 52 toledoblade.com: 60TH ANNIVERSARY OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI 53 Courier-Journal: Louisville's Hiroshima/Nagasaki Commemorations 54 US: South Florida Sun-Sentinel: The road that led to the bomb NUCLEAR REACTORS 55 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: KEDO reactors an obstacle at six-party talks 56 US: SignOnSanDiego.com: Nuclear power poised for comeback 57 Sunday Herald: Nuclear industry demands new laws to ban protest brea 58 US: Concord Monitor: State official calls Vermont Yankee safe 59 US: Keene Sentinel: Vt.-N.H. Yankee 60 Sofia Morning News: Bulgarian Nuke Unit Shuts Down for Repairs NUCLEAR SECURITY 61 Bellona: Russian legislators ratify accord with Canada that will hel NUCLEAR SAFETY 62 US: Lake County Record-Bee: The face of our own savagery 63 Lake County Record-Bee: There are no victors 64 US: Herald-Tribune: Review beryllium program 65 US: Norwich Bulletin: Volunteers prepare for nuclear disaster 66 News.com.au: Hiroshima survivors speak NUCLEAR FUEL CYCLE 67 US: San Bernardino County Sun: Company renegotiating perchlorate cle 68 US: L.A. Daily News: Perchlorate vandalism? 69 US: Las Vegas SUN: Texas Family Fights Uranium Mining 70 AU ABC: Senator claims NT offered waste dump 'sweetener' 71 US: Deseret News: Goshute member ordered to repay $17,300 to bank 72 US: Deseret News: Idaho could be headed for another nuclear wastes 73 Las Vegas SUN: Yucca Mountain license application facing new delay 74 US: Idaho Statesman: Ecology group enters waste deal 75 US: Herald-Tribune Tallevast ground-water cleanup won't start for at 76 US: Chillicothe Gazette: Pike stream to be tested 77 US: Salt Lake Tribune: Goshute dissident ordered to repay funds in 78 US: WIVB TV4 Buffalo: Did FMC Handle Radioactive Waste & Agent Orang 79 Pahrump Valley Times: Yucca advocates visit Nye County PEACE US DEPT. OF ENERGY 80 Las Vegas RJ: HANFORD NUCLEAR SITE: Washington court: Initiative can 81 Tri-City Herald: Mitigation for reactors should be spent here ***************************************************************** ***************************************************************** FULL NEWS STORIES ***************************************************************** ***************************************************************** 1 [NYTr] Uranium from US "Broken Arrows" in Iran? Date: Sun, 31 Jul 2005 05:45:45 -0500 (CDT) autolearn=ham version=3.0.4 X-Spam-filter-host: pascal.ctyme.com - http://www.junkemailfilter.com Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit Excerpted from CounterPunch Diary - July 30/31, 2005 http://www.counterpunch.org/cockburn07302005.html Lost Nuclear Warheads from a B-52 Now in Iran? By ALEXANDER COCKBURN Iran may have the weapons-grade uranium out of three nuclear warheads dumped out of a B-52 back in 1991. Or so at least the US government might have some reason to believe, according to a seemingly well-informed person talking to CounterPunch last week. On February 3, 1991, this particular B-52G had been deployed to circle around Baghdad. It was armed with 3 SRAM missiles armed with nuclear warheads and fitted with rocket drives to push them 100 miles to the rear of the B-52 before detonating. The B-52 was heading off to refuel when it developed very serious electrical problems, including the loss of navigational equipment. Hoping to limp back to base on the island of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, the crew were heading the plane south just off the coast of Somalia when fires in five of the engines threatened to detonate the heat sensitive fuse mechanisms of the SRAMS. Thinking they would plummet into deep water the crew dumped the nuclear bombs, and the B-52 crashed not long thereafter. Some members of the crew died, others survived and were picked up. But, our informant tells us, the warheads in fact landed in shallow water, on Somalia's continental shelf. Three months later, in mid-May of 1991, they were allegedly retrieved and passed into the hands of an arms dealer involved in other covert transactions in Somalia at the time. The dimension of each warhead was 30" x 18" x 18", weighing 560 pounds. Because of sea-water contamination only the weapons grade uranium would be usable, either in a "dirty" bomb, or as the warhead for a new missile. As the three warheads entered international arms-smuggling loops, the Bush-One and subsequently Clinton administrations dispatched various covert units to recover them, with no success. As possible substantiation that the warheads may have ended up in Iran, CounterPunch's informant cites a hour-long BBC-TV Channel-2 documentary, broadcast on May 3, 2005,titled "Iran's Nuclear Secrets" in which they showed their TV-cameraman with UN weapons inspectors in Iran. During those searches the inspectors found radiation traces in rooms left by the previous presence of weapons-grade uranium, with an enrichment of 40% to 60%. The BBC program suggested that as local enrichment had not started then the Iranians must have held non-local black-Market material. The BBC concluded that with this material Iran was already perceived as a threat by Israel and the Scott Ritter's forecasted raids were a likely possibility. If the US or Israel does launch an aerial attack on the suspected depository of the three warheads, or of uranium from them, the consequences could be lethal in more ways than one, if a "bunker busting " raid simply dispersed the nuclear materials into the atmosphere, with unpleasant consequences for all in the wind path. Vice President Cheney, recently linked to speculation that he is eager to use any future 9/11 type attack in the US as a pretext to attack Iran, was Secretary of Defense back in 1991. At the Pentagon lost nukes are called Broken Arrows. A few years ago, my coeditor Jeffrey St. Clair wrote a riveting account of how another B-52 lost an H-bomb in the swamps near Savannah, Georgia. It still hasn't been recovered. You can find the story in his book Been Brown So Long It Looked Like Green to Me. * ================================================================ .NY Transfer News Collective * A Service of Blythe Systems . Since 1985 - Information for the Rest of Us . .339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 http://www.blythe.org .List Archives: https://olm.blythe-systems.com/pipermail/nytr/ .Subscribe: https://olm.blythe-systems.com/mailman/listinfo/nytr ================================================================ ***************************************************************** 2 IRNA: Asefi: West wants Iran to revise decision on nuclear issue Tehran, July 31, IRNA Iran-Asefi-Nuclear Foreign Ministry Spokesman Hamid-Reza Asefi said here Sunday that almost all European and non-European countries have called on Iran to revise its decision on the nuclear issue, including the UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who held talks with Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi in this respect. He added that Iran has been sufficiently patient with EU and that it can no more wait. He also dismissed rumors about Iran's intention to occupy part of Iraq's Kurdistan. "We believe that the Iraqis themselves should settle their border disputes and establish security at their frontiers," he said. In response to a question about the confiscation of three Iranian motor launches and arrest of their crews in Oman waterways and the Foreign Ministry's approach towards the issue, he put the number of arrested sailors at 33 and said that they were all set free through the efforts of the Foreign Ministry. "Six of them, who were sentenced to 39 months of prison, were released on Saturday. Two of the three motor launches, which were confiscated according to Oman's laws are to be returned to their owners. However, there is no way the other one can be returned, given that the Foreign Ministry was informed quite late," he added. Thanking the Omani government for responding to our call on time, he called upon the Iranian citizens residing overseas to avoid attending foreign tribunals without being accompanied by a lawyer and the Iranian embassy's representative, in case they face any legal problems. Turning to the status of foreign investment in the country, once the new government takes over and the situation of stock market, he said that this should be announced by the government spokesman, Abdollah Ramezanzadeh. "During our talks with the President-elect Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, he clearly declared that he does not intend to prevent foreign investment. "According to the press, after the discussions held on the stock market, measures have been taken to stop major drop and balance is expected to be established. Thus, there is no reason for concern," he added. About his status in the next meeting, Asefi said that he will continue as the Foreign Ministry spokesman and referred to himself and his colleagues as minor employees serving the ruling system. "Our diplomacy acts beyond factions and parties and the procedure to communicate with it is quite distinct from what is common elsewhere," he added. Sunday July 31, 2005 ***************************************************************** 3 Guardian Unlimited: Iran: Europe Proposes Nonaggression Pact From the Associated Press [UP] Sunday July 31, 2005 12:01 PM TEHRAN, Iran (AP)- Iran's top nuclear negotiator said his European counterparts have proposed a guarantee that Iran won't be invaded if Tehran agrees to a permanent halt on uranium enrichment, the state-run Islamic Republic News Agency said on Sunday. Hasan Rowhani said the proposal is under discussion by Europeans and includes several important points such as ``guarantees about Iran's integrity, independence, national sovereignty'' and ``nonaggression toward Iran,'' the agency reported. ``If Europe enjoys a serious political will about Iran's nuclear fuel cycle, there will be the possibility of understanding,'' the agency quoted Rowhani as saying in a letter to outgoing Iranian president Mohammad Khatami. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 4 BBC: UK warns Iran over nuclear plans Last Updated: Sunday, 31 July 2005 [Iran nuclear facility] Iran says it wants to resume nuclear enrichment The international dispute over Iran's nuclear programme appears to be escalating, with Tehran threatening to resume uranium conversion. The UK Foreign Office urged Iran not to take unilateral steps that could jeopardise talks with three European Union nations - known as the E3. The remarks came after a top Iranian official set a Sunday deadline for the EU to propose economic incentives. The UK - the current EU president - said these would be given in a week. This was in accordance with the decisions of the Geneva meeting in May between Iran and the three European countries - Britain, France and Germany - as well as the EU's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, said a Foreign Office (FCO) spokesman. This is threatening to become a dangerous escalation, says the BBC's Jon Leyne. If we do not receive the proposal today [Sunday], tomorrow morning we will start part of the activities in Isfahan's uranium conversion facility [ src=] Ali Aghamohammadi Iranian spokesman The US believes Iran is trying to build a nuclear bomb, but Iran insists its programme is for civilian use only. Iran suspended all uranium conversion and enrichment activities in November 2004 as a result of international pressure. However, it has always insisted that the suspension was temporary and that it would resume some of its nuclear activities regardless of EU proposals. The European states have threatened to refer Iran to the UN Security Council for possible sanctions if Iran resumes its nuclear activities. IAEA supervision The UK reaction came after Iran said it would resume nuclear activities at the Isfahan plant on Monday if the Europeans had not submitted their proposals. "If we do not receive the EU proposal today [Sunday], tomorrow morning we will start part of the activities in Isfahan's uranium conversion facility," Ali Aghamohammadi, spokesman for the Supreme National Security Council, told state television. We urge them not to take a unilateral step UK spokesman "This will be under the supervision of UN inspectors," he said. The FCO spokesman said this would be "an unnecessary and damaging step by Iran". "We are seeking clarification of Iran's intentions. We urge them not to take any unilateral step which would contravene the Paris agreement as that would make it very difficult to continue with the E3/Iran negotiations. "Should the Iranians persist, we will as a first step consult urgently with our partners on the board of the IAEA [International Atomic Energy Agency]." Iran appears to be hardening its position but it is not clear if this is just a way of putting pressure on Europe before the talks or a serious threat, says the BBC's Frances Harrison in Tehran. Earlier this week, outgoing President Mohammad Khatami said he hoped EU diplomats would allow for a resumption of enrichment activities, but that Iran would begin again in any case. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the conservative former Tehran mayor who was elected Iran's president last month, has said he wants to continue the nuclear programme. Uranium enrichment can be used to fuel nuclear power stations, but can also provide material for nuclear weapons. ***************************************************************** 5 FT.com: EU diplomats fear collapse of nuclear talks with Iran By Daniel Dombey in Brussels, Gareth Smyth in Tehran and Guy,Dinmore in Washington Published: July 30 2005 03:00 | Last updated: July 31 2005 17:52 [Iran nuclear] Iran could bring negotiations with the European Union to a sudden end by resuming parts of its nuclear programme as soon as next week, European diplomats have warned. EU officials are working on the final details of an offer to assist Tehran in the nuclear, economic and diplomatic fields, as long as it turns its back on technologies that could be used for nuclear weapons. But recent Iranian statements have stoked European fears that Tehran could be about to resume activity at its uranium conversion plant, with a preliminary role in the nuclear fuel cycle. Mohammad Khatami, Iran's outgoing president, said this week that Iran would "definitely" resume work at this Isfahan plant regardless of what France, Germany and the UK, which are leading the EU effort, put on the table. "Such a step would be a breach of the Paris agreement [underpinning the talks] but until any action is taken, there will be no further comment," said a British spokeswoman. In such circumstances the EU would not put forward its offer, which it plans to make soon after Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad, a conservative fundamentalist, is inaugurated as the new president on Thursday. However, Iran recently set Monday as a deadline for the EU proposals. Buoyed by Mr Ahmadi-Nejad's landslide election victory, opponents of Iran's freeze of uranium enrichment have also noted the US's recent agreement to supply nuclear technology to India, which developed nuclear weapons outside the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty. There is widespread expectation that Ali Larijani, former head of state broadcasting, will take over as Iran's leading nuclear negotiator. Mr Larijani once said Iran would exchange "a pearl for a candy" if it gave up its nuclear programme in return for trade concessions. The European offer is intended to pave the way for the transformation of relations between Iran and the west. © Copyright The Financial Times Ltd 2005. "FT" ***************************************************************** 6 Rueters: Iran to defy EU by resuming nuclear activity Sun Jul 31, 2005 2:15 PM ET By Parisa Hafezi TEHRAN (Reuters) - Iran said on Sunday it would resume sensitive nuclear activities at once without waiting for EU compromise proposals, a move that the EU said was "unnecessary and damaging" and could derail their talks. Iran said it was acting after the EU failed to meet a deadline set by Tehran to deliver an offer to break the impasse. But the British Foreign Office said the EU -- represented by Britain, France and Germany -- had informed Iran that "full and detailed proposals" would be delivered in a week. The EU plans to offer economic and political incentives in return for Iran's indefinite suspension of uranium enrichment, nuclear fuel reprocessing and related activities. "We urge them not to take any unilateral step which would contravene the Paris agreement as that would make it very difficult to continue with the ... negotiations," it said. A senior Iranian nuclear official told Reuters on condition of anonymity: "As we did not receive the EU proposals, naturally we will definitely resume work at the Isfahan plant tomorrow." The EU and the United States suspect Iran is trying to build a nuclear arsenal and say if Iran restarts uranium conversion or enrichment, they will ask the U.N. Security Council to impose sanctions on the Islamic Republic. Tehran insists its programme is peaceful and it only wants nuclear power to generate electricity. SANCTIONS? In Paris last November, Iran committed "on a voluntary basis, to continue and extend its suspension to include all enrichment related and reprocessing activities" and "all tests or production at any uranium conversion installation". The agreement also states: "The suspension will be sustained while negotiations proceed on a mutually acceptable agreement on long-term arrangements." It was unclear whether the EU would now submit its proposals. "Should the Iranians persist, we will as a first step consult urgently with our partners on the board of the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency)," the Foreign Office said. The IAEA board can recommend Iran be referred to the U.N. Security Council which could then vote to impose sanctions. But Iran said earlier it had little to fear from referral to the U.N. Security Council. "There is no legal basis for Iran's case to be referred to the U.N. Security Council. Besides, being referred to the council is not the end of the world. Some officials even believe it is better to be referred to the council," Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Hamid Reza Asefi told a news conference. Russia and China, which both hold a veto as permanent members of the council, have close trade links with Iran and are less keen on the idea of sanctions than other members. But an EU diplomat close to the talks said two years of hard-bargaining with Iran over nuclear activities it kept secret for 18 years had seen a closer consensus emerge among Security Council members on the possible need for sanctions. © Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 7 Reuters: Iran says ready to restart nuclear work Monday Sun Jul 31, 2005 7:32 AM ET By Parisa Hafezi TEHRAN (Reuters) - Iran said it would restart some nuclear activities on Monday unless it receives European Union proposals on Sunday to break a diplomatic impasse. The EU is due to offer Iran some economic and political incentives in return for an indefinite suspension of uranium enrichment, nuclear fuel reprocessing and related activities. If Iran resumes its activities, the EU says it will back U.S. calls for the Islamic Republic to be reported to the United Nations Security Council and face possible sanctions. "If we do not receive the EU proposal today, tomorrow morning we will start part of activities in Isfahan's uranium conversion facility," Ali Aghamohammadi, spokesman for the Supreme National Security Council, told state television. "This will be under the supervision of U.N. inspectors," he added. A conversion plant near the central city of Isfahan takes processed uranium ore, mined in Iran's central desert, and turns it into uranium hexafluoride gas. This gas can be pumped into centrifuges that spin at supersonic speed to enrich uranium. Enriched uranium is used in nuclear power plants, but if highly enriched can be used in atomic weaponry. The EU and the United States suspect Iran's nuclear programme is a veil for efforts to build a nuclear bomb. Tehran insists it only wants nuclear power to generate electricity. An EU diplomat familiar with the nuclear negotiations said any resumption of activities at the Isfahan plant would mean Iran would start down the road toward U.N. sanctions. "We've been absolutely clear all along that if they did something like this it would be considered a breach of our agreement," the diplomat told Reuters. "But we will not react until they have actually done something." DEADLINE Iran set a deadline of 1230 GMT on Sunday for the EU to submit its package of incentives, but said it would continue talks with the bloc and would not resume uranium enrichment. Iran has said the parties originally agreed on an August 1 deadline for submission of the proposals, but the EU's so-called "Big Three" -- Britain, France and Germany -- had asked for this to be extended by six days. Tehran said it rejected any delay. Diplomats in the EU's "Big Three" countries said they were not aware the bloc had committed itself firmly to August 1. "We will hand them over when we are good and ready," the EU diplomat said. They said there had been an agreement at talks with Iran in Geneva last May that the EU would submit proposals by the end of July or "early August". Regardless of the date, diplomats have expressed little hope a deal can be done. The dispute over the deadline appeared to have more to do with who to blame when things go wrong. Iranian hardliners would like to see any resumption of nuclear work come before reformist President Mohammad Khatami hands over office to conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on August 6. "Restarting the nuclear facilities must be the last job of Khatami's government," the Jomhuri-e Eslami newspaper quoted National Security Council member Ali Larijani as saying. Waiting until August 7 would allow the EU to present its offer after the inauguration of Ahmadinejad. Analysts are uncertain what effect a new president will have on the dispute over Iran's nuclear programme but suggest negotiators take their orders directly from Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, bypassing the government. (Additional reporting by Jon Hemming) © Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 8 Reuters: Iran and EU in dispute over nuclear issue Sun Jul 31, 2005 8:36 AM ET By Parisa Hafezi TEHRAN (Reuters) - Iran said it would restart some sensitive nuclear fuel activities on Monday unless it received European Union proposals on Sunday to break a diplomatic impasse over the country's atomic programme. The British Foreign Office said on Sunday that EU members Britain, France and Germany had informed Iran that "full and detailed proposals" would be delivered in a week. The EU plans to offer economic and political incentives in return for Iran's indefinite suspension of uranium enrichment, nuclear fuel reprocessing and related activities. The EU and the United States suspect Iran wants to use these processes to make nuclear weapons and say if Iran restarts them, they will ask the U.N. Security Council to impose sanctions on the Islamic Republic. Tehran insists its programme is peaceful and it only wants nuclear power to generate electricity. "If we do not receive the EU proposal today, tomorrow morning we will start part of (the) activities in Isfahan's uranium conversion facility," Ali Aghamohammadi, spokesman for the Supreme National Security Council, told state television. The conversion plant near the central city of Isfahan takes processed uranium ore, mined in Iran's central desert, and turns it into uranium hexafluoride gas. This gas can be pumped into centrifuges that spin at supersonic speed to enrich uranium. Enriched uranium is used in nuclear power plants, but if highly enriched can be used in atomic weaponry. An EU diplomat familiar with the nuclear negotiations said any resumption of activities at the Isfahan plant would mean Iran had broken an agreement it made in Paris in November, 2004. According to the agreement Iran committed "on a voluntary basis, to continue and extend its suspension to include all enrichment related and reprocessing activities" and "all tests or production at any uranium conversion installation". The agreement also states: "The suspension will be sustained while negotiations proceed on a mutually acceptable agreement on long-term arrangements." The EU diplomat told Reuters: "We've been absolutely clear all along that if they did something like this it would be considered a breach of our agreement." DEADLINE Iran set a deadline of 1:30 p.m. British time (1230 GMT) on Sunday for the EU to submit its package of incentives, but said it would continue talks with the bloc and would not resume uranium enrichment. Iran has said the parties originally agreed on an August 1 deadline for submission of the proposals, but the EU's so-called "Big Three" -- Britain, France and Germany -- had asked for this to be extended by six days. Tehran said it rejected any delay. They said there had been an agreement at talks with Iran in Geneva in May that the EU would submit proposals by the end of July or "early August". Regardless of the date, diplomats have expressed little hope a deal can be done. Iran said it had little to fear from referral to the United Nations. Russia and China, which both hold a veto as permanent members of the Security Council, have close trade links with Iran and are less keen on the idea of sanctions than other members. "There is no legal basis for Iran's case to be referred to the U.N. Security Council. Besides, being referred to the council is not the end of the world. Some officials even believe it is better to be referred to the council," an Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Hamid Reza Asefi told a news conference. (Additional reporting by Jon Hemming in Tehran and Madeleine Chambers in London) © Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 9 Guardian Unlimited: Iran threatens to restart nuclear activity Britain, France and Germany ask for week's grace as Tehran claims it has offer of non-aggression deal Ian Traynor Monday August 1, 2005 The Guardian Britain, France and Germany are to promise Iran that it will not face military attack if it abandons enriching uranium, the key to building a nuclear bomb, a senior Iranian official said yesterday. With Tehran and the three EU countries engaged in a delicate game of brinkmanship as a new hardline Iranian leader is sworn in as president, Hassan Rowhani, Iran's chief nuclear negotiator, said the EU trio was to offer the non-aggression pledge as one incentive aimed at getting Iran to forfeit uranium enrichment. Both sides in the long-running dispute upped the ante at the weekend, with Tehran saying yesterday that it would resume some nuclear fuel activities today. "As we did not receive the EU proposal, naturally we will definitely resume work at the Isfahan plant tomorrow," a senior Iranian nuclear official told the Reuters news agency. Meanwhile, Britain told Tehran it would need to wait another week for the details of the incentives. Under an agreement with the EU last November, Iran suspended its uranium enrichment programme. The EU troika agreed to deliver a set of political, economic and nuclear offers to Iran by the end of July or early August. The deadline passed yesterday, according to the Iranians. The EU requested a week's extension because it wants to wait for the inauguration this week of the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, before revealing its hand and to see whether the new head of state, viewed as a radical, plans any changes to his nuclear policy or negotiating team. British officials described the Iranian warning at the weekend as damaging prospects for an overall agreement. Mr Rowhani's disclosures about a non-aggression pact came in a letter on the nuclear crisis to the outgoing president, Mohammed Khatami, reported yesterday by Iran's state news agency. It is not clear, however, whether Mr Rowhani, viewed as a moderate, will survive in position. The same news agency reported last month that he had resigned. Mr Rowhani also suggested that Iran should bow to EU demands by maintaining its freeze on uranium enrichment, a policy opposed by hardliners. The Rowhani statement supporting a more pragmatic Iranian course may reflect an internal battle over the direction of nuclear policy under the new administration. Moderates in Tehran, including President Khatami, have indicated they will preserve the enrichment freeze. But the authorities are sending mixed signals. They rejected the EU request for the extra week with the threat to restart part of the enrichment work by resuming uranium conversion. The Iranians insist the work at Isfahan - taking uranium concentrate and converting it into uranium hexafluoride gas - is not uranium enrichment. The Iranians are threatening to restart the work at Isfahan today, an act that would be viewed negatively by the Europeans and push the EU trio towards the US position - to penalise Iran by taking the dispute to the UN security council in New York. The Americans and the Europeans view the Natanz enrichment plant as the centre of a potential bomb-building capacity and want it closed down. Diplomats following the dispute said all sides were engaged in manoeuvring. Most are pessimistic that a sustainable deal will be reached and expect the dispute to escalate. [UP] Guardian Unlimited ¿ Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 10 Guardian Unlimited: U.S. Envoy Says Korea Statement in Works From the Associated Press [UP] Saturday July 30, 2005 5:46 AM AP Photo GFX266 By BURT HERMAN Associated Press Writer BEIJING (AP) - The chief U.S. envoy to talks on North Korea's nuclear program said Saturday delegates would start work on a joint statement of principles taking the negotiations into a ``new stage,'' but an agreement this weekend was unlikely. Work on a statement of ``agreed principles'' came as six-nation talks stretched into an unprecedented fifth day and after U.S. and North Korean diplomats held four sets of one-on-one meetings this week. Delegates from all countries at the negotiations - China, Japan, Russia, the two Koreas and the United States - met Saturday morning for 20 minutes, a South Korean official said on condition of anonymity, due to the delicacy of the talks. ``China has proposed a draft, based on which further negotiations on the statement will take place among No. 2 delegates,'' the official said. The Chinese hosts ``must have thought (negotiations) have developed to a degree where we can start discussions on the statement.'' Earlier, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill said negotiators would be working on the statement but that ``it's going to take a while.'' ``It is not going to be finished today or even tomorrow, because even though the texts will be rather brief, they're rather important too,'' he said as he left his hotel Saturday morning. The negotiations, renewed this week after a 13-month hiatus, have produced no breakthroughs and their most significant achievement appears to be that the Americans and North Koreans have continued to talk. North Korea hasn't publicly commented on the talks' progress. But it has also refrained from issuing the confrontational and sometimes bellicose statements that it has made during three previous rounds of talks, which began in 2003. Hill said after a meeting Friday with his North Korean counterpart, Vice Foreign Minister Kim Kye Gwan, that they remained split over the North's demand for U.S. concessions before giving up its nuclear weapons program and its insistence on having a peaceful atomic energy project. ``The fact that they're continuing to talk to each other is by far the most encouraging sign,'' said Peter Beck, the Seoul-based director of the North East Asia Project for the International Crisis Group, an independent think tank. Beck said the latest round of talks has continued because neither the North nor the Americans seemed to want to be blamed for scuttling the discussions by walking away. Talks this week have been more flexible than previous rounds, which were rigidly scheduled and limited to three days each. Still, Beck noted, ``we're no farther than we were after the previous rounds of talks in terms of what they have to show for their actions.'' Rather than focusing on substantive issues in this round, the negotiators were trying to agree on a set of principles as the foundation for later talks, Hill said Friday. ``There is a growing consensus that where we end up is the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula - that is, no nuclear weapons, no nuclear weapons programs ... no nuclear programs that could conceivably be nuclear weapons programs,'' he said. However, he said there was still disagreement over ``sequencing,'' or the North's demand for aid and concessions first before giving up its nuclear trump card. Washington wants to see the weapons programs eliminated before it rewards the North. The latest nuclear standoff with North Korea was sparked after U.S. officials said the North admitted in late 2002 to running a uranium enrichment program - which could provide fuel for atomic bombs - in violation of a 1994 deal with Washington. North Korea has subsequently denied having such a program, and Hill said Friday that its status was one of the sticking points in a resolution. Hill said the North has also insisted it should have the right to use peaceful nuclear technology for power generation if it rejoins the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. The United States maintains the North shouldn't be allowed to do so because of proliferation concerns. Russia's top delegate, Deputy Foreign Minister Alexander Alexeyev, headed back to Moscow on Saturday for business reasons but was to return to China early next week, the Russian Embassy said. Other members of his delegation were continuing to work at the talks. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 11 Guardian Unlimited: China Offers Draft Statement at Nuke Talks From the Associated Press [UP] Saturday July 30, 2005 8:01 AM AP Photo BEJ115 By JOE McDONALD Associated Press Writer BEIJING (AP) - China proposed a draft statement Saturday in a possible sign of progress at six-nation nuclear talks aimed at convincing North Korea to disarm, but the chief U.S. envoy said an agreement this weekend was unlikely. Work on the statement of ``agreed principles'' came as the talks stretched into an unprecedented fifth day, and after U.S. and North Korean diplomats held four sets of one-on-one meetings this week. Delegates from all countries at the negotiations - China, Japan, Russia, the two Koreas and the United States - met Saturday morning for 20 minutes, a South Korean official said on condition of anonymity due to the delicacy of the talks. ``China has proposed a draft, based on which further negotiations on the statement will take place among No. 2 delegates,'' the official said. The Chinese hosts ``must have thought (negotiations) have developed to a degree where we can start discussions on the statement.'' Earlier, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill said negotiators would be working on the statement but that ``it's going to take a while.'' ``It is not going to be finished today or even tomorrow, because even though the texts will be rather brief, they're rather important too,'' he said as he left his hotel Saturday morning. The negotiations, renewed this week after a 13-month hiatus, have produced no tangible breakthroughs and their most significant achievement appears to be that the Americans and North Koreans have continued to talk. North Korea hasn't publicly commented on progress at the talks. But it has refrained from issuing the confrontational and sometimes bellicose statements that it made during the three previous rounds which began in 2003. Hill said after a meeting Friday with his North Korean counterpart, Vice Foreign Minister Kim Kye Gwan, that they remained split over the North's demand for U.S. concessions before giving up its nuclear weapons program and its insistence on having a peaceful atomic energy project. ``The fact that they're continuing to talk to each other is by far the most encouraging sign,'' said Peter Beck, the Seoul-based director of the North East Asia Project for the International Crisis Group, an independent think-tank. Beck said the latest round of talks had continued because neither the North nor the Americans seemed to want to be blamed for scuttling the discussions by walking away. Talks this week have been more flexible than previous rounds, which were rigidly scheduled and limited to three days each. Hill said that rather than get bogged down in detail, the aim of the current round of talks was to secure agreement on a set of principles that would provide the foundation for later negotiations. ``There is a growing consensus that where we end up is the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula - that is, no nuclear weapons, no nuclear weapons programs ... no nuclear programs that could conceivably be nuclear weapons programs,'' he said. However, there was still disagreement over ``sequencing,'' Hill said. The North wants aid and concessions before giving up its nuclear trump card while Washington wants to see the weapons programs eliminated before it rewards the North. Hill said the North has also insisted it should have the right to use peaceful nuclear technology for power generation if it rejoins the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. The United States maintains the North shouldn't be allowed to do so because of proliferation concerns. South Korea's JoongAng Ilbo daily reported that North Korea said it wants to build nuclear reactors for energy in addition to receiving electricity aid from South Korea. South Korea has said it would send 2 million kilowatts of electricity annually to the North if it agrees to give up its nuclear weapons program, an offer that helped lure Pyongyang back to nuclear talks. However, Pyongyang has stressed that the aid should be a reward for its decision to freeze its nuclear weapons program, and that energy-related nuclear reactors should be provided if it agrees on dismantlement, the report said, citing an anonymous South Korean government official. A South Korean official in Beijing couldn't confirm the report. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 12 Guardian Unlimited: Nuke Talks Focus on China Draft Statement From the Associated Press [UP] Sunday July 31, 2005 7:16 AM AP Photo BEJ116 By BURT HERMAN Associated Press Writer BEIJING (AP) - Talks to persuade North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons focused on a draft statement that the main U.S. envoy praised as a good basis for discussion, a sign of possible progress as an unprecedented sixth day of meetings opened Sunday. However, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill stressed differences remained with North Korea on a resolution of the 2-year-old nuclear standoff, which has raised regional tension and concerns that it could spark an arms race in East Asia. Hill has met five times with the North Koreans amid the talks and said Sunday he would probably see them again. No end date for the talks has been set, and Hill said ``it's going to take a while'' - noting the process requires translating texts into five languages of the nations at the talks: Chinese, English, Japanese, Korean and Russian. ``I want to caution everyone that it's a lot of work to look at a document and go line by line by line,'' Hill said Sunday afternoon at his Beijing hotel. ``Things are moving, we have to see how it goes.'' The negotiations on Saturday focused on the draft statement, proposed by China, host of the six-nation talks. ``Today was the first opportunity, really, to take something that could become the final document and try to see if we can reach agreement on it,'' Hill told reporters Saturday. He would not provide details, but said ``we think it's a good basis'' for negotiation. The talks have focused on a definition of ``denuclearization'' of the Korean Peninsula. The North says that should mean removal of alleged U.S. nuclear weapons in South Korea as well dissolving the American ``nuclear umbrella'' of security guarantees to its longtime ally. Washington and Seoul both deny the U.S. has nuclear weapons in South Korea. Hill held another meeting Saturday with the North, their fifth such direct contact at the current fourth round of talks that also include Japan, Russia and South Korea. There was a ``consensus on denuclearization'' between the negotiators, but North Korea ``has an emphasis on some other elements,'' Hill said. He declined to elaborate. ``As much as I would like to talk about progress, you know it's hard to talk about progress until you actually have an agreement,'' Hill said. The Japanese newspaper Yomiuri, citing anonymous sources, said delegates ``roughly agreed'' on a draft document that mentions a safety guarantee and economic assistance for North Korea along with a promise of normalized relations with the United States. It does not detail how the North would abandon its nuclear program or what it would get in return, the newspaper said. Hill said earlier that delegates disagreed on the sequence of how disarmament would proceed. The North has demanded concessions before totally dismantling its nuclear weapons program, while the Americans want to grant concessions only after verifying the program has been eliminated. Another issue of contention is the North's demand to be allowed peaceful use of nuclear technology to remedy its electricity shortage, a request dating back to an earlier nuclear crisis that ended in a 1994 agreement with the United States. Under that accord, the North was to be provided with two reactors that could not be used to make weapons. Construction on those reactors was halted after the latest standoff erupted in late 2002, when U.S. officials said North Korea acknowledged running a secret uranium enrichment program - which it has since denied. South Korean Foreign Minister Ban Ki-moon, in Laos for a regional conference, said Saturday the North still wants to finish building the two reactors and also wants to receive electricity directly from South Korea under a new aid proposal made this year to help resolve the nuclear issue, South Korea's Yonhap news agency reported. North Korea repeated its offer to return to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and admit international inspectors if the talks are successful. The statement by the North's foreign minister was reported by the country's official news agency Sunday. The minister's remarks reiterated what the North Korean leader Kim Jong Il told the South Korean Unification Minister Chung Dong-young, when the latter visited Pyongyang in June. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 13 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: [EDITORIALS] The talks' steady progress August 1, 2005 KST 15:09 (GMT+9) The fourth round of the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear programs has been underway for a week now. So far, no great strides have been made, but we feel there has been steady progress. The third round last year gave rise to pessimisim, because it failed to produce a joint statement. This time, a joint agreement on a larger scale is being predicted. Actually, the current round is showing a new vitality in bilateral meetings, not just between the United States and North Korea, and in in-depth discussions among a small group of working-level experts. The United States, which once refused to sit down with the North, had done so five times as of Saturday, each time for more than two hours. It seems that Washington recognizes the North as a negotiating partner. North Korea is also showing sincerity, a change from its past unconditional retorts and one-sided insistence. The change in format, of course, does not in itself mean there will be a practical solution. But it can be said that both sides, however minimally, recognize the effectiveness of the talks and are trying to narrow their differences. Pyongyang and Washington must do their best to arrive at a practical agreement by keeping this positive atmosphere alive. The United States must give the North Koreans the confidence that its security will be better guaranteed if it gives up its nuclear weapons. The North must make the strategic decision to end this war of attrition by, for instance, dropping its insistence on the light-water nuclear reactor project. The North may fear change, but opportunities are made, not given. The other participants must further coordinate their efforts, to help Pyongyang and Washington make these strategic decisions. 2005.07.31 Copyright by Joins.com, Inc. Terms of Use | ***************************************************************** 14 Daily Yomiuri: Japan to N. Korea: Let's talk Yuji Anai Yomiuri Shimbun Correspondent The Japanese government's efforts to hold bilateral negotiations with North Korea on the abduction issue continues to hit a brick wall with Pyongyang refusing to sit down with Japan on the sidelines of the six-way talks here. This disappointment comes despite the support the United States and China have expressed for such talks. The six-way talks began in Beijing on Tuesday. At an informal meeting of Cabinet ministers in Tokyo on Friday, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi said, "The Japanese delegation at the six-way talks has certainly expressed our opinion on the issue of abduction of Japanese by North Korea." "The nuclear issue is important, and the abduction issue is also important. We're trying to solve [various issues relating to North Korea] comprehensively," the prime minister added. Koizumi's remark came after Education, Science and Technology Minister Nariaki Nakayama expressed frustration over the treatment of the abduction issue at the six-way talks. The chief Japanese delegate, Kenichiro Sasae, has repeatedly brought up the issue during the talks. Sasae, the head of the Foreign Ministry's Asian and Oceanian Affairs Bureau, also has approached North Korean Vice Foreign Minister Kim Kye Gwan on a daily basis. "Mr. Kim isn't freezing out Mr. Sasae. North Korea is concentrating on the nuclear issue now," a senior Foreign Ministry official said. "If progress is made on the nuclear issue, they'd probably agree to Japan-North Korea talks." Within the government, there are concerns that if Japan pushes too hard for bilateral talks, North Korea will use the talks as a diplomatic trump card. The U.S. and Chinese sides have urged the North Korean delegation to agree to bilateral talks with Japan. "The United States and China want to place priority on the nuclear issue at the six-way talks, and they want the abduction issue to be discussed in bilateral talks. That's their real intention," a government source said. If the bilateral talks do end up taking place, the government will focus on discussing the resumption of working-level talks that have been stalled since they were last held in November. But because Kim is in charge of U.S. affairs, he would probably consult with Pyongyang over resuming the working-level talks before giving a response. (Jul. 31, 2005) Copyright © The Yomiuri Shimbun. ***************************************************************** 15 Daily Yomiuri: U.S. may tolerate peaceful N. Korean nuclear program The Yomiuri Shimbun The United States told North Korea it would allow Pyongyang to maintain a peaceful atomic power program if the reclusive state rejoined the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill said Friday afternoon. The proposal was made during their fifth round of bilateral talks aimed at bridging disagreement on the meaning of "denuclearization" of the Korean Peninsula. The U.S. envoy proposed possibly excluding North Korean nuclear development for peaceful purposes, with certain conditions, from the denuclearization. The U.S. compromise may lead to a breakthrough in the standoff over North Korea's nuclear program. However, North Korea may demand that the United States normalize diplomatic relations and provide other incentives before Pyongyang scraps its nuclear program. Hill said the United States believed that North Korea had a right to a peaceful nuclear development program if it ratified the NPT. He also said the issue of peaceful nuclear development should be mentioned in the joint statement, the drafting of which was under way. North Korea announced its withdrawal from the NPT in January 2003, following the collapse of October 2002 senior official-level talks between the U.S. and North Korea on its uranium enrichment program. While North Korea says it has already left the NPT, the United States has not recognized the withdrawal. Hill stressed the development of a joint statement was entering a new phase. According to Japanese government delegates, the statement will be discussed by chief delegates from the six participating nations at the general conference beginning Sunday. However, the officials predicted it would take some days before the statement was agreed upon, boosting the possibility that the talks will continue into next week. (Jul. 30, 2005) Copyright © The Yomiuri Shimbun. ***************************************************************** 16 Las Vegas SUN: N. Korea Nuke Disarmament Talks Hit Snag Today: July 31, 2005 at 17:7:25 PDT By BO-MI LIM ASSOCIATED PRESS BEIJING (AP) - North Korea's demands for what it should receive in exchange for abandoning its nuclear weapons program snarled talks Sunday, but the U.S. envoy maintained that "things are moving," with more negotiations planned Monday. The negotiations ended their sixth day without an agreement on a Chinese-drafted proposal, and South Korean Deputy Foreign Minister Song Min-soon said talks Sunday focused on "what corresponding measures other parties will take" in return for an agreement by the North to dismantle its nuclear weapons program. The North has demanded concessions such as security guarantees and aid from Washington before it eliminates its weapons program, while the United States wants to see the arms destroyed first. The North has also insisted that it be allowed to run a peaceful nuclear power program, something Washington objects to out of proliferation concerns. "We are trying to come up with an agreed statement which contains all the key points that have been discussed so far, but how long it will take remains to be seen," Song said. No details of the draft agreement have been released, but a Japanese news report said it called for North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons programs and other programs that could potentially produce such arms. The draft also addresses normalization of U.S. and Japanese relations with the North, Kyodo News agency reported, citing an anonymous source at the talks. The Japanese side is dissatisfied with the draft proposed by China - host of the six-nation talks - because it fails to mention Japanese citizens the North has admitted to kidnapping, Kyodo said. The chief U.S. envoy, Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill, earlier said the Chinese draft proposed Saturday was a "good basis" for future negotiations. No end date for the talks has been set, and Hill said Sunday that "it's going to take a while." He noted that the process requires translating texts into the five languages of the six nations at the talks: Chinese, English, Japanese, Korean and Russian. "I want to caution everyone that it's a lot of work to look at a document and go line by line by line," Hill said. "Things are moving, we have to see how it goes." Hill said earlier that delegates disagreed on the sequence of how disarmament would proceed. Before totally dismantling its nuclear weapons program, the North has demanded concessions, which the Americans have declined to give before verifying the program has been eliminated. Another issue of contention is the North's demand that it be allowed peaceful use of nuclear technology to remedy its electricity shortage, a request dating back to an earlier nuclear crisis that ended in a 1994 agreement with the United States. But Washington is reluctant to allow it any nuclear programs that could be diverted to weapons use. The current round of disarmament talks with North Korea that began Tuesday in Beijing is the longest since they began in 2003. Three previous rounds each lasted about three days. North Korea's foreign minister has repeated that the communist nation could rejoin the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and admit international inspectors if the talks are successful. The statement Friday by the foreign minister while in Laos was reported Sunday by the North's official news agency, echoing remarks in June by North Korean leader Kim Jong Il. Meanwhile, South Korea said Sunday it has agreed with the North to hold an opening ceremony in late October for railways and roads reconnected across the heavily fortified border dividing the peninsula. Seoul has continued its engagement with North Korea despite the nuclear standoff, which erupted in late 2002 after U.S. officials said the North admitted running a secret uranium enrichment program. In February, the North claimed it had nuclear weapons and has since taken steps that would allow it to harvest more plutonium for possible use in bombs. All contents copyright 2005 Las Vegas SUN, Inc. ***************************************************************** 17 Xinhua: DPRK to rejoin NPT if nuclear issue be resolved satisfactorily www.xinhuanet.com www.chinaview.cn 2005-07-31 01:39:48 PYONGYANG, July 31 (Xinhuanet) -- The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) will rejoin the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and accept the IAEA inspection if the nuclear issue can be resolved satisfactorily, the official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) reported on Sunday. "If the nuclear issue finds a satisfactory solution, we will return to the NPT and accept the IAEA inspection," Paek Nam-sun, foreign minister of the DPRK said on July 29 in the ministerial meeting of the 12th ASEAN Regional Forum held in Laos. Paek said the DPRK's nuclear weapons are not meant to strike the US and Pyongyang has no intention to keep them permanently. "We will have neither reason nor necessity to possess even a single nuke if the US agrees to completely remove its nuclear threat to the DPRK and opens the relations of peaceful co-existence with the DPRK," Paek said. He said that peace and security on the Korean Peninsula is a key factor of ensuring peace in Northeast Asia and the DPRK government was making every effort to settle the present unstable situation and achieve durable peace and stability on the peninsula. Paek expected the on-going fourth round of the six-party talks in Beijing will prove fruitful by having an in-depth discussion onthe ways of denuclearizing the whole Korean Peninsula on the principle of respect for sovereignty and equality under any circumstances. "We proposed practical ways of completely solving the nuclear issue at this round of the talks, calling for reaching the common understanding that it is necessary to terminate the hostile relations between the DPRK and the US, legally and institutionally open the ties of peaceful co-existence, eliminate all the nukes from the peninsula, and the US is required to end putting nuclear threat to the DPRK," Peak said. Copyright ©2003 Xinhua News Agency. All rights reserved. ***************************************************************** 18 Xinhua: Heads of delegations end meeting on fifth day's six-party nuclear talks www.xinhuanet.com www.chinaview.cn 2005-07-30 13:03:39 BEIJING, July 30 (Xinhuanet) -- Heads of delegations to the fourth-round of six-party talks concluded their meeting at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse Saturday morning. Prior to this, the Chinese delegation held one-on-one talks with the delegations of the United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), respectively. The US and the DPRK delegations also held their sixth meeting Saturday morning. The six nations will discuss a joint document, said US top negotiator Christopher Hill earlier Saturday. "We will have a lot of discussion about the text, and see if we can come to some agreement today," said Hill. The parties concerned were expected to work for drafting a joint document at the meeting of delegation heads, said Japanese delegation head Sasae Kenichiro. The fourth round of the six-party talks on the Korean Peninsulanuclear issue entered the fifth day Saturday, the longest ever, as the past three rounds lasted three or four days. Enditem Copyright ©2003 Xinhua News Agency. All rights reserved. ***************************************************************** 19 Xinhua: Deadlocked nuclear talks extend into weekend www.xinhuanet.com www.chinaview.cn 2005-07-30 01:28:30 BEIJING, July 29 (Xinhuanet) -- The delegations of the United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) to the six-party talks held two rounds of bilateral consultations Friday,producing no exciting results. The deadlocked talks itself also showed no sign of ending. "The fourth round of six-party talks had a good start. However,little progress has been made", said Liu Jiangyong, a professor of the Institute of International Studies under China's prestigious Qinghua University. The delegations of the six-party talks on the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue agreed Friday afternoon to continue their meetings on Saturday as the parties concerned will continue to work for narrowing differences. The talks set no deadline for its duration since they started on Tuesday at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse in Beijing. The talks involve China, the DPRK, the United States, the Republic of Korea,Russia and Japan. Now it is a critical moment for talks to score some "exciting results", Liu added. After the three-hour third meeting Thursday morning, which was longer than the previous two meetings, the US and DPRK delegations agreed "to continue consultations" on Saturday. "It reflects the efforts from the both sides to narrow their differences", said Jin Linbo, a scholar at China's Institute of International Studies. Christopher Hill, head of the US delegation, said Thursday afternoon that the US and DPRK "had a lengthy discussion and I must say there are a number of differences." "On the other hand, on some points we have some common understanding on how to proceed," he said. "If we can say that in the former two meetings the two sides had put out their attitudes and differences, then in this meeting,they should begin a consultation of how to solve the issue", Jin said "This means that the talks have come to a substantial phase," Jin added. Liu said that only the US and the DPRK are decisive to the success of the fourth round of six-party talks, stressing that if the two sides will remain committed, some positive results are expected to be made. A Japanese diplomatic source disclosed Friday that all parties concerned will begin to draft a common document on Saturday that means the six-party talks enter a new phase. "Even if we really have a common document at the end of this round of talks, it does not mean breakthrough has been made", Jin said, adding that the breakthrough on paper is easy,but implementation remains quite difficult. Enditem Copyright ©2003 Xinhua News Agency. All rights reserved. ***************************************************************** 20 ITAR-TASS: Rssn diplomat on prospects for passing final doc at Korea talks 30.07.2005, 13.33 BEIJING, July 30 (Itar-Tass) - Problem of the Japanese nationals kidnapped by North-Korean secret services will not mar the passing of a final document at the six-partite talks on North Korea’s nuclear program, Valery Yarmolov, the deputy chief of the Russian delegation to the talks said. “I wouldn’t say the issue is looming large, at least as far as the draft document we received is concerned,” Yarmolov said. He declined to specify, however, how much Tokyo insisted on including a provision on kidnapped Japanese in the final document. “We don’t know the proposals either side made or the degree to which they were heeded in the draft project or whether or not the hosts of these talks raised any objections to them,” Yarmolov said. © ITAR-TASS. All rights reserved. You undertake not to copy, ***************************************************************** 21 Reuters: N.Korea talks envoys struggle for consensus on paper Sat Jul 30, 2005 8:19 AM ET (Updates with talks end for day, to resume on Sunday) By Jack Kim and Teruaki Ueno BEIJING, July 30 (Reuters) - Envoys taking part in tortuous six-party talks on the North Korea nuclear crisis broke for the day on Saturday, instructing lower-level officials to start work in earnest on Sunday on drafting a joint statement. "Basic differences in views among the parties concerned remain," one Japanese delegate told reporters in Beijing. "I believe our country and other countries as well want to narrow the differences and produce substantive results in the process of drafting." The fifth day of the current negotiating round began with China presenting a proposed draft document for discussion in the forum, which also involves the two Koreas, the United States, Russia and Japan. The main protagonists, the Americans and the North Koreans, appeared as entrenched as ever, diplomats said. Pyongyang is sticking to its demands for security guarantees and aid in return for abandoning its nuclear weapons development, while Washington insists the atomic programmes be dismantled first. The North is also demanding Washington remove nuclear weapons from the peninsula. The United States, which keeps some 30,000 troops in South Korea, says it no longer has such weapons there. The North had even rejected a South Korean offer of energy aid in exchange for scrapping the programmes, the JoongAng daily said, citing an official in Seoul. North Korea wanted the energy aid but it wanted light-water nuclear reactors too, it said. There was no official confirmation of the report. Still, this first round of six-way talks in more than a year has seen an unprecedented level of bilateral contact between the U.S. and North Korean sides. They have met six times this week after sticking to scripted position statements in earlier rounds. DEEPER UNDERSTANDING One talks participant said he felt that Washington and Pyongyang had deepened their understanding of each other's positions after the hours and days of bilateral discussions. "Of course we cannot reach an agreement immediately," the Japanese delegate said after Saturday's session. "But the draft paper presented by China will serve as a basis for discussion." "Basic differences in views among the parties concerned remain," he said. "I believe our country and other countries as well want to narrow the differences and produce substantive results in the process of drafting. "It is important for us to secure commitments from North Korea to dismantling its nuclear weapons and nuclear weapons programmes," the Japanese delegate said. U.S. chief negotiator Christopher Hill said before Saturday's resumption: "Seriously, we will have a lot of discussion about text to see if we can come to some agreement among the six." "But I want to let you know it's going to take a while, this is not going to be finished today or even tomorrow because even though the text will be rather brief (it will be) rather important too." "It is not impossible to finalise the joint document on Monday," said one diplomatic source close to the talks. "But it may take longer." Japan's Yomiuri Shimbun said the joint statement would stop short of laying down a plan of action for Pyongyang to scrap its weapons, or of saying how it is to be rewarded if it does do so. NO SPECIFICS The leading daily, citing sources close to the negotiations, said the document would include only the points the various parties hold in common along with basic principles. It would not say how targets are to be achieved. The talks have come a long way from the early days of the administration of George W. Bush, when the president labelled North Korea part of an "axis of evil" alongside Iran and pre-war Iraq, or even from early this year when his secretary of state called Pyongyang an "outpost of tyranny". Unlike the three previous rounds of six-way nuclear talks going back to August 2003, this time the discussions have remained open-ended. The latest crisis erupted in October 2002 when U.S. officials accused Pyongyang of pursuing a clandestine weapons programme, prompting it to expel U.N. nuclear inspectors. North Korea announced last February that it was now a nuclear power. In Washington, U.S. officials said negotiators at the Beijing talks had presented North Korea with what is said was clear evidence of a covert programme to produce highly enriched uranium (HEU). Pyongyang admits only to reprocessing plutonium. Washington is demanding that Pyongyang dismantle all its nuclear activities, including the HEU programme. (Additional reporting by Lindsay Beck and Benjamin Kang Lim) © Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 22 Reuters: Envoys clash as Korea nuclear talks seek consensus Sun Jul 31, 2005 7:20 AM ET By Teruaki Ueno and Jack Kim BEIJING (Reuters) - Tempers flared on Sunday at six-party talks on the North Korean nuclear crisis, with negotiators clashing as they strove to draw up a joint statement of principles that has eluded them for nearly three years. No one believed the document would contain ground-breaking commitments, but even outlining the basics was proving elusive. One Japanese delegate said Sunday's meetings had been "frank and constructive", adding: "Depending on the issues, there were scenes of fierce exchanges." Discussions on the draft were set to drag on into Monday, the seventh day of talks in Beijing. South Korean envoy Song Min-soon said that so far the six delegations had agreed only to establish a framework for denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula. Despite an unprecedented flurry of one-to-one meetings, the main protagonists, Washington and Pyongyang, still appeared far apart on the critical issue of how and when the North's nuclear weapons programmes should be dismantled. Chief negotiators from the two Koreas, China, the United States, Russia and Japan had left their deputies to haggle over the text of the draft statement put forward by China, with the aim of producing a joint document that all parties could sign. U.S. chief negotiator Christopher Hill told reporters: "It's a very lengthy, difficult process." The Chinese draft paper calls on Pyongyang to abandon its "nuclear weapons programme and related programmes", a diplomatic source close to the talks told Reuters. In return, the paper calls on the other five countries to provide "security guarantees" and economic aid and to normalise or improve ties with Pyongyang, the source said. But the draft does not say who should move first or if the parties should move simultaneously, avoiding the issue of timing that is the essence of Pyongyang's disagreement with Washington. Having any statement at all agreed by the six parties would mark a breakthrough for the Beijing talks, where past progress has been measured by whether they could agree even to reconvene. This round, the fourth since the crisis erupted in 2002, is open-ended. NORTH'S DEMANDS North Korean state media quoted Foreign Minister Paek Nam-sun on Sunday as saying the North would be willing to rejoin the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and accept international inspections if the standoff were resolved to its satisfaction. He set out several conditions for such a resolution, including North Korea's removal from the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism, lifting all sanctions against it and removing U.S. nuclear weapons from South Korea -- weapons Washington says it no longer keeps there. Other recent North Korean demands have included American diplomatic recognition and conclusion of a bilateral peace treaty, half a century after the two sides fought each other to a standstill in the Korean War. Japan, meanwhile, wanted to include the issue of North Korea's abduction of its nationals in the document, a move analysts said could anger Pyongyang and torpedo any agreement. The diplomatic source said the draft text contained no mention of North Korean human rights issues or the abductions. But everything turns on the debate over timing. North Korea wants the aid, security assurances and diplomatic recognition before starting to dismantle its nuclear programmes. The United States wants it the other way round. Washington also demands verifiable destruction of Pyongyang's weapons programmes, which intelligence sources say have produced enough enriched plutonium for up to nine nuclear bombs, before any aid or guarantees materialise. After a hiatus of more than a year, the atmosphere at this round of talks has been far more positive, and marked by six lengthy bilateral meetings in as many days between Washington and Pyongyang. In the past such encounters were rare, brief and adhered to pre-written scripts. (Additional reporting by Benjamin Kang Lim and Li Huan) © Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 23 Reuters: North Korea nuclear talks enter uncharted territory Sat Jul 30, 2005 5:40 AM ET By Jack Kim and Teruaki Ueno BEIJING (Reuters) - North Korea nuclear crisis talks entered uncharted territory on Saturday, with host China presenting a draft joint statement for discussion by the six parties in the longest negotiating session yet. The main protagonists, the United States and North Korea, appear as entrenched as ever, diplomats say, with Pyongyang sticking to its demands for security guarantees and aid and Washington insisting the nuclear programmes be dismantled first. The North had even rejected a South Korean offer of energy aid in exchange for scrapping the programmes, the JoongAng daily said, citing an official in Seoul. North Korea wants the energy aid but it wants light-water nuclear reactors too, it said. Still, the first round of six-way talks in more than a year has seen an unprecedented level of bilateral contact between the U.S. and North Korean sides. They have met six times this week after sticking to scripted position statements in earlier rounds. "I have the impression that the United States and North Korea have deepened their understanding of each other's positions after hours and days of bilateral discussions," a Japanese delegate said on Saturday. "But I believe the two sides remain far apart. Our work to draft a joint document will get into full swing today," he said. A South Korean official said China had presented a draft joint statement for discussion. Previous rounds have failed to secure a common position. U.S. chief negotiator Christopher Hill said on Saturday: "Seriously, we will have a lot of discussion about text to see if we can come to some agreement among the six." "But I want to let you know it's going to take a while, this is not going to be finished today or even tomorrow because even though the text will be rather brief (it will be) rather important too." Japan's Yomiuri Shimbun said the joint statement would stop short of laying down a plan of action for Pyongyang to scrap its weapons, or of saying how it is to be rewarded if it does do so. The leading daily, citing sources close to the negotiations, said the document would include only the points the various parties hold in common along with basic principles. It would not say how targets are to be achieved. The talks have come a long way from the early days of the administration of George W. Bush, when the president labelled North Korea part of an "axis of evil" alongside Iran and pre-war Iraq, or even from early this year when his secretary of state called Pyongyang an "outpost of tyranny". This time the discussions involving the two Koreas, the United States, Russia, Japan and China have remained open-ended. If lacking in major concessions so far, they have featured a more thorough airing of viewpoints that the parties hope could point to possible consensus. The nuclear standoff erupted in October 2002 when U.S. officials accused Pyongyang of pursuing a clandestine weapons programme, prompting it to expel U.N. nuclear inspectors. North Korea announced on February 10 this year that it had nuclear weapons and demanded that the United States provide aid, security guarantees and diplomatic recognition in return for scrapping them. Washington insists the nuclear programmes be abandoned first. In Washington, U.S. officials said negotiators at the Beijing talks had presented North Korea with data America says is evidence of a covert programme to produce highly enriched uranium (HEU). Pyongyang admits only to reprocessing plutonium. They said the evidence was obtained from disgraced Pakistani scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan whose secret network sold nuclear technology to North Korea. The United States is demanding that Pyongyang dismantle all its nuclear activities, including the HEU programme. All sides are committed in principle to a nuclear-free peninsula. The crux of the disagreement is over timing, whether Pyongyang should receive the security guarantees and aid before it moves to scrap its weapons programmes. Some diplomats suggest that whether or not a joint statement is reached this time, the parties can still declare success after the unprecedented level of North Korean-U.S. contacts. © Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 24 Reuters: North Korea nuclear talks straggle into seventh day Sun Jul 31, 2005 6:02 PM ET By Lindsay Beck BEIJING, Aug 1 (Reuters) - Weary delegates to Korean nuclear crisis talks make fresh efforts on Monday to agree on a joint statement after weekend discussions left tempers frayed and the six parties no closer to a resolution. The Beijing talks have been marked by unprecedented contact between Washington and Pyongyang, the main protagonists in a crisis now nearly three years old, creating a more positive atmosphere than at three previous inconclusive rounds. But as the open-ended talks stretched into a seventh day, consensus even on basic principles still seemed elusive. A Japanese delegate called the talks "frank and constructive" but also said they were marked by "fierce exchanges". U.S. chief negotiator Christopher Hill said the process was "lengthy and difficult". The crux of the disagreement centres on timing, and whether North Korea should dismantle its nuclear facilities as a precondition to aid and security guarantees, as the United States wants, or whether the assurances should come first. South Korean envoy Song Min-soon said the six parties -- the two Koreas, the United States, Japan, Russia and China -- had so far agreed after lengthy weekend discussions only to set up a framework for eventual denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula. Deputies were consigned on Monday to another day of trying to reach agreement on a draft document, initially presented by China, which would mark a talks breakthrough. Past progress was measured by whether delegates could even agree to reconvene. Also on Monday, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick was due to take part in the first China-U.S. strategic dialogue in Beijing. Xinhua news agency said Zoellick met Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao on Sunday and discussed bilateral ties "and international issues of common concern". WHO BLINKS FIRST? China's draft calls on Pyongyang to abandon its "nuclear weapons programmes and related programmes" in return for the other five providing security, economic aid and improved ties, a diplomatic source close to the talks told Reuters. It did not address who should move first or if the parties should move simultaneously, avoiding the crucial issue of timing. Washington also demands verifiable destruction of North Korea's weapons programmes, which intelligence sources say have produced enough material for up to nine nuclear bombs, before it will provide security guarantees and aid for the poor, diplomatically isolated country. The crisis erupted in 2002, when the United States accused North Korea of pursuing a covert weapons programme. The North responded by expelling U.N. nuclear inspectors. The stakes rose in February, when Pyongyang announced it had nuclear weapons and demanded aid, assurances and diplomatic recognition from Washington in return for scrapping them. Despite the lack of progress at the talks, the frequent one-on-one meetings on the sidelines between North Korean and American negotiators were a positive step and marked a change in policy from previous rounds that featured only brief exchanges. At past rounds of talks North Korea's delegation called news conferences to denounce the United States. This time its foreign minister announced that Pyongyang would be willing to rejoin the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty if the standoff were resolved. But he listed several conditions for the resolution, including removing U.S. nuclear weapons from South Korea -- weapons Washington says it no longer keeps there. © Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 25 Reuters: N.Korea vows to rejoin NPT if nuclear issue solved Sun Jul 31, 2005 1:09 AM ET SEOUL (Reuters) - North Korea will rejoin the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and accept international inspections if the current nuclear standoff is resolved, Radio Pyongyang said on Sunday. The radio, monitored by South Korea's Yonhap news agency, said Foreign Minister Paek Nam-sun told an Asia-Pacific regional forum in Laos that his country was patiently seeking a way out of conditions that forced it to arm itself with nuclear weapons. Paek was speaking on Friday as North Korean delegates attended six-party talks in Beijing aimed at coaxing Pyongyang into scrapping its nuclear weapons programmes. "North Korea will rejoin the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty if the nuclear issue is soundly resolved and is willing to accept inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency," state radio quoted Paek as saying. "For a fundamental switchover that would allow the denuclearisation of the entire Korean peninsula to take place, the fundamental element that forced us to own nuclear weapons must be removed," he added. Paek's comments echoed his country's top leader, Kim Jong-il, who told a South Korean envoy on June 17 that Pyongyang would be ready to rejoin the NPT if its conditions were met. In Beijing this past week North Korea has been sticking to demands for security guarantees and aid in return for abandoning nuclear weapons development, while Washington insists the atomic programmes be dismantled first. Pyongyang's other conditions include its removal from the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism and the lifting of all sanctions against it. Since March, it has also demanded that the six-party process be turned into disarmament talks that would also discuss U.S. nuclear weapons it says are deployed in South Korea. Half a century after the Korean War, Washington still keeps some 30,000 troops in the South but says it no longer has such weapons there. Pyongyang recently repeated calls for the United States to conclude a peace treaty to replace the armistice that ended the 1950-53 conflict. They remain technically at war. An unconfirmed Seoul newspaper report this week said the North had even rejected a South Korean offer of energy aid in exchange for scrapping the programmes. The JoongAng daily, citing an official in Seoul, said Pyongyang wanted the energy aid but it wanted light-water nuclear reactors too. The latest crisis erupted in October 2002 when U.S. officials accused Pyongyang of pursuing a clandestine weapons programme, prompting it first to expel U.N. nuclear inspectors and then, in January 2003, to withdraw from the NPT. North Korea announced last February 10 that it was now a nuclear power. The six parties to the Beijing talks -- the two Koreas, the United States, Japan, Russia and China -- met for the sixth day on Sunday. Delegates were attempting to thrash out the text of a joint statement of principles, hoping to set a course for ending Pyongyang's nuclear programmes in return for aid and security assurances. © Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 26 Reuters: N.Korea rejects Seoul offer of energy aid -paper Sat Jul 30, 2005 12:07 AM ET BEIJING, July 30 (Reuters) - North Korea has rejected a South Korean offer to supply it with electricity in return for scrapping its nuclear programmes and is demanding nuclear reactors as well, a Seoul newspaper said on Saturday. Seoul's proposal, presented this week at Beijing six-party talks, included supplying 2,000 megawatts of electricity, roughly equivalent to Pyongyang's total power output, once its nuclear programmes had been completely dismantled. North Korea's delegation to the talks, which are aimed at coaxing the reclusive state to renounce its atomic ambitions, saw the power transfer as the price for freezing, not scrapping, the programmes, the JoongAng daily said, citing an official in Seoul. Full dismantling of the nuclear programmes would require not only provision of the South Korean electricity but also completion of two light-water reactors offered to the North in 1994 under a previous international attempt to halt its weapons ambitions, the official was quoted as saying. The reactor project, part of the terms of an "Agreed Framework" between Pyongyang and Washington, has been suspended for nearly two years and is faced with certain death. "The North says the electricity proposal is conditional on the dismantling of nuclear programmes and is no different from the existing (U.S) dismantle-first demand," JoongAng quoted the official as saying. A South Korean official in Beijing declined to comment on the report, saying the offer was part of the ongoing discussions between the two Koreas, the United States, China, Japan and Russia. © Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 27 Reuters: Text of N.Korea foreign minister on nuclear crisis Sun Jul 31, 2005 2:21 AM ET SEOUL, July 31 (Reuters) - North Korea will rejoin the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and accept international inspections if the current nuclear standoff is resolved to its satisfaction, state media said on Sunday. Following is a partial text of an address by North Korean Foreign Minister Paek Nam-sun to an Asia-Pacific regional forum in Laos on Friday, provided in English by Pyongyang's official news agency. Six-party talks are currently going on in Beijing in an attempt to resolve the standoff. (DPRK is the state's official name, Democratic People's Republic of Korea. NPT stands for the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, IAEA for the International Atomic Energy Agency.) Text begins: "The DPRK has exercised its utmost patience and flexibility in an effort to seek a peaceful negotiated solution to the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula. In order to bring about a radical turn in realising the denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula it is necessary to remove the basic factor which compelled the DPRK to have access to nukes. Our nukes are not meant to strike the U.S. and we do not intend to keep them permanently. We will have neither reason nor necessity to possess even a single nuke if the U.S. agrees to completely remove its nuclear threat to the DPRK and opens the relations of peaceful co-existence with the DPRK. If the nuclear issue finds a satisfactory solution, we will return to the NPT and accept the IAEA inspection. The six-party talks should prove fruitful by having an in-depth discussion on the ways of denuclearising the whole Korean Peninsula on the principle of respect for sovereignty and equality under any circumstances. To this end, we proposed practical ways of completely solving the nuclear issue at the fourth round of the six-party talks, calling for reaching the common understanding that it is necessary to terminate the hostile relations between the DPRK and the U.S., legally and institutionally open the ties of peaceful co-existence, eliminate all the nukes from the North and the South of Korea, completely remove the possibility of introducing nukes and nuclear substance into it from outside and the U.S. is required to assure the DPRK of an unconditional non-use of nukes with a view to putting an end to the U.S. nuclear threat to the Korean Peninsula and its vicinity." © Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 28 AFP: Talks resume as US says NKorea must also abandon civilian nuclear programs Saturday July 30, 02:06 PM BEIJING (AFP) - The United States and North Korea have resumed talks seeking a solution to Pyongyang's atomic ambitions as Washington says it wants all nuclear programs, including those for civilian use, abandoned. Six-party talks on the issue moved into an unprecedented fifth day and while the US chief envoy hinted they could stretch into next week, Japanese officials said work on a final text was due to begin. Despite the US and North Korea meeting six times since the talks began on Tuesday, they continue to disagree on key issues, with Pyongyang concerned about the timing of any concessions and rewards. The US insists North Korea pledge to dismantle -- not just freeze -- all its plutonium and uranium weapons programs before receiving "non-nuclear energy assistance," including oil and food, as well as security assurances. Washington also made clear Friday that this included nuclear programs for civilian use, after reports that the North was pushing for the resumption of a project to provide it with light-water nuclear reactors, which has been frozen for two years. US envoy Christopher Hill suggested earlier the various parties in the talks could not agree on whether to allow Pyongyang the peaceful use of atomic power if it rejoined the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), aimed at capping the spread of nuclear weapons. "We don't challenge the fact that they have the rights to this under the treaty, but we challenge whether they should be exercising these rights," he told reporters Friday night. "The question is how that will work and when that will work and frankly how it will work with other parties," Hill said, adding that it was a "very contentious" issue. The State Department said overnight "any nuclear program in North Korea could potentially be a nuclear weapons program". Spokesman Sean McCormack told reporters that "we're very clear that we do not think that North Korea should retain the civilian nuclear capability." North Korea withdrew from the treaty in 2003, three months after Washington accused Pyongyang of running a clandestine nuclear weapons program based on enriched uranium. Pyongyang has always denied this. In June this year North Korean leader Kim Jong-Il said he would rejoin the treaty and open up to international inspectors once the nuclear standoff was resolved. North Korea declared on February 10 it possessed nuclear weapons, maintaining they were needed as a deterrent. Japan's chief delegate Keinichiro Sasae said that once the North Korea-US bilateral meeting was over all six-parties would start work on drafting a common document to be adopted at the conclusion of the talks. "While the talks between the United States and North Korea are equally important, work involving the six parties is expected to go into full swing from today," he told reporters. "This means of course that we will work for an agreement on a final text." But he did not say what the document would say. An agreed joint statement failed to materialize at the three previous rounds of talks that also involve China, South Korea and Russia, Hill said a final agreement would likely still take time. "We will have a lot of discussions about texts to see if we can come to some agreement among the six parties involved in the negotiations," he said before leaving his hotel for the talks. "But I want to let you know it is going to take a while and it's not going to be finished today or even tomorrow because even though the texts will be rather brief, they are rather important too." The New York Times reported Friday the US wanted the first two principles on any joint document to be a commitment to a nuclear-free Korean peninsula and a pledge that North Korea would not transfer nuclear technology elsewhere. Copyright © 2005 AFP. All rights reserved. All information ***************************************************************** 29 Guardian Unlimited: North Korea Nuclear Talks Reach 4th Day From the Associated Press [UP] Saturday July 30, 2005 1:46 AM AP Photo BEJ104 By BURT HERMAN Associated Press Writer BEIJING (AP) - An improved atmosphere might be the most significant accomplishment as six-nation talks on North Korean nuclear disarmament stretched into their longest round Friday, but the top U.S. envoy stressed ``this isn't going to be easy.'' After a fourth session of one-on-one meetings, American and North Korean diplomats remained split over the North's demand for U.S. concessions before giving up its nuclear weapons program and its insistence on having a peaceful atomic energy project. Nevertheless, ``I think all would agree that we have a continuing good atmosphere,'' State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said. Delegates were working on a statement of principles that could evolve into an agreement, McCormack said in Washington. ``You have all the parties agreeing what the goal of the six-party talks is now: a denuclearized Korean peninsula,'' he said. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill's meetings with North Korean Vice Foreign Minister Kim Kye Gwan have been a marked change that has raised optimism over the talks, which have been run more flexibly than the previous rigidly scheduled negotiations. ``The fact that they're continuing to talk to each other is by far the most encouraging sign,'' said Peter Beck, the Seoul-based director of the North East Asia Project for the International Crisis Group, an independent think tank. Beck said the latest round of talks has continued longer than previous rounds - which were marked by bombast - because neither the North nor the Americans seemed to want to be blamed for scuttling the discussions by walking away. Hill said the sides also hadn't come to terms on North Korea's alleged uranium enrichment program or whether Pyongyang should be allowed to have a peaceful atomic energy project. ``Still we have a lot of differences that remain,'' Hill told reporters Friday evening. ``I don't want to suggest for a minute that this is going to be easy.'' Despite the apparent impasse, the No. 2 South Korean delegate, Cho Tae-yong, said Friday's meetings ``were not lower than my expectation.'' ``It's too early to pack, or draw conclusions,'' he said. Talks were scheduled to resume Saturday and no date was set for ending the meeting, which also includes delegates from Japan, China and Russia. Three earlier rounds of talks each lasted three days. Hill declined to speculate about the length of this round. Rather than focusing on substantive issues in this round, the negotiators were trying to agree on a set of principles as the foundation for later talks, Hill said. ``There is a growing consensus that where we end up is the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula - that is no nuclear weapons, no nuclear weapons programs ... no nuclear programs that could conceivably be nuclear weapons programs,'' he said. However, he said there was dissension on ``how that's going to be sequenced'' - a reference to the North Korean demand for aid and concessions first before giving up its nuclear trump card. Washington wants to see the weapons programs eliminated before it rewards the North. The delegates hope to start drafting a joint document Saturday on what they've agreed to so far, a Japanese official said on condition of anonymity due to the delicate nature of the ongoing talks. The latest nuclear standoff with North Korea was sparked after U.S. officials say the North admitted in late 2002 to running a uranium enrichment program - which could provide fuel for atomic bombs - in violation of an earlier 1994 deal with Washington. North Korea has subsequently denied having such a program, and Hill said Friday that its status was one of the sticking points in a resolution. Also, Hill said the North has insisted it should have the right to use peaceful nuclear technology for power generation if it rejoins the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. The United States maintains the North shouldn't be allowed to do so because of proliferation concerns. Meanwhile, the foreign ministers of the two Koreas adopted a joint statement Friday at an Asian regional summit in Laos calling for a peaceful resolution of the nuclear standoff and better relations between the two countries, the North's official Korean Central News Agency reported. The South's Ban Ki-moon and his North Korean counterpart, Paek Nam Sun, called for ``substantial and constructive progress'' at the nuclear talks, KCNA said. North Korea has insisted the United States remove any nuclear weapons from South Korea as well as its ``nuclear umbrella'' of security guarantees to its ally, but Hill said Friday that Washington's alliance with the South ``doesn't depend on relations with other countries.'' Hill raised the possibility that the talks might take a break or be conducted at a lower level before resuming again quickly in what he referred to as a ``second part of this round.'' ``We don't want to have rounds where we walk away and see this rock that we've been pushing up this very steep hill roll all the way back to the bottom of the hill, such that at the next round we have to start pushing it up to the top of the hill again,'' he said. ``We want to make progress.'' Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 30 Lake County Record-Bee: Leaving the gate open - Opinion Article Last Updated: Saturday, July 30, 2005 - Once again the board of supes has left the gate open, and will be astonished when the horse gets out. I refer to the exhibit scheduled for the schoolhouse museum depicting child victims of depleted uranium exposure. Since when did our local museum become a forum for every half-baked kookala that has an ax to grind? It doesn't surprise me that Ed Robey and Lyn Fischbein are in favor of this exhibit since they have made more left turns than Dale Earnhardt, and it does has a certain amount of appeal for the "hate America" crowd. If we get "enlightened" by this exhibit can the crucifix in urine and the Madonna portrait in dung be far behind? I am sure that if this was an exhibit of pictures of the children of Iraq going to school for the first time, or our troops repairing schools, or water systems, there would be no room for it in our museum. I commend the supervisors that stood against this exhibit and think the ones that rode the fence should get the gate since they are the ones that left it open. Marty Klier Lakeport © 2005 Record-Bee.com ***************************************************************** 31 Deseret News: Newly passed energy bill will help little, critics warn [deseretnews.com] Sunday, July 31, 2005 Prices soaring, many goals unattained after years of effort By Sudeep Reddy Deseret Morning News DALLAS — As consumers struggled with rising energy costs, President Bush and Congress set out at the start of the decade to change the course of U.S. energy policy. Among the top priorities: reducing dependence on foreign suppliers, increasing domestic energy supplies and mitigating frequent price spikes. Today, consumers face even higher energy prices. And many of the long-sought goals may require another try. The energy bill that cleared Congress Friday — and that Bush is expected to sign next week — represents a major political accomplishment after years of failure. But the nation's first comprehensive energy legislation in 13 years, critics say, will do little to change the nation's energy course. "This bill represents essentially more of the same, with just more subsidy," said Jerry Taylor, director of natural resource studies at the Cato Institute, the libertarian think tank. Proponents of the legislation say it will boost energy production by offering subsidies for newer energy sources, loan guarantees for the nuclear industry and a host of other incentives to help oil, natural gas and coal projects. Conservation and efficiency measures are intended to mitigate demand. Comprehensive energy legislation was one of Bush's top policy goals when he took office in 2001 amid rising commodity prices. At the time, crude oil traded around $30 a barrel. Oil closed Friday at $60.57. The United States today imports 58 percent of its oil, a figure that's only expected to increase. Debate about energy policy has focused on the need to reduce dependence on oil imports for national security and environmental concerns. But even that goal may have been flawed, said Michelle Michot Foss, head of the Center for Energy Economics at the University of Texas at Austin. "It's an unrealistic expectation," she said. "The world of energy is an efficient place. It makes sense to have open, international trade to procure what we need." Environmental groups and many Democrats called the legislation a missed opportunity to address the transportation sector, which accounts for more than two-thirds of U.S. oil consumption. Measures to raise fuel-efficiency requirements were voted down during energy-bill negotiations. Throughout the debate, most lawmakers have agreed that something needs to be done to deal with a volatile energy picture. Part of almost all solutions: measures to improve efficiency, produce more domestic supplies and address infrastructure problems. "There are a lot of things you've got to do," said John Felmy, chief economist at the American Petroleum Institute. "The argument comes down to how much of each." One cause of the legislative gridlock: Energy policy hasn't broken down strictly along party lines, leading to regional debates about the best steps to take the nation forward. Lawmakers from the Midwest often support wind projects and production of corn-based ethanol to replace gasoline, while those in Texas and other Gulf states are strong backers of offshore oil and gas drilling. Lawmakers from Michigan — home to the auto industry — often join automakers in opposing higher fuel-efficiency standards. In recent weeks, a provision to conduct an inventory of oil and gas resources off the coasts of Florida and California was strongly opposed in states where lawmakers feared environmental consequences. The bitter debate over drilling for new supplies in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge — a top Republican goal — died during past energy debates but could resume in separate legislation in the fall. The Energy Policy Act of 2005 does take steps to address numerous infrastructure problems especially with pipelines and electricity transmission. The 2003 blackout demonstrated the need to update policies and upgrade reliability standards. Lawmakers who backed the legislation also say that it takes important steps to promote adoption of hybrid vehicles through tax cuts and back growth in renewables such as solar and wind power. The wind industry hailed the legislation for extending a tax credit, to the end of 2007, for production of electricity from wind. In recent years, wind companies have laid off thousands of workers and halted new investment because the provision expired before Congress extended it. "This is the very first time we're going to have a smooth upward trajectory without an interruption," said Jaime Steve, legislative director for the American Wind Energy Association, the industry's trade group. "We can achieve some further cost reductions in the supply chain because we're avoiding the boom and bust of the past." Of the energy bill's $14.5 billion price tag, renewable sources and conservation measures received some of the largest chunks of federal support. Wind, solar and other renewables receive $3.1 billion in support. Energy efficiency provisions for individuals and business draw $1.3 billion. By comparison, the coal industry received $2.9 billion, while the oil and gas sectors took $1.5 billion. Some lawmakers continue to push for broader changes that would help newer technologies offset pollution from fossil fuels. More provisions to support renewable energy and tighten fuel-economy requirements could surface in debate over climate change and updating the nation's clean-air laws. One surprising result of the latest energy debate, analysts say, was that few lawmakers were pushing proposals for price controls. Most favored the notion of a market-based approach rather than massive federal projects like those seen in the late 1970s to set the nation on a new course through development of synthetic fuels. "The track record of government doing so is horrifically bad," said Taylor of the Cato Institute. "It's been tempted to do that in the past, and it's made a complete botch of things in the past." If nothing else, the latest legislation updates some policies and fixes some problems while nudging along newer technologies, said Foss of the University of Texas. "Our course is slowly changing, whether people realize it or not," she said. "One of the very true things about energy in the United States is that the market always moves faster than policy can move." © 2005 Deseret News Publishing Company ***************************************************************** 32 WorldNetDaily: Media sycophant jailbird? SATURDAY JULY 30 2005 [Supercritical Thoughts] [Gordon Prather] Posted: July 30, 2005 © 2005 WorldNetDaily.com Neo-crazy media sycophant Judith Miller of the New York Times, an "embedded" reporter in Bush's war of aggression against Iraq – and in the subsequent futile hunt for the "weapons of mass destruction" she frequently "reported" Saddam Hussein had – is currently embedded in jail for refusing to testify before a grand jury. On July 6, 2003, the New York Times published an op-ed piece by former Ambassador Joseph Wilson, in which he claimed to have been sent to Niger in early 2002 by the Central Intelligence Agency in response to inquiries from Vice President Cheney to investigate whether or not Iraq had recently been seeking to purchase uranium from Niger. Wilson claimed that he had conducted the requested investigation and reported on his return that there was no credible evidence that any such effort had been made. President Bush had gone to Congress in September 2002 seeking "specific statutory authorization" to invade Iraq. Bush based his case on the just-completed Top Secret National Intelligence Estimate of Iraq's Weapons of Mass Destruction Programs, which was presumably informed by Wilson's report. According to Bush, the NIE contained positive proof that Saddam had been reconstructing his nuke and chem-bio programs in the several years since the end of inspections by the U.N. Special Commission Now, on Dec. 16, 1998, Mohamed ElBaradei, director-general of the International Atomic Energy Agency had made this final assessment of Iraq's "nuclear' programs: + There were no indications to suggest that Iraq was successful in its attempt to produce nuclear weapons. + Iraq was at, or close to, the threshold of success in such areas as the production of highly enriched uranium through the EMIS process, the production and pilot cascading of single-cylinder, sub-critical gas-centrifuge machines, and the fabrication of the explosive package for a nuclear weapon. + There were no indications to suggest that Iraq had produced more than a few grams of weapons-grade nuclear material through its indigenous processes. + There were no indications that Iraq otherwise clandestinely acquired weapons-usable material. + There were no indications that there remains in Iraq any physical capability for the production of amounts of weapons-usable nuclear material of any practical significance. Hence, when Bush "determined" on March 19 that no "further diplomatic or other peaceful means will adequately protect the national security of the United States from the continuing threat posed by Iraq," most of us assumed Bush and our "intelligence community" had discovered that Saddam had somehow managed to acquire nukes. However, in his January 2003 State of the Union Address, President George W. Bush merely stated: "The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa." Sought? Big deal. Nevertheless, Bush, Cheney and Condi Rice all began warning of the need to divest Saddam of "the smoking gun that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud." Well, we learned – from the International Atomic Energy Agency – just weeks before Bush invaded Iraq that the "documentary evidence" that Saddam had sought to buy uranium-oxide ("yellowcake") from Niger were "blatant forgeries." Now, just weeks after Bush invaded Iraq, Wilson was telling us that high-level officials of the Bush-Cheney administration had known the accusation was baseless for more than a year before the invasion. In particular, the White House Iraq Group – which had been set up in 2002 to plan public statements and to control such high-level leaks about the upcoming war – knew that. So, WHIG apparently swung into action, trying to make "Democrat" Wilson and his CIA covert-agent wife the issue, rather than the revelation that they had knowingly made false statements to us and their media sycophants. Well, two years later, that and perhaps other WHIG activities in the prelude to – and immediate aftermath of – Bush's war of aggression against Iraq may be in the crosshairs of Special Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald How else to explain Judge Tatel's opinion, which contained nine "redacted" pages – presumably highly classified – of what Prosecutor Fitzgerald has determined a person or persons, unknown, has "leaked" to neo-crazy media sycophant Judith Miller. Quoth the judge: WERE the leak at issue in this case less harmful to national security or more vital to public debate, or had the special counsel failed to demonstrate the grand jury's need for the reporters' evidence, I might have supported the motion to quash. Because identifying appellants' sources instead appears essential to remedying a serious breach of public trust, I join in affirming the district court's orders compelling their testimony. Physicist James Gordon Prather has served as a policy implementing official for national security-related technical matters in the Federal Energy Agency, the Energy Research and Development Administration, the Department of Energy, the Office of the Secretary of Defense and the Department of the Army. Dr. Prather also served as legislative assistant for national security affairs to U.S. Sen. Henry Bellmon, R-Okla. -- ranking member of the Senate Budget Committee and member of the Senate Energy Committee and Appropriations Committee. Dr. Prather had earlier worked as a nuclear weapons physicist at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in California and Sandia National Laboratory in New Mexico. [WorldNetDaily.com] webmaster@worldnetdaily.com ***************************************************************** 33 York Daily Record: Senate passes energy bill - The legislation creates incentives for creation of nuclear power plants. By STEPHEN NERY Medill News Service Saturday, July 30, 2005 At bottom: · BACKGROUND WASHINGTON — The Senate passed the energy bill Friday, ending years of pressure from the White House and providing valuable incentives for the creation of new nuclear power plants as part of the $12.3 billion legislation. The legislation provides billions in tax breaks for new energy, creates incentives for efficiency and establishes industry guidelines. Energy bills have passed the House for four straight years only to stall in the Senate. No nuclear power plants have been built in the U.S. since the Three Mile Island scare in 1979. Steve Kerekes, a spokesman for the Nuclear Energy Institute, said the industry could not guarantee there would be no repeats of the incident, but security and knowledge-sharing have improved since then — which was not a complete failure in itself. “We have a defense-in-depth design which was proved at Three Mile Island,” he said. “You had human error, but the facility functioned like it was designed to.” The Energy Policy Act of 2005 provides up to $1 billion over eight years to each of the first six new power plants built. It also provides hundreds of millions of dollars in potential delay costs for future plants, as well as an insurance pool in case of emergency. Industry experts do not expect a rush to build. Kerekes said construction would start in 2012 at the earliest. Investors want to see headway made in the creation of a national geological depository for nuclear waste before committing to new plants. Progress has been made in examining such a site in Yucca Mountain, Nevada, but it still isn’t being used as a waste depository 27 years later. Craig Nesbit, a spokesman for Exelon Nuclear Operations, which runs Three Mile Island, said the 103 reactors in the country will likely only last for another 40 years. Plants are granted a 40-year operating license upon creation, with the option to renew for a 20-year term. After that, it is unknown how well the plants will continue to operate. “The U.S. is one of the only major industrial nations that doesn’t have a nuclear power program going,” Nesbit said. BACKGROUND The Energy Policy Act of 2005 also provides tax breaks for construction of cleaner-burning coal facilities, oil and natural gas production and wind and other renewable energy sources. Copyright © York Daily Record 2005 122 S. George St., P.O. Box 15122 York, PA 17405, (717) 771-2000 ***************************************************************** 34 UCS: Barton Investigation [Union of Concerned Scientists] backgrounder Last-Gasp Attempt to Undermine Climate Science? Rep. Joe Barton's Misguided Congressional Investigation On June 23, 2005, Representative Joe Barton (R-TX), in his capacity as chairman of the Energy and Commerce Committee, sent letters to three climate scientistsDrs. Michael Mann, Raymond Bradley, and Malcolm Hughesas well as the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the National Science Foundation questioning many aspects of a global warming study.  The letter to the scientists requested a vast amount of data and information related to their research conducted over the past 15 years. While Rep. Bartons request specifically targeted the results of the so-called hockey stick study (a 2,000-year record of Northern Hemisphere temperature), it also demanded a significant amount of data irrelevant to that set of peer-reviewed studies.  While a spokesman for Rep. Barton claims he is only seeking scientific truth, Rep. Barton seems to willfully misunderstand that the findings of the study in question are only one among thousands of pieces of evidence that support the scientific consensus that global warming is under way and that human activity is contributing significantly. In addition, the principal finding of the study in questionthat the last 15 years were the warmest in a millenniumhave been supported independently in numerous peer-reviewed studies. Rather than basing his inquiry on a careful review of peer-reviewed scientific literature or documents from leading scientific bodies like the National Academy of Sciences, Rep. Barton cites a Wall Street Journal editorial as his primary source of global warming information. The scientific community has weighed in strongly. The National Academy of Sciences and the American Association for the Advancement of Sciencewhich rarely take stands on Congressional investigationshave sent letters of concern to Rep. Barton, as have 20 leading climate scientists. Fellow legislators of both parties also have criticized Bartons approach as misguided and illegitimate and a transparent effort to bully and harass climate change experts who have reached conclusions with which you disagree. Representative Boehlert (R-NY), chairman of the House Science Committee, and Representative Waxman (D-CA), ranking member on the House Government Reform Committee, both have submitted letters protesting the tone and content of this investigation.  Rep. Bartons motivation for the investigation is unclear, other than his long-standing ties to the fossil fuel industry and the hundreds of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions he has received from ExxonMobil and other companies with fossil fuel interests.  While the investigation is a nuisance to those scientists whom Rep. Barton has chosen to target, its apparent attempt to undermine global warming science stands little chance of overwhelming the vast amount of evidence on global warming. Major news outlets have already condemned his investigation, including his home-state newspaper the Houston Chronicle. In June 2005, the national scientific academies of 11 nations issued a joint statement that reads, The scientific understanding of climate change is now sufficiently clear to justify nations taking prompt action to reduce global warming emissions. And at the G8 Summit in July 2005, President Bush himself acknowledged that he accepts the overwhelming evidence that human activity contributes significantly to global warming. It is encouraging to see the U.S. scientific community and congressional leaders on both sides of the aisle stand together and refuse to allow science to be threatened or manipulated for political purposes. The Union of Concerned Scientists joins these leaders in protesting Rep. Bartons attempt to intervene in the scientific process and encourages our congressional representatives to focus their attention on addressing the serious challenges posed by global warming. © Union of Concerned Scientists Page Last Revised: 07.29.2005 ***************************************************************** 35 Cato: Burning Money Produces Scant Energy www.cato.org Cato Institute. July 30, 2005 by Jerry Taylor Jerry Taylor is director of natural resource studies at the Cato Institute. So what are we to make of the 1,725-page, $14.6 billion-dollar energy bill now racing toward the president's desk? In the main, the legislation is devoted to production subsidies, tax preferences, research and development projects, and production mandates for a dizzying array of energy fuels, technologies, and industrial sectors. It is built upon the assumption that investors in energy markets are underfunding worthy projects; that politicians have superior insights into these matters; and that the best remedy is to rig the market so that political preferences win out over market preferences. It's of course possible that investors are overlooking some highly attractive energy technologies. But it's unlikely that economically attractive investments will be overlooked for long — they represent, after all, profit opportunities, and capitalists are pretty good at spotting such things. How likely is it that politicians know better than investors what constitutes a "good bet" in energy markets? Based on both common sense and past experience, the answer is —"not likely." But hope springs eternal. Recall that politicians once claimed that nuclear power would be "too cheap to meter" and lavished subsidies upon it. They then asserted that synthetic oil was the wave of the future, and over $80 billion was subsequently flushed down a black hole known as the Synthetic Fuels Corporation. "Soft power" — solar, wind, geothermal, etc. — was said back in the 1970s to be the wave of the future and the likely source of at least 30 percent of our electricity by 2000. We lavished subsidy upon those technologies as well, but today they provide less than 1 percent of our electricity needs. Other examples abound, but in short, there's nothing new about our current infatuation with hydrogen-powered fuel cells, "clean" coal or ethanol. We've been here before, but we seem to have learned nothing from past journeys. The bill is also full of production incentives for oil and natural gas. While more of both would be nice, what more incentive does the energy industry need to produce when oil prices are already flirting with $60 a barrel and natural gas prices are triple what they were only a few years ago? There is simply no reason to subsidize oil and gas production, particularly when the companies on the receiving end of those subsidies are at the moment making truly stunning profits. The same goes for conservation. With energy prices this high, consumers have ample incentive to economize on use. Complaints that the bill fails to do enough in this regard are complaints that consumers are either too dumb or too shortsighted to spend their money well. Some may well be, but on the whole, it's unlikely that Congress can make more productive decisions about how to spend our energy dollars than we can. Fuel-efficient cars and appliances are out there if consumers want to take advantage of them. This article originally appeared in the Atlanta Journal-Constitution on July 29, 2005. 1000 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington D.C. 20001-5403 Phone (202) 842-0200 Fax (202) 842-3490 All Rights Reserved © 2005 Cato Institute ***************************************************************** 36 Sunday Times: Before the Fall-Out by Diana Preston - July 31, 2005 REVIEWED BY BRYAN APPLEYARD BEFORE THE FALL-OUT: From Marie Curie to Hiroshima by Diana Preston Doubleday £20 pp438 SHOCKWAVE: The Countdown to Hiroshima by Stephen Walker J Murray £20 pp352 “I have two loves,” said Robert Oppenheimer, “physics and the desert. It troubles me that I don’t see any way to bring them together.” On July 16, 1945 in New Mexico, he brought them together triumphantly when a colossal implosive force crushed a hollow sphere of plutonium into criticality, producing an explosion equivalent to 20,000 tons of TNT. The desert sands were turned into green glass by the heat. Oppenheimer, a cultivated man and the scientific director of the Manhattan Project, watched the fireball of the Trinity test rise over the desert and thought not of physics but of a line from the Bhagavad Gita — “I am become death, the shatterer of worlds.” On August 6, the B-29 Enola Gay dropped an entirely different design of atom bomb — it used uranium rather than plutonium — from 31,000ft above Hiroshima and shattered the worlds of 140,000 Japanese. At Nagasaki, on August 9, they returned to the plutonium design. These events ended the second world war in the Pacific theatre and inaugurated the cold war — thanks to the spy Klaus Fuchs, Stalin was already well into a nuclear weapons programme based on Manhattan. They also gave human beings the power to destroy the world in the name of one or other of their petty but interminable tribal squabbles. Knowledge had always been power, now it was the ultimate, the only power. How did it happen? Diana Preston’s marvellous Before the Fall-Out provides the answer. Essentially, hers is the story of the physics and the physicists. The phenomenon of radioactivity, so familiar to us now, was, in the late 19th century, seen as a deeply bizarre and exotic discovery. As scientists deciphered its mechanisms, it became yet stranger. Elements emitted particles and ultimately turned themselves into other elements. In 1901, the great Ernest Rutherford saw the significance of this when his partner, Frederick Soddy, pointed out that thorium was transmuting itself into argon gas. “For Mike’s sake, Soddy, don't call it transmutation,” he said, “They’ll have our heads off as alchemists.” Transmutation of elements had been the dream of alchemy for thousands of years. Modern science had scoffed, but radioactivity showed that it happened in nature as a matter of course. Alongside quantum theory and relativity, both unearthed at about the same time that the Curies were demonstrating radioactivity in Paris, this knowledge proved that nature was not a cold, lucid Newtonian mechanism, but a shimmering field of transmutations, warped time and uncertainty. God was not an engineer, he was a sorcerer. For the next 40 years, a series of improbably brilliant men and women turned 20th-century physics into a combination of the School of Athens and Renaissance Florence. Einstein was the emblematic figure, of course, but he was only first among equals. Rutherford, Leo Szilard, Enrico Fermi, Ed Teller, Max Born, Werner Heisenberg, Lise Meitner and countless others stalk Preston’s pages, each brilliantly realised. Above all, there was Niels Bohr, the Dane who landed in New York on January 7, 1939, and, on the quayside, murmured the news to the American physicist, John Wheeler, that the uranium atom had been split. If the age of nuclear weapons can be said to have one beginning, that was it. Preston’s book is studded with such moments of drama, combined with, appropriately enough, fields of uncertainty. Did Heisenberg, a patriot but not a Nazi, scupper the German bomb project or did he just get the physics wrong? What did Heisenberg tell Bohr when they met in Copenhagen and what were his motives? And, later and crucially, would the Japanese have surrendered in the face of a demonstration explosion and thus saved Hiroshima and Nagasaki? Preston’s handling of her research is impeccable. But this is far from being a merely scientific history. Throughout the book, she keeps returning to Hiroshima. She tells us what was happening there when the Curies were experimenting with radium or when Szilard realised a bomb was possible while waiting for the traffic lights to change in London’s Southampton Row in 1934. She tell us of the building of the T-shaped Aioi bridge that was later to form the city-centre target for Tom Ferebee, the Enola Gay’s bomb aimer. The effect is to demonstrate the terrible convergence of events, Hiroshima and physics drifting into the last, super-heated embrace. Furthermore, Preston is on top of the politics. If Roosevelt had lived and not been succeeded by the more gung-ho Truman, would the bomb have been dropped? Could the sudden Soviet declaration of war and incursion into Japanese-held Manchuria have toppled the Tokyo regime and made the bombing unnecessary? Preston does not know, but she lays it out before the reader with absolute clarity. And, finally, she speaks with her own voice when she utterly rejects Marie Curie’s statement that “in science we must be interested in things, not in persons”. For Preston, it is the individual act that counts; the apparent impersonal progress of her story is an illusion. Plutonium doesn’t exist in nature. We made it. We chose to make it. Read Preston. This is a formidable book. After which, Stephen Walker's Shockwave comes as something of a letdown. Walker is primarily a television producer and it shows. The book is a mass of cinematic cuts and hackish tension-building devices. It is also written - or, rather, overwritten - in the style of a lowbrow thriller with too many adjectives, adverbs and much vulgar character analysis. Also, I think the reader can grasp that this is a big story, so we can't really be that interested in being told that the author was "shocked, disturbed, thrilled, appalled, entranced, amazed and deeply moved". Yeah, yeah, get on with it. And, last, this is the first non- fiction book I have encountered without a contents page or an index. What is going on here? But Shockwave is well researched and it does tell you everything you could conceivably want to know about the Hiroshima raid. In addition, once he recovers from being shocked etc, Walker's thriller style does make for a pacey read. He has almost nothing to say about the wider meaning of the events he describes, although he does, evidently, sympathise with the American desire to avoid an invasion of Japan and save young lives as well as their need to avenge themselves on a singularly barbaric regime. Read Preston quietly at home; read Walker on a plane. The mushroom cloud of Hiroshima will hang over us forever. We must stare at it, as did the tail gunner of the Enola Gay, for as long as we can. We might not learn anything, but then, as those fissioning atoms made clear, we may have already learnt too much. Available at the Sunday Times Books First prices of œ18 and œ18 (Shockwave) on 0870 165 8585 and www.timesonline.co.uk/booksfirstbuy websites: www.lclark.edu/~history/HIROSHIMA/ Gateway to Hiroshima sites and images Copyright 2005 Times Newspapers Ltd. ***************************************************************** 37 Herald-Leader: 60 years after A-bomb, we must face truth Posted on Sun, Jul. 31, 2005 [Mami Hayashida of Tokyo painted the banner, which says truth, for this portrait. "To know the truth is to look at both sides," she said. Her work was part of an exhibit called The A-Bomb and Humanity, which was sponsored by the Central Kentucky Council for Peace and Justice, the Clergy and Laity Network of Kentucky and the Social Action Committee of the Unitarian Universalist Church of Lexington. The exhibit features 40 panels of paintings and photographs of the areas bombed and of people who have been affected by the testing of nuclear weapons.] Brett Marshall/Staff Mami Hayashida of Tokyo painted the banner, which says "truth," for this portrait. "To know the truth is to look at both sides," she said. Her work was part of an exhibit called The A-Bomb and Humanity, which was sponsored by the Central Kentucky Council for Peace and Justice, the Clergy and Laity Network of Kentucky and the Social Action Committee of the Unitarian Universalist Church of Lexington. The exhibit features 40 panels of paintings and photographs of the areas bombed and of people who have been affected by the testing of nuclear weapons. COMMENTARY By Merlene Davis HERALD-LEADER COLUMNIST Paul Harvey, the well-known radio personality who has given us his opinion and "the rest of the story" for years, lamented last month how America had sent soldiers to the Middle East but left our best weapons at home in silos. He was referring to our nuclear bombs -- our weapons of mass destruction. Fortunately, clearer minds are at work. In the 60 years since Americans dropped the first atomic bomb over Japan during World War II, the proportion of people in Japan and the United States who want to see that happen again is declining. And there are some who want us to always remember the bombings, to know of their-destructive power, in hopes those actions aren't repeated. In Lexington, some of those people will be hosting an exhibit called The A-Bomb and Humanity, part of "Never Again: A-Commemoration of the 60th Anniversary of Hiroshima/Nagasaki." The exhibit, sponsored by the Central Kentucky Council for Peace and Justice, the-Clergy and Laity Network of Kentucky and the Social Action Committee of the Unitarian Universalist Church of Lexington, features 40 panels of paintings and photographs of the areas bombed and of people who have been affected by the testing of nuclear weapons since. The panels, which will be displayed at the Unitarian Universalist Church August 6, 8 and 9, were a gift to retired University of Kentucky business professor Andy Grimes from Japanese associates. Mami Hayashida, 34, a Japanese doctoral student in music at UK, said the panels and commemoration aren't meant to shame Americans or praise the Japanese. "This event is not about the suffering of the Japanese," she said. "It is about the suffering of human beings caused by nuclear weapons, which are also created by human beings. It is also about the horror of nuclear weapons." On Aug. 6, 1945, America dropped the first atomic bomb over Hiroshima, Japan, followed three days later by a bomb over Nagasaki. Hundreds of thousands of people died immediately and in ensuing months, mostly non-military personnel. Japan surrendered Aug. 15, ending World War II. While questioning the use of the bomb, Hayashida said, some Japanese also are critical of the Japanese government's war crimes, of its attack on Pearl Harbor and of the Nanking Massacre in China, in which 300,000 Chinese soldiers and civilians were killed, and 20,000 women were raped by Japanese soldiers. They also-decry the lack of aid for A-bomb victims in Japan and neighboring Asian countries. "Those of us who regret Pearl Harbor the most and the Nanking Massacre the most are the same people who are trying the hardest not to let-Hiroshima and Nagasaki be-forgotten," Hayashida said. Some descendants of bomb victims in Japan, called hiba-kusha, have a hard time finding jobs or marriage-partners because of the-continued effects of radiation sickness, such as cancers and gene mutations. The hibakusha also include victims of nuclear testing worldwide. A recent survey of-hibakusha in Japan revealed that 50 percent blame the-United States and Japan-equally for their suffering. "I hear the necessity-argument a lot," Hayashida said of dropping nuclear bombs in Japan. "'It was necessary,-inevitable and justifiable.' "It's not just Americans who say that, but more than in Japan. I do find some grains of truth in that, too. "But the thing is, though, with a lot of things that happen in history, especially something like this, if we use the-necessity-justifiability-inevitability argument, then we didn't learn anything," she said. "There is a dark side,-negative consequences, people involved," Hayashida said. "To know the truth is to look at both sides and not to ignore that dark side or things that make us feel uncomfortable. "We need to know what it did, and it's probably beyond anyone's imagination." Richard Mitchell of the-Central Kentucky Council for Peace &Justice, who organized the event, said there are a few panels he would recommend that little children not see. But adults need to see the long-lasting effects of the bombs. "We must not let our anger and outrage distract us," Mitchell said of those who-witnessed Japanese aggression. "Crimes against humanity-cannot justify other crimes against humanity. Sixty years later, both Japanese and-Americans need to look at what we have done and pledge to the world, 'never again.'" IF YOU GO: 'Never Again' What: Commemoration of the 60th anniversary of the bombings of-Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan;-includes The A-Bomb and-Humanity, an exhibit of photos and paintings of people and events since the bombs were dropped. When: 4-6 p.m. Aug. 6, 4-8 p.m. Aug. 8 and 9. Where: Unitarian Universalist Church of Lexington, 3564 Clays Mill Rd. Special events 4-5 p.m. Aug. 6: Children fold peace cranes; viewing of exhibit. 5-6 p.m. Aug. 6: Brief program. 7-8 p.m. Aug. 9: Closing ceremony. Reach Merlene Davis at (859) 231-3218 or 1-800-950-6397, Ext. 3218, or . ***************************************************************** 38 Bellona: Electricity debt can mean lights out for Northern fleet bases The Russian Defence ministry does not finance regularly the Northern fleet bases what led to significant electricity debts. 2005-07-29 18:20 For example, Belomorsk navy base on the White Sea near Severodvinsk is to pay $629,000 electricity bill. Severodvinsk is the centre of Russian nuclear submarine shipbuilding. Similar situation is at the other Northern Fleet bases. The navy officials hope the electricity providers will not switch off the electricity at the navy sites. In comparison, the Russian navy bases on the Black Sea and Pacific are much better financed, Rossia reported. Publisher: , President: Information: , Technical contact: Telephone: +47 23 23 46 00 Telefax: +47 22 38 38 62 * P.O.Box 2141 Grunerlokka, 0505 Oslo, Norway ***************************************************************** 39 Sunday Herald: HIROSHIMA: THE LEGACY Almost 60 years after the US dropped the first atomic bomb on Japan, Torcuil Crichton speaks to the last survivors and hears their message of laughter and peace MOST of us can only imagine death, but Sanao Tsuboi has a memory of it. Standing on Miyuki Bridge in the middle of Hiroshima, the very spot where he looked into the yawning maw that had swallowed so many lives that morning almost 60 years ago, he is separated from us by a veil of experience. We think of Hiroshima and, in our minds eye, we see the symbol of Armageddon, the sculpted mushroom cloud of the atomic blast: a rising column with a fiery red core topped by a bubbling mass of purple-tinged turbulence. I am become Death, the destroyer of worlds, is what Robert Oppenheimer, the father of the atomic age, quoted after seeing the first smoky column rise above the New Mexico dawn of July 16, 1945, following the first ever nuclear explosion. Four hours later, an atomic device was being shipped from America to the Pacific in preparation for the deliberate terror bombing of civilian populations. The mushroom cloud is an awesome but abstract image, and as it blistered above Hiroshima it was probably its very lack of any human quality that caused Robert Lewis, co-pilot of the Enola Gay the plane that dropped the bomb to pound the pilots shoulder and shout: My God. Look at that son of a bitch go! In the mission log, he was more restrained, recording: My God, what have we done? It was August 6, 1945. What they had done, the crew of that B-29 Superfortress bomber, was drop the power of the sun on to the Earth. At 8.16am, the uranium bomb dubbed Little Boy exploded, slightly off- target, 580 metres above Shima hospital in Hiroshima with a force of 15,000 tonnes of TNT. Massive radiation and a fireball hot enough to melt stone, with the thermal power to burn flesh at a distance of 3.5km, was unleashed, followed by a blast of air that travelled at 28 metres a second, flattening everything in its path out to a radius of 2km. Three days later, the city of Nagasaki suffered the same fate through the 21,000 kilotonne blast of the Fat Man plutonium bomb. In Hiroshima, at least 40,000 people were killed instantly: vapourised by the heat of the blast or burned by the fireball that swept through the city. During the years that followed, thousands more would die from radiation sickness. In fact, the explosion that caused a moment of blinding light on that August morning has been killing ever since. By the end of 1945, 70,000 had died from their injuries; a conservative estimate of the death toll is 200,000. Most of us only read history but Sanao Tsuboi, he is testimony. As a 20-year-old student, Tsuboi stood little more than 600 metres from the centre of the blast: the original ground zero. He was thrown back 10 metres and horribly burnt. People talk about a mushroom cloud, says Tsuboi, but all I saw was a white flash. Against the roar of rush-hour traffic on the bridge, Tsuboi speaks, leading us on a journey back to the morning of August 6 , travelling beyond the mushroom cloud and into the very heart of hell . As an aide memoir, Tsuboi ponts to a photograph which was taken here, beside the Miyuki Bridge, on that morning of reckoning, three hours after the Hiroshima bomb heralded the most profound change in the course of human history. The camera came of age in the second world war, documenting the Blitz, the cult of Hitlerism, the Dresden bombings, the horrors of the death camps. But at Hiroshima there is almost a hole in history; there are remarkably few images. Just five pictures taken that morning by newspaper photographer Yoshito Matsushige survive. Only two people in his Miyuki Bridge photo are still alive. Tsuboi is one of them. Matsushige wandered around Hiroshima for 10 hours that day, carrying one of the few cameras that survived the atomic bombing, and two rolls of film with 24 possible exposures. He could only bring himself to push the shutter seven times. The black-and-white picture is grainy, the detail smeared by long exposure, but it freezes the apocalypse that unfurled across the city that morning. A young, shaven-headed Tsuboi can be clearly seen cowering like a frightened animal among other survivors against the parapet of the bridge. I thought I would die here at the end of this bridge, so I wrote the inscription, Tsuboi died here, with a stone on the road, he says. My skin was so tattered, my hands so feeble, that the writing didnt last. But that is what I thought: that this was the end. This bridge was the border between life and death. Most of us think we feel pain but Sanao Tsuboi bears the scars. The old man wears thick lines of blue kohl drawn across his forehead where his eyebrows ought to be. It creates a slightly comic effect that may be a deliberate distraction from his other features. His ears look like wax that has melted in the heat and then reset on cooling. His forehead is pink-scarred and the backs of his hands are layers of candled skin. Twice he has been struck by cancer and his heart has been weakened. As you can see, I was severely exposed. My ears were torn off, my face was burnt black. My skin came off all of it. My mouth was swollen, like a monster. Half the sleeves of my shirt were blown away and my trousers were torn off below the knee. My hands were burnt black and blood ran down my arms. Dark blood ran from my upper hips to my legs. In the picture, nobody is looking into the camera lens as Matsushige releases the shutter. It is difficult to tell if it is ragged clothes or charred skin that hangs from their arms. Matsushige, who could not focus through his tears, recalled that children were screaming all around him. In the picture everyone appears to stare mutely at the tornado of flame and smoke rushing across the city, but as you study the image you can hear their mewing pain. Little wonder that Matsushiges eyes failed him in the ghoulish darkness of that day. I was overwhelmed by the destructive power of the blast, says Tsuboi. I saw terrible sights: people with their eyes dangling out, people with their flesh stripped off to the bone, people who couldnt walk. A woman in her 30s whod been impaled with a stick which had been pulled out, taking her intestines with it. She was trying to put them back inside her body. Thousands of those miserable people I encountered. There were seven rivers in Hiroshima and everyone, all the people, jumped into the water, young or old, whether they could swim or not, because they hurt so much from their burns. I saw rivers full of corpses : thousands of bodies. Tsuboi survived with the help of many hands. He has no real memory of the first 40 days during which he drifted in and out of coma. Every day the doctor would come and look at me and every day he said I would die. By the following January , Tsuboi could not even walk. But he would not die, either. I had lost my hair, I was bleeding from my gums, I had a high temperature and I was infested by maggots. My body was rotting. His mother picked all the maggots from his suppurating wounds and eventually he crawled and then walked to health. I say health but I have been hospitalised 10 times by radiation diseases three times declared critical and my family called to my bedside. I have to admit I am getting bored with death. There were years of bitter tears. The atom bomb changed my life around 180 degrees. I kept thinking if there was no A-bomb if there had been no war I could have pursued my dream of inventing something. In that regard I hated the United States and I was envious of those who escaped the A-bomb and made their way in life. The Hibakusha, as the survivors of the bomb are known, suffered tremendous discrimination and were ostracised after the war. Medical opinion was that we would die early so nobody would seriously contemplate marriage to someone like that, says Tsuboi. He twists his scarred face into a gargoyle. If they were disfigured, women especially confronted a much more serious situation. Some are still single to this day. They have been denied love. Having lost his first girlfriend in the A-bomb attack, Tsuboi fell in love with another but her family would not approve marriage. So we tried to commit suicide with sleeping pills but I didnt know how many we should take and the attempt failed, says Tsuboi. I felt so awful. I couldnt die. We couldnt get married and we could not get to heaven together. Like Jacob labouring in Labans fields, Tsuboi persisted for another seven years until his sweethearts family relented. O ur marriage, after all this hardship, never faltered. We have three children and seven grandchildren, he says, grinning. The immediate death toll of mass bombing raids on cities such as Dresden and Tokyo, may have been higher, but the Hiroshima and Nagasaki atom bombs kept on killing long after peace had been delivered. At first, the Western press described the hitherto unknown effects of radiation as a mystery illness, and as a naive world struggled to find a moral context for the bombs killing power, doctors were baffled by the soaring death rates. Nobody knew and nobody yet knows how to treat the keloids, the genetic mutations, bone-marrow destruction, the internal bleeding, the cancers, the premature deaths, that follow exposure to high-level radiation. To begin with, nobody was overly concerned. The Pacific war had been cut short, a $2 billion US gamble on the A-bomb had paid off and the lives of thousands of US marines who would otherwise have had to fight the Japanese army every inch of the way had been saved. Confidence about the benefits of the new atomic age was only tempered when the New Yorker magazine, in August 1946, cleared an entire edition for a report by John Hersey, which gave the still-dying bomb survivors a voice among the millions of words of self-congratulation. The article crystallised a sense of moral unease about the use of nuclear weapons. Later, there would be debates about whether the Japanese Emperor, Hirohito, would have surrendered anyway or whether the bombs were just a live experiment to forestall Russias entry into the Japanese theatre and prove Americas dominance in the post-war situation. Details of Japans barbaric treatment of prisoners and captured colonies and the fear of the communist might of Russia served effectively as justification against the doubters. Moral qualms did not, however, prevent the world from embracing the prospect of Armageddon. As the century progressed, the US and Russia created massive nuclear stockpiles with the potential to destroy each other . For a while, Dr Strangeloves, such as Herman Kahn, tried to convince us that nuclear war was survivable, but over Cuba, the superpowers stared into the abyss, then blinked and withdrew from the brink. The threat of destroying the world several times over only subsided in the 1980s when the communist system bankrupted itself and Mikhail Gorbachev declared the nuclear poker game over. By then, Britain had spent billions of pounds pursuing an independent atomic deterrent (and is about to do so again on a new generation of Trident missiles from the US). Post-imperial prestige, and seats on the UN Security Council, were purchased through ownership, or leasing, of nuclear deterrents. France also developed its own bomb and continued testing as late as 1996. Voices of dissent were raised through the mass civic protest movements against atomic weapons that began mobilising during the 1950s . Like many from Hiroshima, Tsuboi has been around the world campaigning against nuclear weapons. From New York to North Korea, he has been astonished at how little the public knows about the effects of nuclear weaponry , and he is driven to do something about it by a sense of haunted responsibility; even guilt. When the Japanese army arrived in Hiroshima, after the bombing, the only people they rescued were young men trained to use rifles. I still hear the voice of the soldier shouting at me, Tsuboi recalls. Get this young man on a truck, he said. Its then I realised how militaristic, how inhuman we had become, to only help young men and treat everyone else as if they were cabbage. HIROSHIMA today is a modern city rebuilt from the ashes of the military hub, with widened tree-lined boulevards that are home to one million people and a centre for advanced manufacturing and technical research. It should be an ordinary city but the wounds inflicted by the bomb remain very public. There is a museum, a peace shrine in a memorial park, peace boulevards and the skeletal remains of the A-bomb dome, the former Industrial Promotion hall that stands witness to the destructive power of the worlds first A-bombing. In the Peace Park, Japanese schoolchildren politely cajole visitors into filling out questionnaires on such profundities as: How do you feel about the 9/11 attacks on New York? and How can the war in Iraq be solved? It is impossible, as a visitor at any rate, to escape the baleful legacy that the bomb bequeathed the city. Late at night, with a heavy, yellow moon slung low in the sky and the cicadas whirring in the trees, we are walking back to our hotel when the paean of a trumpet draws us to the fringes of the Peace Park. Below the illuminated A-bomb dome, Yoshitaka Shimizu is practising his trumpet by the river. In broken English, the young academic tells us he wants to be like Clifford Brown, the black American jazz genius who died in 1956 in a car accident on the Pennsylvania turnpike. We ask why he chooses to play here, in the shadow of such tragedy. My grandmother died three years ago with cancer of the spine, says Shimizu. She was in Hiroshima at the time of the bomb. I come here so that my gran can hear my stuff. In Hiroshima, the story of that day never ends, and parts of it have never been told. The censored dispatches of Chicago Daily News reporter George Weller from the blasted city were only uncovered by his son earlier this year. Days after the attack, he reported a mysterious Disease X, or radiation sickness, as did Australian war correspondent Wilfred Burchett, who successfully evaded the US censors. Burchett began his dispatch: In Hiroshima, 30 days after the first atomic bomb destroyed the city and shook the world, people are still dying, mysteriously and horribly people who were uninjured in the cataclysm from an unknown something which I can only describe as an atomic plague. Hiroshima, he wrote, does not look like a bombed city. It looks as if a monster steamroller had passed over it and squashed it out of existence. I write these facts as dispassionately as I can in the hope that they will act as a warning to the world. In another part of town, after much ritual bowing, smiles, mutual nodding and offers of green tea, Aiko Kobi, a nightingale-scaled woman wearing pale pink plumage, sits in the alcove of an air-conditioned café. Time has shrivelled her, the table top seems almost too high for her, but her personality has not shrunk and her voice tinkles like a crystal glass behind a broad smile, lipsticked to hide her scars. For six decades she has carried a terrible story in her head. Only now, with the gentle persuasion of her 25-year-old granddaughter who sits by her side, is she ready to give it up. Because she has experienced something that nobody ever should, we ought to listen to her. She clears her throat with a chirrup and we lean forward to hear words that she found unutterable for six decades. I hesitated to tell my story because I wondered if I was entitled to speak, says Kobi. I didnt suffer from severe burns and all my injuries healed, although my lips still hurt even when I was in my 50s. There was no noise; just a flash, and in an instant she was buried under a two-storey home that stood on this very corner site where we now sip tea. It was pitch black, I couldnt see anything. I cried for help and my father called out, telling me not to move my head. I followed his instructions and, little by little, I was able to move out into the garden. In the open air, 1.5 km from the centre of the explosion, Kobi was confronted by hell. The house was devastated; the one next door was on fire. I was bleeding from shattered glass, and shoeless. We started walking southwards, barefoot because there was nothing else to do and no other way to go. For some reason common humanity, perhaps she grabbed the hand of a six-year-old boy she found crying in the rubble, and looked after him for the next few days. Being short-sighted and without her spectacles saved Aiko Kobi from some of the horror. But she could not block out all of her senses. The sound I remember most vividly is from the hospital, she says. There was a boy who collapsed. He fell down in front of us in his death throes. The boy crying: I still hear that, and the smell of burned flesh . Its beyond description. There were other people with pitch black faces. Their skin was burned off and their clothes were shredded; women stripped naked by the blast. Their skin was peeled off. People walked like ghosts with their arms stretched out in pain. Kobi and the child spent that night in the mountains but, unaware of the dangers of radioactivity, they returned to the city the next day to search for the boys relatives . They didnt find them. That six-year-old, Maso Yashida, died aged 43 of liver cancer that spread through his body. Surviving the explosion was one thing. Then came the aftermath . For months, recalls Kobi, my injuries were inflamed and infected and didnt heal. There were few medicines and doctors had to treat the burns victims first. Twenty years later, Kobis father would still find shards of glass being pushed out from his scalp. With their family destroyed, both father and daughter considered retreating from society to become priests and tend the family shrine. A year later, aged 21, Kobi married a man who had lost his wife in the Hiroshima raid and became stepmother to his six-year-old daughter. It was like starting from scratch. I had a new life, a husband, a sister and a daughter. The couple had two other children and their son inherited the family printing business, building a modern eight-storey office with family apartments on the site of the house that had been destroyed by the bomb. Each year, Kobi would visit the various shrines in the city to commemorate her dead cousin and her dead brother. Yet she never revealed her own suffering. It was only when her granddaughter, Maki Nakamoto, became a peace volunteer at the city museum that the story, like the shards of glass from her wounds, surfaced. I thought that without a special opportunity she wouldnt tell me anything, so last August, on the anniversary, I went to the park with her, says Maki Nakamoto, who shares her grandmothers bright smile. As they walked together Kobi told Nakamoto what had happened. I could tell how hard it was for her to talk about this, says Nakamoto. She didnt complain but the tears started to run. There are hundreds of personal testimonies recorded on video and audio in the Hiroshima Peace Museum. Echoing voices can be recalled at the push of a button. But today, when Nakamoto shows visitors around, she is imbued with the authority of her grandmothers story. Maki Nakamoto, a third generation survivor, provides a link with a disappearing past. This coming anniversary may be the last major commemoration for many of the Hibakusha, whose average age is now 72. But their story will continue through people like Nakamoto who received, after 60 years of silence, an oral history from the benign, bruised lips of her grandmother. Its another one of those baking mornings in Hiroshima. Takashi Hiraoka, a former mayor of the city, stands beneath the shade of Japanese bead trees and Kurogane holly that survived the 1945 blast and have been replanted in a rocky grove along one of the boulevards in the rebuilt metropolis. He worries that as the city prepares for this 60th anniversary , there is a danger that the lessons of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which was bombed three days later, are being lost on 21st-century Japan. We really have to ask ourselves if we live our daily lives with our ideals in mind. Even in Hiroshima, children dont know what happened on August 6, says Hiraoka. As a two-term mayor in the 1990s, he promoted nuclear-free local authorities, established a peace institute and grassroots exchanges across the world; yet he doesnt feel he has done enough. The danger of nuclear weapons has become greater. Look at depleted uranium shells in Iraq; nuclear is now accepted as conventional. In his grey linen suit, knitted tie and silver hair, Hiraoka is a counterpoint to Japans new casual dress code promoted by Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi . He has little time for fads, he says, or the Prime Minister and the empty rhetoric of the Japanese government. Prime Minister Koizumi always says he prays for peace at the Yakusuni war shrine. If he really does, he should reveal the contents of his prayer to the people. If he is determined not to start war he should withdraw his defence forces from Iraq. Neighbours like China and South Korea, who remember Japanese atrocities during the war, are furious whenever the Prime Minister visits the controversial Yakusuni shrine for the war dead, since those it commemorates include several condemned war criminals . Asian countries say they detect the stirrings of Japanese nationalism. The national anthem is being re-introduced to schools, after 60 years in the deep freeze of atomic peace. As the Chinese and Koreans, the abused of the Japanese empire, grow in economic strength, so do their demands for contrition that will only be expressed in empty terms. Each night, Japanese television broadcasts another story about the threat of the rogue nuclear state, North Korea . Through the distant lens, it seems the Japanese media is cranking up the propaganda of fear. Prime Minister Koizumis ambition for his country to play a bigger international role, especially in military peacekeeping, also worries nervous neighbours. His goal is to push through a revision of Japans constitution, removing the ban on the threat or use of force, contained in article nine of the peace constitution that was imposed after the second world war. Japans constitution has already been stretched to allow self-defence troops to first join the UN in relief work overseas. Then, in 2003, a law was introduced to permit troops to go to non-combat zones in Iraq. Prime Minister Koizumi wants to give the nation even greater powers and some conservatives have called for nuclear weapons to be considered for self defence. The mindscape of Japanese politics is a presumption that war will be possible in the future. That idea conflicts with Hiroshimas call for peace and the abolition of nuclear weapons across the globe. This is only an assumption but I think most people in Hiroshima and in Japan would back the reforms, says Hiraoka. This city is a conservative stronghold, the majority in the national assembly is Liberal Democrat, so we are in a dangerous situation. Its only an assumption, but if it comes true the words of the August 6 service every year will be empty. 31 July 2005 © newsquest (sunday herald) limited. all rights reserved ***************************************************************** 40 SF Chronicle: HIROSHIMA: The birth of nuclear warfare / An ugly end, with or without the atom bomb / Compromise unacceptable for Truman Ronald Takaki Sunday, July 31, 2005 During the days before that fateful Aug. 6, 1945, Gen. Douglas MacArthur learned that Japan had asked Russia to negotiate a surrender. "We expected acceptance of the Japanese surrender daily," one of his staff members recalled. When he was notified that an atomic bomb had been dropped on Hiroshima, the general was livid. MacArthur declared that the atomic attack on Hiroshima was "completely unnecessary from a military point of view." Why then did the president make the decision to drop the atomic bomb on Hiroshima? Harry Truman was an accidental president. He had been sworn into office only months earlier, when Franklin D. Roosevelt died suddenly on April 12. Truman admitted to his wife that he had little knowledge of foreign policy. Feeling inadequate to fill the shoes of the great FDR, he had to face indignities and sarcasm. In the streets, people asked, "Harry who?" and mocked him as "the little man in the White House." But Truman hid his insecurity behind a facade of toughness. Publicly, he presented himself as a man of the frontier. He blustered: "The buck stops here." Like many Americans, the president was swept into a rage for revenge for the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. This rage had been racialized. Truman repeatedly blasted the enemy as the "Japs." This racist term identified the enemy as the Japanese people, a contrast to the term "Nazis," which refers only to the followers of Hitler. Truman also dehumanized the enemy in the Pacific war. Disturbed by Pearl Harbor and the Bataan death march, Truman argued: "When you have to deal with a beast, you have to treat him as a beast. " These dynamics drove Truman to rigidly insist on unconditional surrender, a demand he had inherited from Roosevelt. But for Roosevelt, it had been only a slogan to help rally the war effort. Truman made the demand a policy. In July, he refused to heed the recommendations of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and Secretary of War Henry Stimson that the president negotiate a peace by allowing Japan to continue the emperor system. News of the successful test of the atomic bomb boosted Truman's confidence that he could bully Japan. In the Potsdam Declaration of July 26, Truman issued a fierce ultimatum: Japan must accept "unconditional surrender" or face "utter devastation." Japan refused, and Truman ordered the atomic attack. The first bomb was dropped on Hiroshima on Aug. 6. As many as 75,000 people were instantly incinerated. Most of them were women and children. Three days later, the second atomic bomb was dropped on Nagasaki. But the Japanese government still refused to surrender unconditionally. At that point, Truman decided to allow Japan to keep the emperor. Had he made such an offer earlier, he might have been able to end the war before dropping the atomic bomb on Hiroshima. The atomic bombings were not widely accepted in the United States. A poll conducted by Fortune magazine in December 1945 found that only 54 percent of the respondents approved of the atomic bombings. The major news media also voiced apprehension and disquietude. Time magazine wrote that "the demonstration of power against living creatures instead of dead matter created a bottomless wound in the living conscience." The New York Times issued a sobering message: "We have been the first to introduce a new weapon of unknowable effects which may bring us victory quickly but which will sow the seeds of hate more widely than ever. We may yet reap the whirlwind." The day after the devastation of Nagasaki, Truman privately told a Cabinet member that "the thought of wiping out another 100,000 people was too horrible," and that he did not like "the idea of killing all those kids." His anguish revealed a conflicted self. The Japanese were not simply an enemy race, they were human beings. Beneath Truman's toughness was also a thoughtful and sensitive individual who saw the world hurtling toward an uncertain and fearful future. On July 16, while waiting for the news of the atomic test, he reflected in his diary on the "absolute ruin" of Berlin and the long history of warfare, including Carthage and Rome. Turning to the war before him, he ruminated: "I hope for some sort of peace -- but I fear that machines are ahead of morals by some centuries, and when morals catch up perhaps there'll be no reason for any of it. I hope not. But we are only termites on a planet and maybe when we bore too deeply into the planet there'll (be) a reckoning -- who knows?" Ronald Takaki, who wrote this article for Pacific News Service, is professor of ethnic studies at UC Berkeley and the author of "Hiroshima: Why America Dropped the Atomic Bomb." Contact us at insight@sfchronicle.com. Page B - 1 The San Francisco Chronicle] ***************************************************************** 41 Courier-Journal: After the A-bombs www.courier-journal.com Sunday, July 31, 2005 For area survivors, 60th anniversary carries personal meaning + enlarge An unidentified man stood next to a tiled fireplace amid the rubble of a house in Hiroshima on Sept. 7, 1945. The bombs are largely credited with hastening Japan's surrender on Aug. 14, ending World War II. (Stanley Troutman/Associated Press) ON THE WEB + For more details on the war in the Pacific, go to www.historyplace.com/unitedstates/pacificwar/tline-bw.htm. + For more information on Mayors for Peace, go to www.pcf.city.hiroshima.jp/mayors/english. + To share your memories of the bombings, go to www.courier-journal.com. + enlarge Lilly Krohn lost her hair and appetite a week after the blast. Years later she lost her uterus and her stomach, both to cancer. + enlarge A few steel and concrete buildings and bridges were intact in Hiroshima after the Aug. 6, 1945, bombing. This shot was taken on Sept. 5. Lee Thomas Jr., now a 79-year-old Louisville businessman, saw the city several weeks after the bombing and said it “was absolutely flat.” He was a combat soldier headed for the invasion of Japan, and when he saw the destruction the bomb caused, he questioned its use, although he said it saved his life. "My position is very strongly against it (the bombs), but my father fought his way across Europe and was going to be on his way to Japan, and he himself believes the atomic bomb saved his life. I have to acknowledge the honesty of that emotion." TERRY TAYLOR, executive director of the nonprofit Interfaith Paths to Peace and current co-chair of the local Hiroshima/Nagasaki Commemoration Committee (Max Desfor/Associated Press) + enlarge A young man injured in the Nagasaki explosion lay sick on a mat there in late 1945. The Nagasaki bomb, dropped three days after the Hiroshima blast, killed about 70,000 people. (Associated Press) BStories by Katya Cengel kcengel@courier-journal.com The Courier-Journal Lilly Krohn of Laconia, Ind., says a flat tire on her bicycle saved her life the morning of Aug. 6, 1945. That was the morning the United States dropped the first atomic bomb used against a human population. Krohn, whose unmarried name was Yuriko Ishigaki, was supposed to be at her typewriter in downtown Hiroshima. But she was at her home in the Japanese city's outskirts when the bomb detonated at 8:15. She said her family's living room exploded around her seconds later. She pulled her 3-year-old sister, who was unconscious but alive, from the wreckage. Her parents, who have since died, also survived the blast, as did her brother and a sister, who were both out of town at the time. She said she eventually started to walk to work a mile away. On the way she passed a woman with a baby on her back. "But baby not all right, completely black and shriveled up," Krohn recalled. The baby was dead; the mother died a week later. Krohn continued on, past piles of ashes and smoldering buildings, to what had been her office. There she saw her typewriter -- melted. Every day for a month, Krohn, then 20, returned to the spot to look for fellow workers. At first she looked for survivors, then for identifiable bodies. She never found any. On Saturday, it will be 60 years since the atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima, killing 100,000 to 150,000 people and directly affecting 210,000 to 250,000 more. Another atomic bomb was dropped on Nagasaki three days later, killing about 70,000 and affecting 200,000 more. But the suffering didn't end then. A week after the Hiroshima blast, Krohn lost her hair and appetite. She came to America after marrying Lloyd Krohn in 1955. Three years later, she lost her uterus to cancer. In 1972 she lost her stomach, again to cancer. "The consensus opinion is that the cancers and health issues she has are largely attributable to her being in close proximity to the bomb," said Dr. Michael Bonacum, who treats Krohn in Harrison County, Ind. Doctors created a new "stomach" for Krohn out of intestinal tissue by attaching the end of her esophagus to part of her small intestine. Occasionally her esophagus closes and she uses a dilating tube to open it. Still, she considers herself lucky. Although she lost her husband three years ago, Krohn, 81, has a daughter and granddaughter.Bomb debate The bombs are largely credited with quickening Japan's surrender on Aug. 14 and the war's subsequent end. But more than half a century later, the debate over their use rages. Robert Maddox, a World War II expert and Penn State University professor emeritus, believes that, if they hadn't been dropped, many more people would have died during the blockade, two planned invasions and fire bombings. "If the bomb (on Hiroshima) hadn't been dropped, (the dead) might have been up into the millions," Maddox said. Lee Thomas Jr., a combat infantry soldier headed for the invasion of Japan, said the bomb saved his life, but when he saw Hiroshima several weeks later he questioned its use. "It was absolutely flat," said the Louisville businessman, 79. "I saw the enormous cost to the Japanese of saving my life." It's a cost Krohn and other local survivors don't want the world to forget. In April they met Hiroshima Mayor Tadatoshi Akiba, brought to Louisville by metro government and several local groups, including Interfaith Paths to Peace, to talk about nuclear disarmament. Terry Taylor, executive director of the nonprofit Interfaith Paths to Peace and current co-chair of the local Hiroshima/Nagasaki Commemoration Committee, feels the bombs should not have been used but respects the opinions of those who fought in World War II and disagree with him. "My position is very strongly against it (the bombs), but my father fought his way across Europe and was going to be on his way to Japan, and he himself believes the atomic bomb saved his life," Taylor said. "I have to acknowledge the honesty of that emotion." Taylor added that there is one thing everyone seems to agree on, and it is what Krohn and other survivors want the world to understand: An atomic bomb should never be used again. 2004 The Courier-Journal. ***************************************************************** 42 SF Chronicle: Shrines, temples create magic of Miyajima / Island is officially in top 3 of Japan's most beautiful sites John Flinn Sunday, July 31, 2005 Miyajima, an island of shrines and temples near Hiroshima, is one of the three most beautiful places in Japan. That's not my loosely tossed opinion, or anyone else's -- it's official. It was decided in 1643 by a wandering Confucian scholar named Shunsai Hayashi and apparently is not open to debate. (The other two are Matsushima in Miyagi and Amanohashidate in Kyoto.) You get to Miyajima (the name means "shrine island") by a short ferry ride, and the first thing you see is a towering red-orange torii gate, one of the world's largest, which seems to float on the water. (At least it does when the tide is in. Otherwise it rises out of the mudflats.) The island is sacred in the Shinto religion, and no one is permitted to give birth or die -- or at least be buried -- on it. For hundreds of years it's also been forbidden to cut down trees there, and as a result the island is covered in virgin forest, which supports dozens of bird species that are rare elsewhere in Japan. When you step off the ferry you're greeted immediately by deer -- deer that follow you around the village, sometimes a little closer than you'd like, blinking their big eyes in hope of a snack. "Stay away from deer with ANTLERS, " warns a sign. The island's most important Shinto shrine, Itsukushima, was first built here in the year 593 and expanded to its present size in 1168. Built on tidal land, it also appears to be floating on the sea when the tide is in. The complex includes 55 subsidiary shrines, temples and other buildings, a stage for Noh drama and dance, and a number of steeply rounded bridges linking various buildings. Seven other shrines stand around the periphery of the island, reachable only by boat. Not far from Itsukushima is a five-story pagoda, built in 1407 and rising more than 90 feet. Covered with a roof of cypress bark, it combines Japanese and Chinese architectural styles. Elsewhere on the island are more secular pleasures -- an aquarium, teahouses, dozens of gift shops and even stores selling little bags of deer treats. I had only a couple of hours to visit, but others say it's worth staying overnight: When the last ferry leaves for the mainland and the big crowds of day-trippers depart, the island quiets down and you get a much better sense of why it's officially one of the three most beautiful spots in Japan. Page D - 6 The San Francisco Chronicle] ***************************************************************** 43 SF Chronicle: Hiroshima at peace / Sixty years later, it's a city of serene parks dedicated to remembrance and disarmament John Flinn, Chronicle staff writer Sunday, July 31, 2005 [Origami cranes lie in chains at the foot of the memorial ...] [The centopath frames a view of the iconic A-bomb Dome. Ph...] [The A-bomb Dome stands across the river from Peace Memori...] [A plaque marking the exact location of ground zero sits l...] More... Hiroshima, Japan -- "Are you American?" asked a petite, gray-haired Japanese woman. I couldn't tell if it was a question or an accusation. We were in the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum, outside a small theater showing almost unbearably gruesome footage of the day, 60 years ago, that my country dropped a nuclear bomb on her city. I nodded yes and braced for what was coming. But the woman merely smiled and led me around the corner to another theater where the film was playing in English. She bowed, smiled again and said, "Thank you for coming." To step off a train in Hiroshima as an American is to arrive with heavy baggage. Earlier that morning, as my shinkansen bullet train streaked west from Osaka at 164 mph, I'd felt a knot tightening in my stomach as I wondered: What could I possibly say to someone my nation once nuked? I would have plenty of opportunities to find out. Today in Hiroshima, a city of 1.1 million, there still live more than 50,000 hibakusha, or A-bomb survivors. I expected my visit to be somber and sobering, and at times it was. But I could never have imagined that I'd also enjoy myself, that ultimately I'd come away from Hiroshima feeling uplifted. Overall, the city seemed happy and whole, and no one made me feel anything less than completely welcome. It wasn't just me: I met several other American visitors who felt the same. Maybe we shouldn't have been so surprised by a city that has devoted itself for the past 60 years to peace and understanding. That was the idea from the moment Hiroshima began to rebuild, and today it is one of the most pleasant of all Japanese cities, with expansive parks, wide boulevards, riverside greenbelts and floating restaurants specializing in Hiroshima's prized oysters. With the exception of nearby Miyajima and a rebuilt castle I never got around to seeing, the only bona fide tourist attractions are the atomic bomb memorials. But they alone are worth the visit. The centerpiece is Peace Memorial Park, which fills a large swath of the island between the Honkawa and Motoyasu-gawa rivers, a onetime residential and business district very close to the "hypocenter," as the Japanese call ground zero. You get there by crossing the unique T-shaped Aioi Bridge, which the crew of the Enola Gay used as the target for the bomb. (They missed by about 300 yards.) A day of horror I knew the most emotionally intense part was going to be the museum, so I tackled it first. It lays out the city's history -- Hiroshima had always been a military center -- and points out that in early 1945, as invasion looked increasingly likely, Japan's imperial headquarters called for "100 million deaths with honor." Both the museum and nearby Hall for the Atomic Bomb Victims acknowledge Japan's role in starting the war and the atrocities committed against the Chinese and Koreans. But, judging from comments in the guest book, they don't do it loudly enough to satisfy some foreign visitors. There's also a small section devoted to reasons why America decided to use its new atomic bomb on Japan. It notes that Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower, among others, strongly opposed it and suggests it was done in part to justify the enormous expense of developing the weapon and in part to block the Soviet Union's imminent entry into the war in Asia. But these are only minor aspects of the museum. Rather than attempt to fix blame, it evokes the unspeakable horror of that day and seeks to ensure it never happens again. Statistics and aerial photographs of the devastation set the stage, but the emotional wallop comes when the museum brings nuclear apocalypse to the personal level: scorched and shredded school uniforms, a child's burnt lunchbox with his meal turned to radioactive ash, a melted tricycle, a photo of a kimono pattern burned onto a woman's back. On display are the stone steps of the Sumitomo Bank Building with the shadow of a vaporized person -- 42- year-old Mitsuno Ochi -- etched into them. A collection of photos of men, women and children with their faces burned off was so gruesome I had to turn away. As I did so, a Japanese child of about 5 burst into tears next to me. After a couple of hours in the museum, the feeling of serenity in the park outside was palpable -- and much needed. It's filled with more than 6, 000 trees donated from cities around the world, the blossoming of which immediately dispelled the local notion that nothing would grow in Hiroshima for 75 years. More than 60 small monuments and memorials fill the park. The focal point is the centopath, a granite arch that covers a stone chest containing the names of all of the A-bomb victims, including those who died later of radiation-related diseases. "Let all the souls here rest in peace, for we shall not repeat the evil," reads the inscription. There were 237,062 names in it when I visited in May; more are added each year on Aug. 6. Symbols of peace The arch frames the view of the iconic A-Bomb Dome across the river, the most visible symbol of the bombing. Originally the Hiroshima Prefecture Industrial Promotion Hall, it stood almost directly beneath the exploding bomb. Preserving the shattered shell of the building was deeply controversial; half the city's residents wanted it torn down so it wouldn't serve as a reminder. Throughout the park and all over Hiroshima, you see colorful origami cranes, the poignant symbol of the city and the peace movement. You see them hanging in store windows, draped over benches and displayed in bank lobbies. You see them on hotel-room pillows, where they're left each night in lieu of a mint. You see strings of them knitted together and heaped in enormous piles in front of the Atomic Bomb Memorial Mound in the park, where the ashes of tens of thousands of unidentified victims rest. A few steps away, at the Children's Peace Monument, immense chains of cranes fill nine large glass cases. Maintenance workers clear them out by the armful to make room for the thousands of new ones, folded by schoolchildren the world over, that that arrive here every day. (The city sends 10 tons of cranes to the recycling center every year.) The tradition honors a girl named Sadako Sasaki, who was only 2 when the bomb exploded. Nine years later she developed leukemia, known in Hiroshima as "the A-bomb disease." A friend told her of a Japanese legend that anyone who folded 1,000 paper cranes would be granted a wish. In bed at the Hiroshima Red Cross Hospital, the young girl began folding them ceaselessly, and some versions of the story leave her heartbreakingly short of her goal -- she finished 644 in some versions, 944 in others -- when she died in October 1955. But the truth is that Sasaki folded more than 1, 000 in less than a month, making them smaller and smaller as she progressed. Dozens of her cranes are on display at the Peace Memorial Museum, some as tiny as fishing flies. She had to fold them with needles and a magnifying glass. Other than the Peace Memorial Park and the A-Bomb Dome, you don't see many obvious reminders of the bomb in Hiroshima. But walking around aimlessly one afternoon, I stumbled upon a few. The Bank of Japan building is one of the few downtown structures to survive largely intact; remarkably, it was open for business two days later. But it wasn't open the day I was there. A block away, at the Fukuro-machi Elementary School, which served as a relief station, the blackened walls in the stairwell are covered with 60-year- old chalk messages desperately seeking the whereabouts of survivors. These messages had long ago been plastered over and were discovered only during a renovation in 1999. At the bottom of the stairs, the wooden ceiling beams were turned to charcoal by the bomb. It wasn't easy to find the monument that marks the site of ground zero. On a small, busy, side street, the plaque hangs on a wall of the Shima Surgical Hospital, between a parking garage and a convenience store. This is the exact spot where, 60 years ago, the bomb called Little Boy exploded 1,800 feet overhead. On the day I was there, no one on the street seemed to take any notice. Stories of recovery Hiroshima's most moving symbols of the bomb, of course, are the 50,000 hibakusha, who, along with their counterparts in Nagasaki, are the only living witnesses to nuclear war. Through the city tourism office, I arranged to spend most of a day speaking with three of them: Michiko Yamaoka, Yoshinori Obayashi and Sakae Okuda, who were 15, 16 and 8 years old, respectively, at the time. (For their stories, see Insight, B1.) "After the war I hated America," Yamaoka told me. "I hated Japan, too. America was the country that dropped the bomb, and Japan was the country that started the war. When I flew to America for some surgery, I didn't smile at all. But then the Quaker family I was staying with accepted me totally. When they first met me, they said, 'I'm sorry.' I decided right then that I wouldn't hate people, any people. I hate war. "Now, all these years later, I don't like to remember what happened that day. But I need to keep telling my story so people don't take peace for granted." Yamaoka's eyes welled up. "Really, I don't hate America," she repeated. "What happened here happened because of war. We have to make sure it never happens again." On my last night in town, craving a little normalcy, I went to a Hiroshima Carp baseball game. The ballpark is directly across the street from the A-bomb Dome, and Hiroshima has always viewed the team as a proud symbol of its recovery. Unique in Japanese baseball, it's owned by the people of the city (other teams are owned by, and named for, corporations), and it began play less than five years after the bomb. Alas, on this night, the first ever in Japanese interleague play, the Carp's pitcher was getting shelled like an edamame bean by the Seibu Lions. By the bottom of the sixth, the home team was down 9-1. But then some magic happened. The Carp got a little rally going, a couple of runs scored, and then center fielder Koichi Ogata cracked one deep into the night, a tape-measure shot high over the center field wall. The crowd leapt to its feet, and instinctively I turned to high-five the man next to me. They don't do a lot of this in Japan, but seeing that his neighbor was an American, he gave it a try. It might have been one of the most awkward high fives in sports history, but not for want of good will. That it happened at all, barely 150 yards from ground zero, 60 years after the unspeakable, was uplifting indeed. IF YOU GO Word to the wise One of the biggest surprises about traveling in Japan is that it's not nearly as expensive as you think. Outside Tokyo and Osaka, hotels and meals generally cost no more than you'd spend in the United States for comparable quality. Getting there There are no direct flights to Hiroshima from the United States. From San Francisco, ANA, Northwest, United and Japan Airlines offer one-stop connecting flights via Tokyo. Japan's shinkansen (bullet trains) are fast, efficient and generally cheaper than flying. Where to stay Hotel Sunroute, near Peace Memorial Park. 011-81-82-249-3600, www.sunroute.jp(mostly in Japanese). Primarily a business hotel, but it has an unbeatable location. Type "Hotel Sunroute Hiroshima" into a search engine to reach several online discounters who book rooms. Doubles, 10,000 yen (about $90). For other choices, visit the Hiroshima Convention &Visitors Bureau Web site (below). Where to eat Okonomi Village, 5-13 Shintenchi, Naka-ku, Hiroshima. Okonomi (sometimes translated as "whatever you want") is sort of a multilayered Japanese tostada eaten at lunch counters. Okonomi Village is a collection of dozens of these places. Everyone has a favorite, but the fare is pretty much the same from counter to counter. Lunch, 500 yen ($4.50). What to do The Peace Memorial Museum in Peace Memorial Park. 011-81-82-241-4004, www.pcf.city.hiroshima.jp. Open daily at 8:30 a.m., closing from 5 p.m. to 7 p.m. depending on date. Adults 50 yen ($.45) children, 30 yen ($.26). Miyajima. To get to the "shrine island," either take a ferry directly from Hiroshima (1,460 yen/$13, 22 minutes), or take a train or streetcar from Hiroshima-eki (central railway station) to Miyajima-guchi, and then a shorter ferry from there (170 yen/$1.50, seven minutes). For more information Japan National Tourist Organization, (415) 292-5686, www.jnto.go.jp. Hiroshima Convention &Visitors Bureau, 011-81-82-244-6156, www.hiroshima-navi.or.jp. E-mail Executive Travel Editor John Flinn at travel@sfchronicle.com. Page D - 6 San Francisco Chronicle] ***************************************************************** 44 SF Chronicle: HIROSHIMA: The birth of nuclear warfare / Thank God for the atom bomb -- or not? / Historical reasons for, against use William M. Burke Sunday, July 31, 2005 Several decades after the fact the noted literary scholar and combat infantryman Paul Fussell wrote an article, "Thank God for the atom bomb," in which he described his feeling of relief when, in August 1945, he realized that he would not have to land on some hostile Japanese beach after he had just come away, limping, from a German battlefield. The question came up again 10 years ago, when the Smithsonian Institution announced an exhibition featuring the Enola Gay, the plane that dropped the Hiroshima bomb, plus a catalog containing arguments (pro and con) regarding the wisdom of dropping the bomb. But then Charlton Heston, the American Legion and most of the Washington establishment jumped into the fray, denouncing all the critical comments, so the exhibition was canceled and the unfortunate curator who organized the event was out of a job. Obviously, it's time to review some ancient history, beginning with how we all arrived where we were in 1945. Actually, the road to Pearl Harbor, and to Hiroshima, began in Berlin in 1918, when Imperial Germany, which had seemed unbeatable, suddenly felt the weight of wartime shortages and collapsed into a state of chaos and famine. Japan's political and military leaders, who had built their state on the German model, suddenly felt very vulnerable and vowed to follow a policy of self-sufficiency at all costs. But in their view, they could obtain self-sufficiency only through economic and/or political control over the resource-rich Asian mainland. Throughout the 1930s, Japanese armies rampaged through north China, organized the puppet state of Manchukuo, and then, in the summer of 1939, ran into a Russian army under Gen. Georgi Zhukov at the Mongolian border town of Nomonhan. Staggering away with 17,000 casualties from that disastrous encounter, the Japanese turned their eyes to more tempting opportunities to the south -- the orphaned French and Dutch colonies set adrift by Hitler's European conquests. But throughout this period, Japan's leaders failed to see that the military buildup associated with their self-sufficiency drive made Japan economically dependent on the one country that was bound to contest that buildup, the United States. In the late 1930s, the United States provided practically all of Japan's imports of critical materials -- 75 percent of its scrap iron, 60 percent of its machine tools, 93 percent of its copper, and above all, 80 percent of its petroleum imports. Japan seemed oblivious to the strong support throughout America for the beleaguered Chinese government and failed to see the conflict between its ever- greater dependence on American supplies and America's rapidly growing need o bolster its own rearmament program begun in response to Hitler's European triumphs. At a July 1941 Cabinet meeting, FDR agreed to impose export controls and to freeze all Japanese assets in this country. The system supposedly had some flexibility, but it soon hardened into a full-scale embargo on all trade with Japan. To the targeted nation, that was a casus belli. British and American editorialists had cheered loudly in 1904, when the plucky Japanese began the Russo-Japanese War with a surprise attack on Port Arthur in Manchuria. But editorialists had a different response in December 1941, when the Japanese fleet staged a similar surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. One military disaster after another quickly followed. As Winston Churchill said in his memoirs, "The violence, fury, skill and might of Japan far exceeded anything we had been led to expect." Yet only six months after Pearl Harbor, the tide turned inexorably. The Americans, who had broken the Japanese code, sank four irreplaceable aircraft carriers, and from then on Japan was on the defensive throughout the Pacific. If America's military and political leaders had been less myopic, they would have realized from the outset that Japan, as a resource-poor island nation, could not survive without access to overseas sources of oil and the other ingredients for making war. The best tool for cutting those supply lines was a first-rate submarine service, but that (alas) was unavailable for the first two years of war. Almost one-third of all submarine commanders were replaced during 1942 because of their excessive caution. Early torpedoes were useless, sailing below the target and failing to explode. (Since they cost $10,000 apiece, they were rarely used in training.) But finally everything came together, and by late 1944 Japan's fate was sealed. Aggressive sub commanders, using wolf pack tactics and very effective weaponry, reduced Japan's bulk imports by half and its oil imports to a trickle. With 140 submarines on patrol, America's "silent service," accounting for only 2 percent of total naval personnel, deserved a major share of the victory in the Great Pacific War. Along with the other major events of late 1944 -- the capture of the Marianas and the Battle of Leyte Gulf (the largest naval battle in history) -- the submarine victory decided the course of the war. If American policy-makers had been more rational, in late 1944 they would have tailored their policies to Japan's true situation as a defeated and isolated island nation. After the small fleet of American submarines had gained its stranglehold over Japan's lifeline, policy-makers should have suspended all other operations and waited patiently for Japan to negotiate a withdrawal from its overseas conquests. But considerations of this kind were ignored during the invasion-planning sessions in the Washington of 1945, and in the Smithsonian controversy in the Washington of 1995. More than half of the 101,000 American battle deaths of the great Pacific War occurred between the summer of 1944 and the summer of 1945 -- a figure roughly equal to all American deaths during the decadelong engagement with Vietnam. Japan's death toll was 25 times greater, and the great majority of those 2.5 million deaths occurred in the final desperate months. The crucial actors during that period were Gen. Curtis LeMay's bomber crews. A few years earlier, Americans had been outraged when German pilots killed about 1,000 civilians in the Basque town of Guernica -- the subject of Picasso's famous painting. But then, in 1945, they cheered to the rafters when American pilots turned hundreds of thousands of Japanese civilians into flaming torches with their firebombs in Tokyo and Osaka and their atom bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. And then, with the emperor's capitulation, Adm. William Halsey signaled the fleet, "The forces of righteousness and decency have triumphed." But as Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida noted in his first cabinet meeting, it is possible to lose a war and yet win a peace. Among other achievements, the American occupiers imposed a major land- reform program, which brought prosperity to the Japanese peasantry and thereby made it possible for conservative politicians to gain a one-party stranglehold over the national government. The American occupiers also wrote, in a week's time, a new Japanese constitution, which is now one of the world's oldest (and most popular). It contains a prohibition against most military activities. The American occupiers set Japan firmly on the road to postwar prosperity. In 1949, they sent a Detroit banker to administer a dose of root-canal economics, and the following year, with the onset of the Korean War, they flooded Japan with military contracts (Japan's "Marshall Plan"). The rest is (economic) history. With its export orientation, Japan has delighted generations of American consumers but brought despair to generations of American manufacturers -- and in the process has accumulated hundreds of billions of American IOUs. But all this could have been accomplished without the firebombing of Japanese cities and the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Victory, and Japan's post-war success, didn't require our compatriots 60 years ago to transform tens of thousands of families on Tokyo's streets into blazing torches. William M. Burke, a retired Federal Reserve economist, served in the Navy during the Normandy campaign and worked as a translator in Tokyo during the occupation period. Contact us at . Page B - 3 The San Francisco Chronicle] ***************************************************************** 45 SF Chronicle: Killing a golden age of nuclear research / Why the U.S. turned against the man most responsible for building the bomb Reviewed by Joshua Spivak Sunday, July 31, 2005 [J. Robert Oppenheimer in April 1963. Photo from "The Ruin...] The Ruin of J. Robert Oppenheimer And the Birth of the Modern Arms Race By Priscilla J. McMillan VIKING; 372 Pages; $25.95 Collectively, they created the deadliest weapon known to humanity, but for physicists and mathematicians, the World War II Los Alamos nuclear program was Camelot. In the New Mexico desert, some of the greatest minds in the history of science gathered to solve the nuclear puzzle with minimal political and social interference. Although the end of the war led to the exodus of many of the great scientists, it was Cold War politics, questions over technological priorities, debates over the morals of nuclear weaponry and simple personality clashes that brought about the end of a golden age. Now, 60 years after the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, a plethora of authors are revisiting this era, with a special focus on the leader of the atomic project, J. Robert Oppenheimer. After shepherding this scientific community to its great heights, Oppenheimer came under attack for his left-wing political leanings, his 1930s flirtation with communism, his occasionally lax security procedures and especially his opposition to the development of the hydrogen bomb. With a powerful array of enemies lined up against him, a great absurd and tragic decision was reached in June 1954: The man most responsible for the building of the bomb was stripped of his security clearance. In "The Ruin of J. Robert Oppenheimer and the Birth of the Modern Arms Race," Priscilla J. McMillan provides a readable and concise discussion of the campaign against Oppenheimer, as well as of the kangaroo-court hearing that led to his downfall. But the author overreaches with her claim that the Oppenheimer scandal was a major propellant in the growth of the nuclear arms race. McMillan opens with the case against Oppenheimer. She makes a cogent argument that although Oppenheimer had a radical prewar record -- not unusual among intellectuals -- and had several security lapses during the war, those problems were not serious enough to justify his later humiliation. She blames a loose amalgamation of motives and people for this shameful episode of American history. Among the most noteworthy were Edward Teller's personal grudges and grasping after glory; Atomic Energy Commission Chairman Lewis Strauss' seemingly visceral dislike of Oppenheimer; the McCarthyism hysteria; and rivalries between the Air Force and the rest of the government. Chief among McMillan's villains is Teller, now known as the father of the H-bomb and the Star Wars missile defense system and the most prominent scientist to take the stand against Oppenheimer. Teller is justly blamed for his backstabbing, his grabbing the credit for a critical idea that was necessary for the H-bomb and his willingness to sabotage a project if he was not directly in charge of it. McMillan spends a large section of the book detailing the flaws in Teller's proposed hyper (later hydrogen) bomb and why the scientific community thought it was both immoral and unrealistic to build. Supporters of the H-bomb blamed Oppenheimer, a charismatic leader, for the scientific community's opposition to the more powerful weapon. This event was the trigger for the campaign against Oppenheimer. But McMillan's respectful detailing of the scientific community's arguments for the impracticality of building the hydrogen bomb comes across as a bit strange when she leaves out the postscript: Teller was in fact correct about the feasibility of the hydrogen bomb, even if he was wrong on many of the specifics. Also, she glosses over any realistic discussion of whether the Soviet Union would hold off building such a weapon. The book also attempts to make an obvious tie to the contemporaneous McCarthy hearings. McMillan faults Eisenhower for trying to use the Oppenheimer affair as a shield against McCarthy's inquisitions but presents little evidence that Eisenhower or his senior advisers were thinking so strategically. Undoubtedly, the threat of McCarthy played a role in the president's behavior toward Oppenheimer, but from the case laid out by McMillan, it appears that Eisenhower, like many presidents before and since, was mainly guilty of allowing one of his appointees, Strauss, too much free rein. Among the many others coming in for criticism are the Bay Area's Ernest Lawrence and the famed Lawrence Livermore Labs. Lawrence is blamed for enabling Teller in his anti-Oppenheimer behavior, and, according to McMillan, the Livermore lab diluted the talent pool of physicists and helped create "the vast arsenal of superfluous nuclear weaponry that curses us today." The book really hits its stride once the trial of Oppenheimer -- actually an administrative hearing of the Atomic Energy Commission -- gets under way. The jury was stacked, and the hearing is presented as a procedural fiasco, one that managed to violate Oppenheimer's rights, not to mention all sense of fairness. McMillan describes how, during the hearing, the FBI put wiretaps on Oppenheimer's lawyers as they discussed the case and gave the results to the prosecution. She details how the commission trashed the national security policy that the whole process was allegedly meant to preserve by publicizing many national secrets. But even with the cards stacked against Oppenheimer, one of the commissioners wrote a vigorous dissent to the majority opinion. Indeed, McMillan's best work is her interviews with that dissenting commissioner, physicist Henry Smyth, who had proclaimed that he "was doing this for a fellow (Oppenheimer) I've never liked very much," and her presentation of the pressures that Strauss put on the other members to join him in the assault on Oppenheimer. The book has aspirations beyond providing a new look at the Oppenheimer trial, though. And here, in its attempt to link the birth of the modern arms race with the downfall of Oppenheimer and the building of the hydrogen bomb, McMillan falters. She closes the first part of the book with the supposition that there would be far fewer nuclear weapons, and the world would not have been on the brink of annihilation, if only the United States had attempted to negotiate with the Soviet Union rather than publicly announce its intention to move nuclear technology up a notch with the introduction of the H-bomb. However, the argument is not backed up with the facts that would lead a reader to believe that such an approach would have worked. In fact, McMillan says specifically: "As long as Stalin was still alive, negotiations would not have been successful." And when Harry Truman made the decision to go forward with the H-bomb in 1950, there was little reason for him to predict that Stalin would be dead three years later. But even with his death, events such as the launching of Sputnik and the crushing of the Hungarian government provided little reason to believe that the Soviet Union would have relented on its austere Cold War policy. McMillan, who is an associate at the Davis Center for Russian Studies at Harvard, may very well be able to show that the Soviets would have been amenable to more reasonable behavior, but she does not provide that evidence here. "The Ruin of J. Robert Oppenheimer" does a good job of highlighting a disturbing episode of American history, and showing how a critical figure and brilliant man was railroaded by an out-of-control government agency. But because of a lack of solid evidence, the work goes too far in trying to make a broader point about America's Cold War policies. Joshua Spivak is an attorney and media consultant in Berkeley and New York. Page F - 2 The San Francisco Chronicle] ***************************************************************** 46 Arizona Republic: The day we vaporized a city [Arizona Republic Online Print Edition] July 31, 2005 Today we shall ponder Hiroshima. This can be a dangerous thing, rhetorically speaking. Say "Hiroshima" and the battle instantly all but predictably begins. An unspeakable war crime, some assert. A pointless atrocity, a mass murder, history's ultimate act of racism. Remember Pearl Harbor, comes the anguished reply. If Japan didn't want Hiroshima to happen, Japan shouldn't have let Pearl Harbor happen. Besides, didn't Hiroshima end the war? Terrible, yes. But maybe Hiroshima died so others could live, countless others who'd have died had the United States been forced to invade Japan's home islands. These are vivid arguments pitched, sometimes in anger, across a great, unbridgeable divide defined by generation, by ideology, by national perspective. Arguments that kindle and crackle each time we approach the anniversary of the first time an earthly city ever lay vaporized by an atomic bomb. You should know at the outset, however, that this small contemplation will be about none of that. It would serve no purpose really. The men who made and dropped the bomb are all but vanished now. Even were they not, the deed cannot be undone. And who are we, anyway, to judge decisions made in the unimaginable crucible of history's most ghastly war? We weren't there. If we had been, who's to say we'd have done differently? So this is in regard to Hiroshima itself. Just Hiroshima. The city. The people. To serve, because six decades now have passed, as a reminder of what we humans have wrought from our incessant habit of hating and fighting and killing one another. And a warning of what yet could be. That is not to forget poor Nagasaki, whose suffering was no less hideous. But it's Hiroshima that stands as precedent, humanity's threshold into a nightmare world of the unthinkable. A confluence of singular wartime factors made it so, singling out Hiroshima as the laboratory for the grimmest of all experiments. With a few turns of the story here and there, however, it might have been some other city, in some other land. It could have been London, one supposes, had Hitler built a bomb of his own. Or Berlin, had D-Day failed. What seems unassailable is that it was almost bound to have been some city, somewhere. Once mankind began toying with this thing called radiation, once the airplane was invented and married to a merciless new kind of warfare that slew more civilians than soldiers, once the world had been numbed beyond all sense by the horrors of two global conflicts, once all that had come to pass, how could Hiroshima possibly not have? But why ponder Hiroshima alone when firestorms of unfathomable fury, touched off deliberately to terrify and immolate civilian populations, already had ravaged London and Dresden and Tokyo? Why ponder Hiroshima alone when so much of the Northern Hemisphere lay in tears and ashes that stricken summer? When 50 million already had died? When six endless years of warfare seemed only the precursor to yet more of it? Besides, did Hiroshima's dead suffer any more than the nameless GIs who burned with their tanks in the Ardennes? Or the poor Russians who starved in Leningrad? Or the skeletal victims of the Bataan Death March? Or those who went up the chimneys at Auschwitz? No, they did not. That must be admitted. Death is death, and pain is pain. And for the fortunate ones in Hiroshima, if such be called fortune, there was an all but oblivious passage to non-existence, a vaporization so swift the nerves had no time to scream what was happening. What made Hiroshima different, and what has clouded every day since, is this: Before Hiroshima, it required the active efforts of many men and many machines to deliver death en masse. It took hundreds, thousands, of individual machine guns and individual gunners to construct the vast piles of bodies that made World War I so memorably awful. It took armadas of hundreds of airplanes to drop enough incendiaries to level, say, a Tokyo. It took the deliberate, organized efforts of an industrial society, a massive infrastructure, thousands of participants and several years for the Third Reich to perpetuate the Holocaust. All it took for Hiroshima, after all the preliminaries were done, was one plane. And one bomb. The plane, a modified B-29 bomber named the Enola Gay, took off early on Aug. 6, 1945, from a Pacific island called Tinian, one of many the Americans had wrested from Japan during three years of sanguinary island-hopping warfare. One plane. Who in Hiroshima that Monday morning would worry about one plane, even an American one, when previous raids on Japanese cities had required so many planes as to darken the sky? The bomb, 10½ feet long and 9,700 pounds, drifted downward by parachute after dropping from the belly of the plane. It dropped five miles toward the heart of the city as Enola Gay raced away as fast as her huge engines could take her. One bomb. At 8:16:02 a.m. a cannon in one end of the bomb fired. It hurled a "bullet" made of uranium-235 into a target also made of U-235. Joining, the two lumps of U-235 achieved critical mass. Instantly, trillions of atoms were pulverized and the cataclysm was just as instantly expressed in a flash of blinding light and sunlike heat, followed by a shockwave more powerful than a hurricane. Just one bomb. It exploded in midair about a third of a mile above the courtyard of a hospital. Nobody anywhere near the blast survived. Nobody. The total death rate in those areas affected by the initial flash of heat and by the blast and by the firestorm that ensued was 54 percent, a far more efficient reaping of human lives than had ever been achieved by "conventional means," ghastly as many of those were. The histories break the overall picture down into one of myriad individual ones, any of which could have leaped from a Stephen King novel. A living man, holding his own eyeball in the palm of his hand. A man with his feet blown off, walking on the bloody stumps. A baby and its mother, dead of burns, the baby still at its mother's breast. Legions of people, their burned flesh hanging off in strips, heading to the river to die. Their stories are in the books, in the archives, on the Internet. They render Stephen King superfluous. More than that, author Richard Rhodes says in his monumental The Making of the Atomic Bomb, it was civilization itself that vanished that morning. "Destroyed, that is, were not only men, women and thousands of children but also restaurants and inns, laundries, theater groups, sports clubs, sewing clubs, boys clubs, girls clubs, love affairs, trees and gardens, grass, gates, gravestones, temples and shrines, family heirlooms, radios, classmates, books, courts of law, clothes, pets, groceries and markets, telephones, personal letters, automobiles, bicycles, horses - 120 warhorses - musical instruments, medicines and medical equipment, life savings, eyeglasses, city records, sidewalks, family scrapbooks, monuments, engagements, marriages, employees, clocks and watches, public transportation, parents, works of art." Just one bomb. In one instant of time. Being the perverse creatures we are, we - humanity in general, that is - busied ourselves in the years that followed making even more of these things. Thousands, tens of thousands more of them, possessing ever greater sophistication and potential deadliness. One thermonuclear device, tested in the atmosphere before such tests were outlawed, produced a fireball - just the fireball, mind you - 3 miles wide. What if one of those went off some afternoon in the air over Phoenix? What if hundreds of them did, above cities all over the world? Treaties notwithstanding, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists reported in 2002 that the world's nuclear powers still had 30,000 warheads stockpiled. About 17,500 were considered operational. The Bulletin's famed "doomsday clock," which has measured the scientists' assessment of the threat level since 1947, now stands at seven minutes to midnight. A significant rollback anytime soon seems unlikely, given the jittery state of things. What will come of it all? Maybe nothing. Maybe Hiroshima and its sister in death, Nagasaki, were just aberrations. Maybe it will never happen again. Maybe these past 60 years of human survival mean we can just plunge indefinitely, obliviously and blithely onward. Maybe. But to count on plain dumb luck to give us 60 more such years hardly seems like policy. We have a right to expect more than that from the smart characters who presume to lead us. Meanwhile, Hiroshima cannot be allowed to fade. For Hiroshima was more than a far-away city in a strange and foreign land. Far more than just another casualty in a vast and pitiless war. Far more than a historical accident, now of the long ago and thence of no consequence. Hiroshima is humanity. Hiroshima is us. Staff writer Gary Nelson can be reached at gary.nelson@arizonarepublic.comor (602) 444-7969. Copyright © 2005, azcentral.com. All rights reserved. ***************************************************************** 47 SF Chronicle: HIROSHIMA: The birth of nuclear warfare / 50,000 survivors Some Hiroshima residents still carry the scars of the living hell that rained down on the city John Flinn, Chronicle Staff Writer Sunday, July 31, 2005 [Hiroshima. Chronicle graphic Todd Trumbull and Joe Shoulak] [Victims of the blast wait for first aid in the southern p...] [Michiko Yamaoka was 15 years old and walking to her job a...] [The devastation in Hiroshima after an atomic bomb was dro...] Hiroshima -- At 8:15 a.m. , Michiko Yamaoka, 15, had just left her home and was walking to her job at the Hiroshima Central Telephone office, where she worked as a switchboard operator. There had been an air-raid warning earlier Sunday, Aug. 6, 1945, but at 7: 31 a.m. the all-clear siren had sounded. Yamaoka hurried through a corridor where homes and shops were being demolished to create a fire break. American B- 29s had been raining firebombs mercilessly on Japan's other cities, and no one knew why Hiroshima had so far been spared. But everyone believed an attack was coming. A mile away, on a little hill to the west, 16-year-old Yoshinori Obayashi was bent over a lathe in a makeshift workshop, fashioning parts for torpedoes. A senior in high school, Obayashi and his classmates had been mobilized to work in munitions factories. He'd just been transferred from the Tenma-cho factory in the city center to the temporary shop in Koi on the town's western outskirts -- a move that would save his life. At the same moment, 8-year-old Sakae Okuda was flinging open the front door of his home. Like other Hiroshima schoolchildren, he'd been evacuated to the countryside, and he'd spent the last few months living in a Buddhist temple at Hatsukaichi, 25 miles away. His grandmother had been sent along to take care of him, but she'd fallen ill. So early on the morning of Aug. 6, they rode a train back to town and then a tram to their neighborhood. Okuda's grandmother went immediately to the Furusawa Clinic next door to their home, and the boy pushed open his front door and called to his older brother. Today in Hiroshima, there live 50,000 people who were there the day the atomic bomb exploded. Their generation is dying off, and many refuse to speak about the bomb. Others are eager to tell their stories as living witnesses of nuclear war. Three of them recently spoke with a Chronicle writer. Hiroshima was one of four possible targets -- the others were Kokura, Niigata and Nagasaki -- but the skies over Hiroshima were clear that morning. At 2:45 a.m., a B-29 bomber, the Enola Gay (named for the pilot's mother), had taken off from Tinian Island in the Mariana Islands with the chubby, 12- foot-long bomb named Little Boy on board. At 15 seconds past 8:15 a.m. over Hiroshima, the Enola Gay's bomb-bay doors swung open and out fell Little Boy, aimed at the unique T-shaped Aioi Bridge in the center of the city. Forty-three seconds later, the pilot, Col. Paul Tibbets, recalled that he felt a tingling in his teeth -- what he believed were his fillings reacting to the bomb's radioactive forces. Hurrying to her job at the telephone company, Michiko Yamaoka was half a mile from ground zero. "I heard an airplane overhead and I looked up and put my hand up to shield my eyes from the sun," she said. "Then I saw a tremendous flash of light -- a bluish, yellowish flash. We called it pika-don -- flash and sound. I don't remember hearing anything. But ever since then I've been deaf in my left ear, so there must have been a sound." Just as none of the five survivors interviewed by John Hersey for his book "Hiroshima" remembered hearing the explosion, none of those we spoke to could recall the sound, either. "Almost immediately my face started to bloat," Yamaoka said. "I thought I'd been hit directly by a bomb and I was going to die. I said to myself, 'Goodbye, mother!' " In Obayashi's makeshift factory, a mile and a half from ground zero, someone shouted and Obayashi turned to look out the window. "A pale color shone. It was double the intensity of ordinary morning light," he said. "All of a sudden there was a tremendous blast and I fell to the ground. I was knocked down as the building fell in on top of me." Young Sakae Okuda's home was six-tenths of a mile from ground zero. He had just walked in through his front door and called out, "I'm home!" His brother, who was two years older, came out from the back room and said, "Welcome home!" "At that exact moment I saw the flash," he said. "It was reddish-blue. I was knocked unconscious. The house collapsed on me, and later, when I came to, I had to struggle to get out of the debris. "The sky was dark, and things were falling from it -- pieces of roofs and debris. It was so quiet." Fifteen-year-old Yamaoka also lost consciousness for some time -- maybe 15 or 20 minutes, she thinks. "Finally I heard someone crying, 'Help me!' and I knew I wasn't dead," she said. "I was trapped under something. My legs were sticking out of the debris. I cried, 'Help me! Help me! Mother, teacher, help me!' "Then I heard my mother calling my name, and I yelled, 'Mother, I'm here, I'm here!' She couldn't get me out by herself. I heard someone yell, 'Lady, the fire's coming. Run for your life.' I could hear the flames crackling. "But my mother wouldn't leave me. A soldier helped her move some things and I was able to crawl out. "All around me was truly a living hell. The people didn't look like human beings. They were naked, their hair was singed and their skin was peeling off. I saw a person on the ground without a head. People's intestines were spilling out of their bodies. People were dying right in front of me. They were screaming, 'Give me water!' People were jumping into the river." The factory where Obayashi was working was flattened, but it was a temporary building, a barracks, and the roof and walls weren't heavy. As they fell, they were stopped by the heavy machinery. Obayashi, unhurt, was able to crawl outside. "I looked back at the city and the mushroom cloud was rising up so big, so high into the air. I was so close I couldn't see the whole thing. The whole city was in flames. A little while later people started arriving from the city center. Everyone was horribly burned. We knew then that something terribly, terribly bad had happened." As 8-year-old Okuda pulled himself out of the debris of his fallen house and stumbled toward the streetcar tracks, he heard his brother's voice. "He was still trapped under the house," Okuda said. "What could I do? I was just a little child. I looked around for someone who could help. All around people were lying on the ground. Their hair was burned and their faces were black. Pieces of glass and wood were sticking out of their blistered faces. Everyone was naked and burned. I couldn't ask them to help my brother. "I could still hear my brother yelling, 'Please! Help me!' A woman who was maybe 20 or 25 came by and took my hand and told me I had to escape. I cried and asked her to help my brother. She told me a big American bomb had just exploded. She didn't know what kind it was. She was bleeding on her shoulder, and a bone was sticking out. I tried to go back to my brother but she didn't let me go. "Dazed people were walking with their arms extended out in front of them, with the skin peeling right off their arms and the tips of their fingers like zombies in the movies. Skin was hanging off their faces. They were walking and crawling without saying anything. "I tried to pull away, but the woman insisted I come with her. 'Maybe there will be another bomb,' she said. We passed a streetcar engulfed in flames. People were crouching around it. They didn't have the energy to move. I was scared. I saw so many people terribly burned. The woman kept pulling me to go with her, away from my brother." Yamaoka and her mother fled toward Hijiyama Hill, where there was a military encampment. "I passed a friend and she didn't recognize my bloated face. It was then that I started to feel the pain from my burns. When I got to the military base I lay down and someone put tempura oil on my burns. There were so many people on the ground who were dead and dying that you had to call out, 'Help me!' to let them know you were still alive. If you stopped screaming they assumed you were dead. There were people all around me on the brink of death, and already they were covered with maggots. "I told my mother I wanted to die at home on my tatami mat, not here on the ground. She told me our house was gone. There was nothing to go back to. People told me that if I drank the water I'd die, so I drank lots and lots of it. I wanted to die." Half an hour after the explosion, a strange rain began falling on the city. Soot and debris from the explosion had risen high into the atmosphere with the mushroom cloud, mixed with radioactive particles and then fallen back onto the city as a thick, oily, sticky black rain. It was highly radioactive. Outside the remains of his factory, Obayashi and a co-worker took shelter under a piece of tin roof. "It was a torrential rain, falling in huge, black drops, and we didn't want to get wet," he said. "We didn't know about black rain, didn't know it was dangerous. Getting under that piece of tin probably saved our lives." He tried to spend the night in a dormitory with other survivors, but the stink of burned, rotting flesh was overpowering. "I couldn't stand it so I went outside and watched the flames from Hiroshima painting the sky. I stayed up all night looking at it." The next day, he and some others went back to the city center to distribute some rice balls they'd made. But they had to abandon their cart because the streets were blocked with corpses. They reached the Tenma-cho factory, where Obayashi had originally been assigned to work, and found half- dead people, their skin gone and flesh hanging off their bones, crouching under pieces of tin and wood to escape the heat of the sun. "Someone yelled 'air raid!' and those of us who could hurried into an air- raid shelter. I'll never forget it: Inside was a pile of dead bodies. Their hair was standing on end, and their skin was black and red. Their arms were stiff, the skin peeled off, and their hands were reaching for the sky. We went to the next shelter, and the next, and they were all filled with the same thing." Okuda never was able to go back for his brother. Refusing to let go of his hand, the woman walked him nearly 3 miles to the Kusatsu elementary school southwest of the city center, which was serving as an evacuation center. She turned the boy over to the teachers and vanished. "Later, I looked for the woman, but I never saw her again, and I never knew her name," he said. "If I could meet her today I'd like to thank her for saving me. But I still cry when I think about my brother." With most of his family dead or dying in Hiroshima's city center, the 8- year-old stood all alone in the school's playground that night and watched his city burn. Today Okuda, 68, looks the picture of health, with a full head of black hair and a solid physique. But, like so many other Hiroshima survivors, the effects of the radiation are still with him. Six days after the bombing, he came down with a high fever and fell into unconsciousness for four days. His hair fell out, he bled from his nose and gums, and purple spots broke out all over his body. Many others died from similar symptoms, but Okuda survived. He doesn't know why. Okuda went on to a prosperous career in sales for a construction company, but 19 years ago he came down with liver disease and jaundice. He had to have his gall bladder removed. A legacy of the radiation? He doesn't know. Three days after the bombing, Obayashi, now 76, returned to his family home, 20 miles outside Hiroshima. That night his father died of tuberculosis, unrelated to the A-bomb. To care for his family, Obayashi went to work after the war for a company that made rationing coupons for sake. His son lives in Los Angeles and works for Toshiba. Yamaoka, 75, is still scarred. Her fingernails curve off her fingers at odd angles, and the skin on her hands is puffy and red. She can't twist the plastic cap off a bottle of water, and when someone snaps a picture of her, the flash makes her wince. "I can't help it," she said. "It always reminds me of that day." She's undergone 27 skin grafts and other operations, in Japan and the United States. Yamaoka developed breast cancer years ago, and now has thyroid cancer. She has chosen to let it run its course. "I just can't go through another operation," she said. All three now spend their days working for nuclear disarmament, lobbying world leaders, giving talks at the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum and telling their stories as living witnesses of nuclear war. E-mail John Flinn at jflinn@sfchronicle.com. Page B - 1 The San Francisco Chronicle] ***************************************************************** 48 SF Chronicle: HIROSHIMA: The birth of nuclear warfare / How the U.S. got to Dr. Strangelove / Nuclear weapons changed the world [San Francisco Chronicle] William S. Kowinski Sunday, July 31, 2005 [Robert Oppenheimer. Associated Press File Photo, 1963] [Edward Teller. Photo courtesy of the Library of Congress] [The cruiser Indianapolis took the bomb destined for Hiros...] On July 16, 1945, the cruiser Indianapolis sailed from Hunters Point Naval Shipyard in San Francisco, carrying one 15-foot crate. Inside were the components for the first atomic bomb destined to be dropped on a city. It was being shipped to Tinian Island in the western Pacific, and its final destination a few weeks later would be Hiroshima. It left San Francisco just four hours after the first successful atomic bomb test in history, in the New Mexico desert. Sixty years is a long time to keep even such an immense memory alive, but several books published recently bring these events into sharper focus than ever before. Several are biographies of key figures like Robert Oppenheimer and Edward Teller, but one is billed as a biography of the bomb itself. "The Bomb: A Life" by Gerard DeGroot (Harvard University Press), professor of modern history at the University of St. Andrews in Scotland, benefits from newly available records, especially concerning the Soviet nuclear program. But mostly it is a skillfully condensed narrative of the nuclear era, fascinating in the selection of details and riveting in its revelations of how possessing nuclear weapons changed those involved, and changed America. On the day of that first test in July 1945, no one knew what would happen. About half the scientists didn't think the device would explode at all. Enrico Fermi was taking bets that it would burn off the Earth's atmosphere. It did explode, with such brightness that a woman blind from birth traveling in a car some distance away saw it. "A colony on Mars, had such a thing existed, could have seen the flash," DeGroot writes. "All living things within a mile were killed, including all insects." America was now in sole possession of the most powerful weapon in history. The first effect of the bomb was in Potsdam, Germany, where President Harry Truman was conferring with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin, premier of the Soviet Union, then an ally in the war against Japan. After Truman received the news of the successful test, he was "a changed man" and "generally bossed the whole meeting," according to Churchill. That the second bomb left San Francisco on the day the first was tested suggests the momentum to use it. Whether dropping the bomb was necessary to secure Japan's surrender before an invasion became necessary is still being debated. DeGroot believes that Japan was looking for a way to surrender in June and July. But there were other considerations, mostly to do with demonstrating American power, especially to the Soviet Union. Using the bomb quickly became a test of patriotism. "For most Manhattan Project scientists the bomb was a deterrent, not a weapon," DeGroot writes. Physicist Leo Szilard had done as much as anyone to try to persuade FDR to develop the bomb because Germany was doing so. But on the day after that first test, he sent government officials a petition signed by 69 project scientists arguing that to use the bomb would ignite a dangerous arms race and damage America's postwar moral position, especially its ability to bring "the unloosed forces of destruction under control." The petition was ignored, and Gen. Leslie Groves, the senior military official in charge of the project, began making a case that Szilard was a security risk. It's a pattern that would be repeated often. DeGroot places the decision to drop the bomb on Japan in the context of the brutalization that occurred during the long years of World War II, with an unprecedented scope of savagery on both sides. The bombing of civilians and cities, morally unthinkable in the West before the war, became a major feature of it by its final years, long past the time many military targets were left. Gen. Groves, he writes, was worried that Japan might surrender before the bomb could be dropped. Hiroshima was selected as the primary target because it had no allied POW camps. However, there were nearly 5,000 American children in the city -- "mainly children sent to Japan after their parents, U.S. citizens of Japanese origin, had been interred." It seems likely some of those children were from San Francisco. The nuclear era began with the secrecy of the Manhattan Project, which is perhaps partly why it was accompanied throughout its history by lies and denial. It began with Hiroshima. As many as 75,000 people died in the first blast and fire. But in five years the death toll would reach 200,000 because of what the U.S. government denied existed: lethal radiation. Even after the hydrogen bomb was developed in the 1950s (so powerful that the first test vaporized an island and created a mile wide crater 175 feet deep), the untruths continued. In 1954, Dr. David Bradley reported on 406 Pacific islanders exposed to H-bomb fallout: nine children were born retarded, 10 more with other abnormalities, and three were stillborn, including one reported to be "not recognizable as human." Such information was denied or routinely suppressed through all the years of testing, even on U.S. soil. Groves even told Congress that death from radiation was "very pleasant." Even after the war, criticizing the bomb in any way became a threat to national security, an act of disloyalty that only helped the communist enemy. And so people were silent and compliant, and streamed into air-conditioned theatres to see movies about monsters created by atomic radiation. This extreme weapon prompted extreme and contrary emotions, often within the same people. Some of the same Los Alamos scientists who cheered madly at the first news of Hiroshima were later shell-shocked with regret. Gen. Omar Bradley called his contemporaries "nuclear giants and ethical infants." Yet he pushed for developing the hydrogen bomb. This peculiar combination of denial plus the immense power of thousands of bombs contributed to an era of deadly absurdities: the age of Dr. Strangelove. Yet reality was not so different, right down to the preposterously appropriate names: the head of the Strategic Air Command, Gen. Tommy Power, gave his philosophy of nuclear war in 1960: "At the end of the war, if there are two Americans and one Russian, we win!" The warp in American political life created by the bomb might be summarized in two statements. "In order to make the country bear the burden," said President Dwight Eisenhower's secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, referring to the Cold War arms race, "we have to create an emotional atmosphere akin to a wartime psychology. We must create the idea of a threat from without." The second is more famous, but perhaps its connection to the bomb and its effect on America has been forgotten: Eisenhower's farewell address. "We have been compelled to create a permanent arms industry of vast proportions," he said. "We must not fail to comprehend its vast implications. ... We must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist." William S. Kowinski is a writer in Arcata. Contact us at insight@sfchronicle.com. Page B - 1 The San Francisco Chronicle] ***************************************************************** 49 SF Chronicle: HIROSHIMA: The birth of nuclear warfare / Nazi nuke program spurred U.S. A-bomb development [San Francisco Chronicle] Cynthia Bass Sunday, July 31, 2005 Intelligence mistakes are as old as government itself. Sixty years ago this week, an example of botched intelligence about weapons of mass destruction far more egregious than in Iraq led to dropping an atomic bomb on Hiroshima. This tragic tale began in April 1933, when Nazi Minister of the Interior Wilhelm Frick -- later hanged at Nuremberg as a war criminal -- announced a batch of new laws designed to remove non-Aryans from the civil service. This included all professors at Germany's great universities. The result was a huge exodus of talent, as hundreds of non-Aryans -- that is, Jews -- left for positions abroad, mostly in the United States. The academic discipline most affected by this diaspora was physics, where nearly one-fourth of all instructors were Jewish or of Jewish heritage. These fleeing German-Jewish physicists took with them a sizable chunk of the major brains of the post-Newtonian revolution. They also took with them a tremendous respect for German science and an equally tremendous fear of the Nazis, who had so readily spit on them and all their accomplishments. Even more importantly, they carried with them an unyielding distrust of their Aryan physicist brethren who had failed to utter a single protest over their dismissals. Of course, the study of physics in Nazi Germany did not stop after the April decrees. Far from it. For even if you kick out one-fourth of your physicists, you still have plenty left -- and this meant a lot of talent. Some of this talent -- Nobel laureates Philipp Lenard and Johannes Stark, for example -- were ardent and outright Nazis. The majority, though, were politically neutral. The physicist epitomizing this neutrality was Nobel laureate Werner Heisenberg, most famous for his insight into quantum mechanics called the uncertainty principle (that it is impossible to predict with absolute certainty where an atom will be). An ardent nationalist, though never a Nazi (the Nazis disliked him enough to sic the SS on him), Heisenberg not only stayed in Germany when he could have easily left, he eventually headed the Reich's atom bomb research. This neutrality displayed by their one-time compatriots greatly disturbed the émigré physicists as they watched the Nazi contagion spreading over their homeland. This concern turned into near panic in early 1939, when articles in the German scientific journal Naturwissenschaften and its English counterpart Nature rocked physics. These articles concerned an experiment performed in Berlin on Dec. 19, 1938, six weeks after Kristallnacht, by radiochemist Otto Hahn. He had been bombarding uranium with slow neutrons, expecting to produce radium. Instead he produced barium, a totally different element. Confused, he sent his results to his former partner, Jewish physicist Lise Meitner, now in exile in Sweden. Meitner was not confused. Realizing Hahn had split a uranium atom, Meitner began to calculate the energy released by this fission, becoming known as the Jewish Mother of the Atomic Bomb, an honorific she despised. Meitner determined that the process released 200 million electron volts, an enormous amount of energy from a single atom. Both Hahn and Meitner published the following month. By the end of January, the details of both articles were known throughout physics and had appeared in the New York Times. Fission had been discovered. It now was theoretically possible to create a self-sustaining nuclear chain reaction -- and an atomic bomb. The émigré physicists shuddered. Six years earlier, when the Reich was still young and in the process of testing its own power, their Aryan brethren had watched the expulsions in silence. Surely they would not have the guts to stand up and say no if asked by Hitler to build an atomic bomb. Thus did the fateful combination of respect for German physics and distrust of German physicists drive Albert Einstein and his compatriots, just as war erupted, to write a letter of warning to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. That led to the creation of the Manhattan Project. the top-secret Allied effort to build the atomic bomb before what the refugees feared most of all could happen: that Hitler would build it first. For three years, Heisenberg and his Uranium Club made sporadic progress toward a self-sustained chain reaction designed to breed plutonium for an atomic bomb. But in June 1942, Albert Speer, Minister of Armament and War Production, asked Heisenberg pointedly whether this newfangled weapon, which was costing the Reich a lot of money, was going to be ready anytime soon. In typical fashion, Heisenberg dithered and said probably not -- but could he please keep getting the money anyway, just in case? From then on, the Uranium Club was engaged in research only. It never produced a reactor, let alone an atomic bomb. But with no Allied spies inside the German bomb projects, neither the émigré physicists nor the governments that had taken them in knew how poorly the Nazi A-bomb project was doing. They acted on what they did know (or thought they knew): The brilliance of German physics, combined with the already well-demonstrated compliance of German physicists, equaled an excellent chance for a German nuclear arsenal. It was this intelligence failure that drove the Manhattan Project. Confident the Germans were progressing rapidly in this arms race and ignorant of the true state of their research, one month after Speer's talk with Heisenberg, the Manhattan Project was kicked into high gear. In May 1945, Germany surrendered, and soon afterward we learned how hollow their bomb program was. But by then it was too late. In July 1945, the United States successfully detonated a test bomb. And on Aug. 6, 1945, the technical marvel that resulted from this botched intelligence was dropped on Hiroshima. Cynthia Bass is an East Bay historian and author. Contact us at insight@sfchronicle.com. Page B - 3 The San Francisco Chronicle] ***************************************************************** 50 SF Chronicle: TWO CENTS / Who will be the next to use a nuclear bomb? [San Francisco Chronicle] Sunday, July 31, 2005 Eugene Veklerov, Albany In this age of globalization, it must be an international project. It will be conceived by Egyptians and financed by Saudis. Equipment will be stolen by Russians, assembled by Iranians and planted by Pakistanis. Most of the victims will be Germans and the whole thing will be blamed on Israelis.. Gene Boscacci, San Francisco China. They disregard the environment, human rights, etc., in a totalitarian government. They are an economic stalwart whose agenda is to utilize resources to make them a dominant global leader, with enough military power to defend a "first strike" when they choose this alternative. . Parker Gibbs, San Francisco I think it will come from a terrorist cell and "God" will somehow be behind it. Although you can never count out the North Koreans. They are looking formidable in this event, and as long as they have Kim Jong Il, they have a good shot to be next. However, never discount the Americans. We were the first, and we are still No. 1 when it comes to dropping the Big One.. Marilyn Cosentino, San Francisco Al Qaeda -- on Aug. 6, the anniversary of Hiroshima.. Paul Larudee, El Cerrito Only Israel can use nuclear weapons with impunity. It is protected by the world's only superpower and is small enough that neighbors would not want retaliation for fear of nuclear fallout. If the U.S. plans to use nuclear weapons, it will ask Israel to do so on its behalf.. Dan Yee, San Francisco Which countries have developed nuclear bombs recently? China, North Korea and India. They have the capability to set off nuclear weapons since they have not signed the pact to ban the use of nuclear weapons for mass destruction.. Scott Asnault, San Bruno Some random freak who hates the world. Kind of like the random guy in FX Networks' TV movie "Small Pox." No real allegiance to anyone, just hates the world or whatever country she or he happens to want destroyed. Two Cents is a pool of Bay Area residents we tap for comments and anecdotes. Columns are a representative sampling of responses to questions we pose via e-mail. To join the pool, e-mail us at twocents@sfchronicle.com. Page B - 2 The San Francisco Chronicle] ***************************************************************** 51 APP.COM: HIROSHIMA/NAGASAKI: 60 YEARS LATER Asbury Park Press Sixty years ago, President Harry S. Truman's decision to drop atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki led to the Japanese surrender that ended World War II. In the first part of a two-day series, local veterans recall the devastation. Published in the Asbury Park Press 07/31/05 BY KIRK MOORE STAFF WRITER COMING MONDAY U.S. troops close in. Amid the frightening, desert-like landscapes and piles of rubble, Americans who were at Hiroshima and Nagasaki a few weeks after the nuclear attacks saw images that survive like gruesome snapshots in their memories. "There was a bridge over the river in Hiroshima. When we got there, there was an image of a body burned into the concrete," said Roy Cohen, a former Navy photographer. In his old black-and-white images of a blasted industrial building, "all the steel was leaning, like in a strong wind." "It was absolutely unbelievable. It scared the hell out of me. We all felt the same way," said Cohen, 78, of Hazlet. "We were just damned glad it was us who had dropped it and not them." In the 60th anniversary year of the end of World War II, a dwindling band of veterans now in their late 70s and 80s are the last links to the great Pacific campaign. In a hopscotch of bloody island battles, they brought American air power and the world's first nuclear bombs — dropped on Aug. 6 and 9, 1945, on Hiroshima and Nagasaki — within striking distance. At Nagasaki, "there was hardly a soul around, just some Japanese police. We set up our machine guns because we didn't know what to expect," said Ralph Ruocco, who was a Marine gunner in the first unit that landed in September 1945. Passing the city's Mitsubishi plant, a primary target for the 22-kiloton bomb, Ruocco noticed its bare, towering girders were all twisted, "like drill bits that had come up through a piece of wood." Marine Capt. Victor Campi remembered the most substantial ruin he saw was a church, a reminder of St. Francis Xavier and his 16th-century mission that helped establish a substantial Catholic population in Nagasaki. "In this one church, I thought I saw the silhouette of a human being," he said. In the hills above Nagasaki, the Marines found something else: man-made caverns holding weapons factories, arms and ammunition, and new aircraft the Japanese held in reserve for massive suicide attacks planned against an anticipated American invasion fleet. An image in Ruocco's collection of books and photographs shows Japanese aircraft stacked like logs, burning in an open field as the Marines destroyed all the war materiel they could find. Like other veterans, Ruocco, 79, of Hazlet, says his own experience and recent histories of the last months of World War II leave him convinced the atomic bombs saved far more lives than historians' estimate of the death toll, between 100,000 and 200,000. "On every island, they fought to the bitter end. So what could you expect when you went to their homeland?" recalled Campi, 87, of Little Silver, who'd started with the Marines on Guadalcanal as they began pushing the Japanese back. The bombings "saved us at least a million casualties," he said. "If it wasn't for the atom bomb, I don't think I'd be here today." President Harry S. Truman's decision to drop the bombs remains a turning point in how Americans think about their history and national character. Today, the debate even bubbles up in the nation's left-right political divide, much as the Vietnam War still hangs heavy. Truman's decision was dissected again during the Vietnam War and the late 1970s. Some alleged the 1945 bombing was symptomatic of American racial antipathy toward Asians, or part of the coming Cold War strategy to intimidate the Soviet Union. "The justification for these atrocities was that this would end the war quickly, making unnecessary an invasion of Japan," historian Howard Zinn wrote in his 1980 "A People's History of the United States." "These estimates of invasion losses were not realistic, and seemed to have been pulled out of the air to justify bombings which, as their effects became known, horrified more and more people," Zinn contended, citing conflicting wartime estimates that Japan might have collapsed by the end of 1945. Facing death again In August 1981, University of Pennsylvania English Professor Paul Fussell published an essay in The New Republic magazine relating his own experience, as a second lieutenant wounded in Europe who recovered, only to face death again in a planned invasion of Japan. Fussell's provocative title expressed what many veterans thought: "Thank God for the Atomic Bomb." In midsummer 1945, "Allied casualties were running to over 7,000 per week," Fussell wrote. "Two weeks more means 14,000 more killed and wounded, three weeks more, 21,000. Those weeks mean the world if you're one of those thousands or related to one of them." After more than a year and a half in combat, Arthur Smith of Ocean Township recalled how as a 19-year-old soldier he trained with his Army heavy mortar unit in the Philippines for an invasion of Japan. "They issued us these burp guns" — .45 caliber M3 submachine guns used in close-quarters combat, said Smith, 80. A week before the war ended, the soldiers still were being attacked at night by Japanese holdouts. They knew what fighting on Japanese soil would be like, he said. "They said we killed around 3,000 Japanese at Leyte" in the Philippines, Smith said. "They just came on in banzai attacks. It was crazy." As secrecy classifications lapsed and wartime decoding secrets became available in the 1980s and 1990s, historians could delve again into what Truman and his military leaders thought about the prospects for defeating Japan with conventional weapons. Although decrypted Japanese diplomatic communiques lent support to arguments that some officials in Tokyo favored peace, Japanese military communications clearly showed accelerating plans for a cataclysmic battle around Kyushu, the southernmost major island of the Japanese homeland, according to author Richard B. Frank in his 1999 book "Downfall: The End of the Imperial Japanese Empire." As for the much-debated calculus over how many lives were saved on balance by ending the war in mid-August, Frank added another projection. Besides the troops, prisoners of war and captive civilians who were dying under Japanese occupation, tens of thousands of Japanese civilians had already perished in massive firebombings of their cities. Many more would have died in air raids and from starvation had the air campaign and sea blockade of the islands continued through 1945, Frank argued. To American decision makers, "alternatives to the atomic bombs carried no guarantee that they would end the war or reduce the amount of human death and suffering," he wrote. Teen gunner saw cloud Navy airman Edward Chapman of Barnegat was an 18-year-old gunner and radioman on a Martin patrol bomber, or PBM — flying boats whose crews were assigned to rescue downed pilots at sea. "Landings in the open ocean were extremely difficult. When you're up at 10,000 feet the sea looks flat, but when you got down to sea level you could be dealing with 20- or 30-foot waves," recalled Chapman, 78. If sea conditions didn't permit a landing, the PBM crew could at least drop a life raft and circle until a submarine arrived to pick up the survivor, he said. On Aug. 9, 1945, Chapman's plane was patrolling between 30 and 50 miles off Kyushu. The crew didn't see the initial fireball of the explosion, but as they drew closer, there was no mistaking what had happened over Nagasaki, he said. "We were at about 8,000 feet and flew all around that mushroom cloud," he said. "We knew it was another atom bomb." Capturing the northern Mariana Islands had given American forces a base for the new B-29 bomber to strike directly at the Japanese homeland. The Marines first landed on the island of Saipan in June 1944, then turned their attention to Tinian — a neighboring island about the size of Manhattan — as soon as major resistance was quelled on Saipan, former Marines recall. "It took us approximately 28 days to clean up Saipan," said Walter Bernacki, 79, of Eatontown. Bernacki said he was wounded in the hands by fragments from a shell that mangled the legs of a Marine behind him. The injury didn't keep Bernacki out of the assault on Tinian. "The beach was only four amtracs wide," he said, referring to the tank-like amphibious tractors the Marines rode into Tinian. As Bernacki and other Marines scrambled up the beach, his amtrac backed up over a mine, and was blown to pieces. Right behind the Marines came Navy construction battalions, or Seabees, to begin preparing Saipan and Tinian as bases. On Saipan, machine gunner Ralph Ruocco patrolled the hills in search of Capt. Sakae Oba, a Japanese officer who with a band of survivors continued to elude and attack Marines before surrendering four months after the war's end. "From Mount Tapotchau we could see the B-29s taking off from Tinian," said Ruocco, 79, of Hazlet. The atomic attacks happened while he was on a two-week patrol. "We didn't even know the war was over until we got down to the base camp," Ruocco said. "It's very possible that one of those planes we saw was the one that dropped the bomb." Campi and his Marines had been practicing high-angle firing with their cannons, anticipating the mountain-by-mountain fighting expected on Kyushu. They were loading at Saipan for the invasion Aug. 15, 1945, "when we heard a lot of loudspeakers in the hills, telling whatever Japanese were in hiding . . .," Campi said, "that the war was over." Kirk Moore: (732) 557-5728 the Asbury Park Press ***************************************************************** 52 toledoblade.com: 60TH ANNIVERSARY OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI Article published Sunday, July 31, 2005 1st use of the atomic bomb divides Americans Historians hasten to collect memories of aging veterans from World War II [Photo] Retired art teacher Arthur Koskinen, 87, of Perrysburg fought in World War II. ( THE BLADE/ALYSSA SCHUKAR ) By JEREMY LEMER BLADE STAFF WRITER Arthur Koskinen remembers exactly where he was 60 years ago when he learned that America had dropped the first atomic bomb on the Japanese city of Hiroshima. He remembers the canvas tents at the camp on Guam and the men of the 3rd Marine Division - men he had fought alongside during the bloody battle for Iwo Jima months earlier - huddled around their radios and the thoughts that flashed through his head when President Harry Truman announced the news. "It was a two-fold feeling," the 87-year-old Marine veteran and retired art teacher from Perrysburg recalled of that moment in World War II. "You knew the war was going to be over now, but you couldn't help thinking about the people who were on the receiving end of it. War is horrible anyhow." Mr. Koskinen was among thousands of Toledo-area residents who helped shape the events that led to victory over Japan in the Pacific in early August, 1945, and the end of World War II. Among them were research scientists trained at local colleges who helped design the atomic bomb; battle-scarred combat veterans like those of the 37th Army Division mobilized from the Ohio National Guard; workers who churned out more than $3 billion in Jeeps, munitions, and other war supplies at area factories, and average citizens who bought war bonds and rationed gasoline and other items. As the 60th anniversary of the atomic bomb attack on Hiroshima approaches this week, however, fewer and fewer of those who have been called members of what has been coined as America's Greatest Generation are left. According to the Department of Veterans Affairs, more than 1,100 of the nation's World War II veterans are dying each day. "It's important that we commemorate this [60th] anniversary," said Richard Baranowski, a local historian with Way Public Library in Perrysburg who has been collecting oral testimony and photographs from people who experienced the war first-hand. "At the 70th anniversary, how many people will still be around?" The personal, first-hand memories that breathe life into arid historical accounts are fading away. Some still remain, frail but vibrant like Milton Bracht, 84, who, as a 23-year-old private in the Army, worked on the top-secret program to develop a nuclear weapon known as the Manhattan Project. Based at Oak Ridge, Tenn., one of the three sites that brought together top scientists from around the world, Mr. Bracht played a small role in the $2 billion project. He used his electrical engineering degree from Toledo University to help develop the fuel for the bomb by operating a sensitive measuring device known as a mass spectrometer. Despite hastily built laboratories that occasionally gave way underfoot, Mr. Bracht and his colleagues worked their instruments 24 hours a day. "What with the circumstances of the war, we had to get done quickly," he said. And they did. By May, 1945, the first atomic bombs were ready for deployment. Debate over the bombs President Truman authorized dropping the bomb nicknamed "Little Boy" over the Japanese city of Hiroshima on Aug. 6, 1945. More than 70,000 people were killed, and the world suddenly entered the nuclear age. [Photo] George Taoka helped interrogate prisoners in Hiroshima, including his brother-in-law, who had survived the bombing. ( THE BLADE/LORI KING ) Three days later, a second bomb known as "Fat Man" was dropped over the city of Nagasaki with similar results: Nearly 40,000 people were killed or injured and one-third of the city was destroyed. On Aug. 14, 1945, Japan announced its surrender; the formal surrender documents were signed on Sept. 2 aboard the USS Missouri. For many World War II veterans, the atomic bomb was a necessary evil, one which saved hundreds of thousands of American and Japanese lives - lives that would have been lost had the American military been forced to invade the heavily defended Japanese mainland. "It was war," said Don Cleese, 79, a semiretired advertising manager from Perrysburg, who manned a turret gun aboard a B-29 bomber and flew 39 missions in the South Pacific between January and August, 1945. "Truman had to do it, and he did the right thing." Over the years, however, academics have been more critical of the decision to use the bombs. William Hoover, a professor of Japanese history at the University of Toledo, said the usual balance drawn between the cost of an American invasion and the damage inflicted by the bomb is an unfair one. "By August, 1945, Japan was surrounded," he said. "Her air and sea power was virtually knocked out, as were her transport and manufacturing systems. So there was no necessity to invade." Pressure by conventional means could have resolved the war, Mr. Hoover said. But Mr. Cleese said he has little time for suggestions from people who were not involved with fighting the war. "The people who criticize really don't know the story," he said. " I feel bad that so many people had to die, but [President Truman and the military] had to do it. We didn't start the war." George Taoka, a Japanese-American, was placed in an internment camp at Heart Mountain, Wyo., at the start of the war but later served as a military intelligence officer in the South Pacific. For Mr. Taoka, who is retired after a long career as an economics professor at the University of Toledo, the meaning of the atomic bomb is far more ambiguous. Surprise discovery Five months after the attacks, Mr. Taoka arrived in Hiroshima to interrogate a Japanese suspect. He was surprised to discover the detainee was his brother-in-law but even more shocked by the utter devastation of the once bustling city - a city that he had known as a young student visiting relatives in April, 1941. "The city was absolutely flat," the 89-year-old resident of the Swan Creek Retirement Center in Toledo recalled. "It was incredible." The only building left standing in Hiroshima was the Industrial Promotion Hall, which Mr. Taoka had visited in 1941. The devastation took a personal toll also: Two relatives exposed to the bomb's fallout died later from radiation sickness. "Hindsight is pretty good," he said, "but if the war could have been ended some other way, it would have been better." Contact Jeremy Lemer at: jlemer@theblade.com or 419-724-6050. The Toledo Blade Company, 541 N. Superior St., Toledo, OH 43660 , (419) 724-6000 ***************************************************************** 53 Courier-Journal: Louisville's Hiroshima/Nagasaki Commemorations www.courier-journal.com Sunday, July 31, 2005 + Tomorrow: Book signing and discussion with Arch Taylor, author of "Pearl Harbor, Hiroshima & Beyond: Subversion of Values," at Carmichael's Bookstore, 2720 Frankfort Ave. + Tuesday: Poetry and music for peace, The Rudyard Kipling, 422 W. Oak St., 6 p.m. + Wednesday: Concert for contemplation and nonviolence, Cathedral of the Assumption, 443 S. Fifth St., 7-9 p.m. + Thursday: Action-day visit to offices of mayors and congressional representatives. People do this on their own in cities across the country. For those in Louisville who want more information, call Terry Taylor, (502) 214-7322. + Friday: Public reading of the book "Hiroshima" by John Hersey, Fourth Street and Muhammad Ali Boulevard, 11 a.m.-2 p.m. + Saturday: Silent prayer honoring the victims of Hiroshima, 8 to 9 a.m., Friends Meeting House, 3050 Bon Air Ave. + Saturday: Candle-floating ceremony, Cherokee Park Lake, 8 p.m. Also, bus trip to Oak Ridge, Tenn., for anti-nuclear action at the Y-12 plant. Those making the trip must chip in for gas; call Pat Geier at 454-0019 for details. + Next Sunday: Soka Gakkai International Peace Conference, University of Louisville Shelby campus, Shelbyville Road, 2-4 p.m. + Aug. 8: Anti-nuclear film "Sadako and the Thousand Paper Cranes" and pizza, James Lees Presbyterian Church, 1741 Frankfort Ave., 6 p.m. + Aug. 9: Tolling of the bell in honor of the victims of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Christ Church Cathedral, 425 S. Second St., noon. All events are free and open to the public. For more information, go to www.interfaithpathstopeace.orgor check with Terry Taylor, (502) 214-7322 or at director@interfaithpathstopeace.org Copyright 2004 The Courier-Journal. ***************************************************************** 54 South Florida Sun-Sentinel: The road that led to the bomb [Sun-Sentinel.com] Posted July 31 2005 Before the Fallout: From Marie Curie to Hiroshima. Diane Preston. Walker & Co. $27. 379 pp. Sixty years ago this summer, on Aug. 6, 1945, the United States effectively won the war against Japan and the world changed forever. In a terrifying way: That morning the U.S. B-29 bomber Enola Gay, piloted by Paul Tibbets, dropped the atom bomb on the city of Hiroshima. The nuclear age was born to the sound of the death throes of 140,000 people, the vast majority of them civilians. Less than a month earlier, as he witnessed the first successful test of an atom bomb in the New Mexico desert, Robert J. Oppenheimer, chief scientist of the Manhattan Project, had a prescient moment. A passage from the Bhagavad-Gita flashed through his mind: "I am become Death, the shatterer of worlds." Focusing first and foremost on the fascinating people who deciphered the secrets of matter and energy, this work by historian Diana Preston tells the tale of five decades of scientific discovery that led to that awesome morning. It is not a linear story, nor one lacking in drama, irony or moral ambiguity. For those with only a layman's understanding of the topic, this study holds surprises. As late as the mid-1930s, for instance, many of the world's most eminent physicists believed an atomic weapon was not possible. The feasibility of a chain reaction was first demonstrated conclusively not by one of the leading physicists working at a top research center at Berkeley, Chicago or Berlin, but by Leo Slizard, a Hungarian Jewish refugee scientist working with borrowed money and equipment. It was Slizard who, in 1939, prompted Einstein, who did not yet know that a chain reaction had been achieved, to write the famous letter to FDR that ultimately resulted in the Manhattan Project. And Roosevelt at first seemed to reject the idea; it took a persuasive argument delivered over breakfast by a close confidante to convince the president. In a book like this the science could easily obscure the narrative or overwhelm the reader. That this never happens speaks for the author's ability to interweave the physics with the human element, the science with the political and military machinations. We learn not only about the dead ends and key insights on the way to the bomb, but also about the networks and rivalries among top physicists and the sharply differing ways leading figures in German science responded to the Nazi persecution of their Jewish colleagues. Although we know the outcome of the race between the United States and Nazi Germany to build an atomic weapon, Preston manages to imbue even this side of the story with drama, as in her depiction of the heroism of Norwegian commandos who sabotaged German heavy water production not once but twice, as well as her description of an aborted assassination plot against German physicist Werner Heisenberg. Preston examines critically the rationalizations that top German scientists gave after the war to explain why they worked to build an atomic weapon for the Nazi regime. She also recounts the pangs of conscience experienced by some Allied scientists when they realized the human consequences of having produced the ultimate weapon of mass destruction -- and what they tried to do about it. This is a highly readable book about an important subject. Max Castro is the co-author of This Land Is Our Land: Immigrants and Power in Miami. Copyright 2005, Sun-Sentinel Co. & South Florida Interactive, Inc. ***************************************************************** 55 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: KEDO reactors an obstacle at six-party talks August 1, 2005 KST 15:09 (GMT+9) August 01, 2005 ¤Ñ BEIJING ¡ª As delegates to the six-party talks tried to hash out an agreement on a joint statement of principles, the suspended light-water nuclear reactor project in North Korea was emerging as an obstacle to progress. According to South Korean officials, both Seoul and Washington are opposing a Pyongyang demand that work on the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO) reactors be resumed in exchange for the North giving up its nuclear arms programs. The KEDO consortium, tasked to build two light-water reactors in the North for civilian use, was founded under the 1994 Geneva Agreed Framework that resolved the 1993-94 standoff over the North's nuclear arms programs. Work on the project stopped in 2003, after Washington charged that the North had continued its work on nuclear weapons. The North's demand raises complications for South Korea. Seoul's recent offer to supply substantial amounts of electricity to the North ¡ª widely credited with jumpstarting the stalled six-party talks ¡ª was based on the premise that the reactor project be scrapped, with Seoul's financial contributions to KEDO redirected to the electricity project. On Friday, Washington time, U.S. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said, "we're very clear that we do not think that North Korea should retain the civilian nuclear capability." Citing failed past agreements, Mr. McCormack said that "any nuclear program in North Korea could potentially be a nuclear weapons program." But it was unclear whether the North's five negotiating partners planned to insist on a total ban on civilian nuclear power in the North. Yesterday, deputy chief negotiators from all six nations were working on a draft agreement offered by China. According to a senior South Korean source, the draft's preface includes a reconfirmation of the 1992 inter-Korean denuclearization accord ¡ª which, while barring both Koreas from manufacturing and testing nuclear weapons and building uranium enrichment facilities, does allow nuclear energy for peaceful use. Meanwhile, at the Association of South East Asian Nations meeting in Laos, North Korean Foreign Minister Paek Nam-sun reiterated that the North would rejoin the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and admit International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors "if the nuclear issue is resolved smoothly," according to Pyongyang's state-run media. That report said Mr. Paek told his South Korean counterpart, Ban Ki-moon, that Pyongyang greatly appreciated Seoul's electricity offer, but was concerned that the North would become dependent on the South for energy. by Yoo Kwang-jong, Ser Myo-ja myoja@joongang.co.kr> Copyright by Joins.com, Inc. Terms of Use | ***************************************************************** 56 SignOnSanDiego.com: Nuclear power poised for comeback Rising oil prices, fears about global warming play role By Dana Wilkie COPLEY NEWS SERVICE July 31, 2005 WASHINGTON  Nestled in the energy bill that Congress approved last week is perhaps the most tangible evidence yet that nuclear power, long shunned by many as a dangerous energy source, is on the verge of a comeback. SEAN M. HAFFEY / Union-Tribune The San Onofre Nuclear Generating Station is one of 103 operating U.S. nuclear reactors. The broad energy plan includes billions of federal dollars to jump-start production of nuclear reactors. The incentives, from tax breaks to loan guarantees, come at a time when soaring oil prices and increasing public concern about global warming have forced even some leading environmentalists to rethink their opposition to nuclear power as a cleaner, cheaper alternative to traditional fossil fuels. "Nuclear (power), in combination with renewables, is the only source of electrical energy that can replace coal and gas to a significant degree," said Greenpeace co-founder Patrick Moore, now chairman of Greenspirit Strategies of Canada, which helps companies develop environmentally friendly policies. Should the government incentives prove enticing, the nation's utilities are poised to order their first reactors since the 1970s. "We need a lot more electricity in this country in the decades ahead," said Steve Kerekes, spokesman for the Nuclear Energy Institute, a trade group for nuclear utilities. "Nuclear (power) is not by itself the answer, but it's part of that diversity of (sources) that will fill the gap." But the federal incentives spell trouble to watchdogs. They fear that the bill doesn't do enough to promote other alternative energy sources, such as wind and solar, and that more reactors will mean more potential targets for terrorists and more nuclear waste piling up at power plants. "Safety issues, waste, security  these issues still haunt the industry, and they still haven't solved them," said Michael Mariotte, director of the Nuclear Information and Resource Service, a Washington, D.C.-based watchdog that opposes atomic energy. There are 103 operating reactors in the nation, including two in California at San Onofre and Diablo Canyon near San Luis Obispo. But all were ordered before the 1979 partial reactor meltdown at Three Mile Island, Pa., and the 1986 explosion at the Chernobyl plant in Ukraine, both of which led to widespread fears about nuclear power and a hiatus in reactor construction. Since the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, reactors have become a key security concern. Critics have raised the specter of an attack that could release radiation and pose catastrophic risks to those living nearby. Reactor designers are incorporating features that would, among other things, automatically cool a reactor in the event of an attack, said Mark Wells, director of the Government Accountability Office, during testimony before Congress in March. The United States is facing a power crunch, without enough supply to meet projected demand. The Department of Energy predicts that in the coming two decades, the nation will need to produce an extra 350,000 to 400,000 megawatts of energy to keep pace with demand. The country's reactors are capable of producing 98,000 megawatts of electricity, about 20 percent of U.S. power needs. Reactors generate electricity by using radioactive material to boil water into steam to drive turbines. The nuclear power incentives in the bill passed by Congress mirror President Bush's 2001 energy blueprint. The bill includes $1.6 billion for research and development of nuclear power, $1.3 billion for a nuclear plant at the federal Idaho National Laboratory to generate hydrogen fuel, and $2 billion in federal insurance to cover construction delays caused by court challenges or anything else outside normal business risks. The bill also promises up to $5.7 billion in tax credits for the first six reactors to be built and unlimited loan guarantees for up to 80 percent of the cost of those reactors. "The list of incentives is cradle to grave," said Michele Boyd, legislative director for the energy program at Public Citizen, another nuclear watchdog. "If this isn't enough to build new reactors, there's nothing more the government can do other than build them itself." A host of developments  political, environmental and economic  have fostered renewed interest in nuclear power as an alternative to fossil fuels, most surprisingly among leading environmentalists who previously opposed it. Moore, once a dogged foe of nuclear power, now considers global warming a greater threat than nuclear waste or reactor meltdowns. "Climate change has . . . shifted my perspective," Moore said in an e-mail message. His views on nuclear energy mirror those of other notable environmentalists, including Stewart Brand, founder of The Whole Earth Catalog, and James Lovelock, who posited the Gaia theory of Earth as a giant self-regulating super-organism, and now sees nuclear energy as key to the planet's health. Nuclear reactors release some carbon dioxide, but only a fraction of the amount produced by burning fossil fuels such as oil, coal or gas, which many experts have blamed for global warming. Political concerns also are a factor. Nations have to compete  and pay top dollar  for a dwindling supply of oil and gas resources that tend to lie in politically unstable nations. The uranium that fuels nuclear reactors can be mined in stable countries such as Canada and Australia. Finally, nuclear fuel is relatively cheap to produce, and its price does not fluctuate, as does the price of natural gas. Nuclear power costs 1.68 cents per kilowatt-hour, compared with 5.87 cents for natural gas and 1.92 cents for coal. A kilowatt-hour is enough to power 1,000 homes for an hour. The shifting winds on nuclear power are evident worldwide. There are 25 reactors under construction in 10 countries, and 112 more are planned or proposed. China is aggressively expanding its nuclear energy program and has opened six reactors since 2002. Finland is set to build a large nuclear power station this year. France, which depends on nuclear reactors for almost 80 percent of its electricity, announced this summer that it would help Libya plan a nuclear energy program. Although orders for new reactors in the United States are not expected until later this decade, the industry says it must take the regulatory and financial steps necessary to pave the way for new construction. Industry experts say this generation's nuclear reactors are safer than ever, and that a Chernobyl-like accident is technically impossible. Mariotte, of the watchdog Nuclear Information and Resource Service, acknowledged that "on paper, they do have safer designs." But he said that's to be expected "considering the reactors we're using today were designed 50 years ago." Frank von Hippel, a nuclear power expert at Princeton University, noted that "some safety improvements were made following Three Mile Island." But he also said that "Nuclear Regulatory Commission regulation at the moment is about as unaggressive as one could imagine." Where to put reactor waste remains problematic. Most utilities are running out of space to store spent fuel at their plants, and a congressionally approved dump at Nevada's Yucca Mountain faces so many legal, political and technical challenges that it probably won't be open until at least 2012. | Contact the Union-Tribune © Copyright 2005 Union-Tribune Publishing Co. ***************************************************************** 57 Sunday Herald: Nuclear industry demands new laws to ban protest break-ins - By Rob Edwards, Environment Editor A LOOPHOLE in the law which makes it perfectly legal to invade a nuclear power station must be closed, the government has been told by its chief adviser on nuclear security. In a report to ministers, the UKs director of civil nuclear security, Roger Brunt, has demanded new legislation to outlaw unauthorised entry to nuclear sites. It is a deficiency of serious concern which requires urgent action, he said. His call is enthusiastically backed by British Energy, the company that operates nuclear power stations. But it is rejected by anti-nuclear campaigners as a ploy to suppress peaceful protest. Brunts annual report on the state of civil nuclear security in the UK was slipped quietly on to a government website last week. In it, he pointed out that high-profile incursions into public buildings were an attractive tactic for protesters. The lack of a legal deterrent to dissuade such action is a most significant concern to me and addressing it is my highest legislative priority, he said. He requested early action from ministers to change the law. But Brunts request was dismissed as preposterous by Pete Roche, a consultant to Greenpeace. He is using current concern about terrorism to hide the fact that he is simply stifling peaceful protest, Roche claimed. If terrorists targeted a nuclear power station with its stores of dangerous radioactive material, they could spread fallout for miles around. In the short term, the only answer is to improve physical security, but ultimately we have to stop producing nuclear waste. Roche argued that there were already enough laws, including breach of the peace and criminal damage, to deter people from entering a nuclear site. The last time Greenpeace had tried it had been relatively easy to gain access, he said. In recent years, Greenpeace has organised two major invasions of a nuclear power station at Sizewell in Suffolk. In October 2002, more than 100 protesters including several in Homer Simpson costumes occupied the site for more than 12 hours. In January the following year, demonstrators climbed on to the reactor dome after cutting a hole in the perimeter fence. Sizewell is easier to get into than a Norwich night club, one of them commented. Brunts predecessor, Michael Buckland-Smith, last year accused Greenpeace of diverting resources from counter-terrorism work. Incursions by demonstrators into nuclear sites are irresponsible and unjustified, especially when the threat of terrorist attack is as high as it is at present, he said. British Energy strongly supported making it illegal to gain unauthorised access to its eight nuclear power stations, including Hunterston and Torness in Scotland. The law should allow for licensed nuclear sites to be brought in line with other sensitive sites such as docks, airports, railways and tunnels, said a company spokeswoman. Ministers are now considering how to respond to Brunts request. Brunt is head of the Office for Civil Nuclear Security, a secretive outstation of the Department of Trade and Industry at Harwell in Oxfordshire. As well as highlighting the legal loophole, his report reveals a huge backlog in vetting security staff for nuclear stations. Staff shortages caused partly by a major DTI downsizing exercise meant that there were nearly 3000 people awaiting security clearance at the end of March. This has caused delays in confirming jobs and extra costs, Brunt said. Dr David Lowry, a nuclear security consultant, pointed out that government plans to deal with nuclear waste would require thousands more workers to be vetted. There seem to be no plans to ensure these workers can be vetted in time, he said. There is a real danger that pressure to deal with the waste will lead to corners being cut in applying proper vetting procedures. At a time when terrorist threats have never been higher, it would be irresponsible to let unvetted or partially vetted contractors move and manage radioactive waste. Brunts report says there were 37 nuclear security incidents reported between April 2004 and March 2004. Most of these were disclosed previously in response to a request under the Freedom of Information Act. They included people climbing perimeter fences to take shortcuts, using forged or borrowed passes and sending restricted information over the internet. On one occasion, two visitors made a genuine error and gained unauthorised and unescorted access to a site. The most serious incidents were thefts of sensitive material, including two laptops stolen from private cars in March 2005. The compromise of information in each case was not significant but the fact that the thefts had occurred points to a growing trend, said Brunt. Inspectors and security managers in the industry are devoting great efforts to reverse this trend and improve this disappointing lack of security awareness. 31 July 2005 © newsquest (sunday herald) limited. all rights reserved ***************************************************************** 58 Concord Monitor: State official calls Vermont Yankee safe He says shutdown notice badly handled Concord Monitor and New Hampshire Patriot P.O. Box 1177 Concord NH 03302 603-224-5301 By ADAM GORLICK The Associated Press -> July 30. 2005 1:56PM ORTHAMPTON, Mass. - The head of New Hampshire's emergency management services said Thursday he's confident the Vermont Yankee nuclear plant is safe, but he told its managers to do a better job communicating with state officials and the public when problems arise. There was an equipment failure Monday at the plant, but operators detected the problem immediately and shut down the reactor. The plant was started up again Thursday afternoon. But miscommunication between Vermont Yankee and officials in New Hampshire led to confusion about what happened and how big the problem was. "I'm not concerned about safety issues at Vermont Yankee," said Bruce Cheney, New Hampshire's director of the Division of Emergency Services. "I am concerned about having better communications and more complete communications with them." As required by protocol, plant officials contacted emergency managers in New Hampshire and Massachusetts to alert them to the problem. The plant is located in Vernon, Vt., just across the Connecticut River from Hinsdale and a few miles from the Massachusetts border. The plant operator who notified Cheney said the problem was not an emergency. But the plant's report to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission used the phrase "catastrophic failure." Media organizations seized on the phrase, and Cheney's boss, New Hampshire Gov. John Lynch, accused the plant of failing to disclose all the facts. He called for a full accounting of what happened. Cheney met Thursday with Vermont Yankee's vice president, Jay Thayer, during a previously scheduled conference in Northampton that also was attended by emergency management directors from Vermont and Massachusetts. Thayer said "catastrophic failure" is an engineering term used to describe a piece of equipment that simply has stopped working. "If something is broken, or it's come apart, it's a catastrophic failure," he said. "What happened here happened in milliseconds." He conceded that the phrase may have set off undue alarms and pledged to better explain problems to state officials when they arise. "We need to take things to a level of more common understanding," Thayer said. "This type of language probably needs a level of translation. "We're working with our control room operators to give better descriptions than that," he said. The incident involved a high-voltage short circuit caused by the failure of an electrical insulator in the switchyard that moves power from the plant to the electric grid. Plant equipment detected the problem automatically and shut down the reactor immediately, officials said. The plant began making electricity at 2:32 p.m. Thursday after workers replaced the insulator in the switchyard, plant spokesman Robert Williams said. Randolph Blough, a director of reactor safety for the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, said equipment at the plant responded appropriately Monday. He said he had no objections to the Vermont Yankee plant coming back online. By ADAM GORLICK The Associated Press Guide for details. Concord Monitor Online, P.O. Box 1177, Concord NH 03302 Phone: 603-224-5301 | E-mail: [ align=] [ align=] [ ***************************************************************** 59 Keene Sentinel: Vt.-N.H. Yankee Editorial Sunday, July 31, 2005 We are assured that the malfunction that knocked the Vermont Yankee nuclear plant off line Monday afternoon was no big deal. But, for reasons that have nothing to do with the plant itself, it actually was. The plants owners described the problem to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission as a catastrophic failure in its electrical switchyard. An electrical insulator failed on a high-voltage transformer. And, although the water level fell sharply inside the reactor core, it rose again just as quickly. The fuel was not exposed. No radiation was released. The most troubling aspect of the incident seems to have been that a quick switchover to get electrical power from outside sources didnt work as it was supposed to. But emergency power did kick in. A Vermont Yankee spokesman indicated that press reports quoting the adjective catastrophic were misleading. Thats just a term engineers use, he explained. One wonders what term engineers use when things really go wrong. Of course, catastrophic is a term other people use as well. In this case, according to an expert with the Union of Concerned Scientists in Washington, it meant that an aging piece of equipment blew up. That was catastrophic for the aging piece of equipment, but fortunately not for the rest of us. These things happen. Vermont Yankee has been on line for more than 30 years. During that time it has survived deliberate construction flaws, a pretty serious worker error, a transformer fire that sent flames shooting into the air, lost-and-found fuel rods, various cracks due to aging, the failure of part of the emergency-notification system, and a chockablock spent-fuel storage pool. Its operating license is scheduled to expire in 2012, and it hopes to increase its power and extend that license. What made Mondays incident unusual was the spirited reaction of New Hampshire Governor John Lynch. Yes, the New Hampshire governor. We recall only two previous times when a New Hampshire governor took note of Vermont Yankee. In the mid-1970s, Governor Meldrim Thomson took a broken radiation monitor out of Hinsdale because he said the state couldnt afford to have it fixed. During the 1979 incident at Three Mile Island, Governor Hugh Gallen told the director of the emergency management office that he would like to see a copy of the Vermont Yankee evacuation plan for New Hampshire. She reported back that she couldnt find one. The Vernon, Vermont, plant is just a few hundred yards from Hinsdale. Five New Hampshire towns are in its emergency-evacuation zone. Yet this states elected officials have often ignored the plant, perhaps assuming the state border would protect serve as some sort of radiation shield. New Hampshires Washington delegation has been particularly disgraceful in this regard, taking no interest in the power-increase debate. To his credit, Lynch is signaling a different approach. On Wednesday, he asked plant officials for a full accounting of what went wrong. Its a big concern for me, he said, that Vermont Yankee officials failed to notify New Hampshire of all the facts surrounding the incident as it was unfolding. We need a full accounting from Vermont Yankee of exactly what happened, why New Hampshire wasnt notified and how we can be assured this type of communication oversight by Vermont Yankee does not happen again. We also need assurances that the plant is indeed safe to operate in light of Mondays event. Vermont Yankee contends that the governor is mistaken and that it followed proper notification procedures. That argument will continue. But the people of southwestern New Hampshire can take some satisfaction from Lynchs intervention. Plant officials are now on notice that the government of New Hampshire is interested in whats going on there. The Keene Sentinel 60 West Street Keene, New Hampshire 03431 Phone: (603) 352-1234 or (800) 765-9994 (NH or VT) Fax: (603) 352-0437 or news: (603) 352-9700 email: webmaster@keenesentinel.com online: