***************************************************************** 02/14/05 **** RADIATION BULLETIN(RADBULL) **** VOL 13.35 ***************************************************************** RADBULL IS PRODUCED BY THE ABALONE ALLIANCE CLEARINGHOUSE ***************************************************************** Send News Stories to news@energy-net.org with title on subject line and first line of body NUCLEAR POLICY 1 [southnews] CIA censored Iraqi WMD reports 2 Guardian Unlimited: Iran Shuns Demand to Abandon Nuke Reactor 3 IPS-English CHINA-NORTH KOREA: Two Nations in a Bind Over Nukes 4 [NYTr] Korea and Iran: a possible marriage made by Bush 5 Korea: Digital Chosunilbo: Ban and Rice to Discuss N. Korean Nuclear 6 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: Markets shrug off nuclear fears 7 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: [EDITORIALS]A warning to the North 8 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: [OUTLOOK]Few options for North's neighbors 9 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: Credit ratings stable despite nuclear issue 10 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: Too soon to call North a nuclear state: Chung 11 OhmyNews International: North Korea's Nuke Strategy: Negotiation and 12 Guardian Unlimited: China to Push to Revive N. Korea Talks 13 Korea Times: [Letters to The President] US, NK Must Discard Ideologi 14 LAT: The Nuclear Threat in N. Korea and Elsewhere 15 Guardian Unlimited: South Korea: N. Korea Not a Nuclear State 16 Guardian Unlimited: U.S. Rules Out Incentives for N. Korea 17 US: [du-list] Bush budget pumps up defense, slashes funding to 18 US: [du-list] Uranium Enrichment Plant Is Proposed for New Mexico 19 US: Washington Times: Fissile-material treaty urged 20 US: Guardian Unlimited: Missile Defense System Fails Another Test 21 BBC: Straw in Pakistan for key talks 22 Guardian Unlimited: Annan Seeks Overhaul of Security Measures 23 Independent: Blair set to press nuclear button 24 Mos News: Russia Readies New Generation of Nuclear Weapons - 25 Guardian Unlimited: IAEA: Egypt Up Front About Atomic Arms 26 The Australian: Ferguson backs uranium for China NUCLEAR REACTORS 27 [NukeNet] Basic Facts Re Nuclear Power And Chernobyl 28 US: Security Lapse at TMI 29 UK The Times: Downtime leaves British Energy in the red 30 US: NRC: FPL Energy Seabrook, LLC, Seabrook Station, Unit No. 1; 31 US: NRC: Dominion Nuclear Connecticut, Inc., Millstone Power Station 32 US: NRC: Carolina Power & Light Company; Biweekly Notice; Applicatio 33 Mid-Day: Flawed ducts at Tarapur N-plant 34 Bellona: UK helping Russia to close plutonium reactors 35 Bellona: Nigeria seeks IAEA help for nuclear power plants 36 BBC: Losses increase at British Energy 37 Energy Business Review: French utilities: going, going, gone? - 38 US: Times Argus: Vt. Legislature faces busy week ahead 39 US: NRC: Regulatory Information Conference NUCLEAR SAFETY 40 [EMMAS] ***The Greatest Crime of Historic Time 41 US: [du-list] Gulf War vet testifies on radiation 42 US: Nuclear Security tests/evaluations not comprehensive or 43 [du-list] 1- Arsenal of Hypocrisy 2- Is The U.S. Military Guilty 44 [du-list] DU - Italian probe debate 45 US: [du-list] Middletown Iowa Army Ammunition Plant workers yet 46 "DU is turning the planet into a death star" 47 US: Las Vegas RJ: Museum a blast from the past 48 Bellona: Nuclear cruiser Admiral Nakhimov being upgraded 49 US: KVBC: Atomic Testing Museum To Open In Las Vegas NUCLEAR FUEL CYCLE 50 Las Vegas SUN: Yucca Mountain setbacks sparking debate about privati 51 Las Vegas RJ: Repository's backers revive idea 52 US: University Daily - Duncan expresses concerns about waste facilit 53 Las Vegas SUN: A huge mountain to climb 54 US: GLRC: RADIOACTIVE DUMP SITE CLOSE TO THE GREAT LAKES? NUCLEAR WEAPONS US DEPT. OF ENERGY 55 AP Wire: Aiken County asks SRS to pay more for using land 56 kgw.com Newspaper: Hanford dose study was suspect 57 ABQjournal: LANL Critic Whistled Before OTHER NUCLEAR 58 [du-list] DU in the news - 14th Feb. 05 59 BBJ: Duratek's nuclear power plant contract grows - ***************************************************************** ***************************************************************** FULL NEWS STORIES ***************************************************************** ***************************************************************** 1 [southnews] CIA censored Iraqi WMD reports Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 18:19:10 -0600 (CST) An Australian scientist involved in the U.S. search for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq said the CIA censored his reporting so that it suggested the weapons existed, according to an interview being broadcast Monday. Rod Barton, a microbiologist who worked for Australian intelligence for more than 20 years, told Australian Broadcasting Corp. television's "Four Corners" public affairs program he quit the Iraq Survey Group (ISG) in disgust at the censorship of its interim report presented to the U.S. Congress in March last year. "We left the impression that, yes, maybe there were ... WMD out there," Barton said. "So I thought it was dishonest." Australian Broadcasting Corporation FOUR CORNERS TRANSCRIPT Secrets and Lies An Australian intelligence insider reveals how key dossiers on Iraqs weapons of mass destruction were censored, and how his early reports to Canberra about prisoner abuse were ignored. Date: 15/02/2005 LIZ JACKSON: Rod Barton lives a quiet, low profile life in the outer suburbs of Canberra. Born in England, he came to Australia when he was nine. To his neighbours he's just the bloke who comes and goes a lot, and loves his roses. But Rod Barton worked for Australian Intelligence for over 20 years and, most recently, on contract in Iraq. ROD BARTON: If someone was brought to me in an orange jumpsuit with a guard with a gun standing behind him. Of course I didn't pull any fingernails out, but I think it's misleading to say that no Australian's involved. I was involved. LIZ JACKSON: Last year Rod Barton was in Baghdad working for the CIA's special advisor to the Iraq Survey Group. He resigned in disgust when CIA officials censured his reports. ROD BARTON: I said "We are not political. We are apolitical. We have to be objective". "No, you cannot write about this". LIZ JACKSON: Since the early 1990s, Rod Barton has been in demand around the world as a top intelligence analyst of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. He's provided his services to Washington, Canberra and the United Nations. Former intelligence officers rarely talk about what they know and what they've seen, especially on camera. ROD BARTON: Well, you're imbued with this idea of keeping secrets, and you're not allowed to talk about who you are, even who you work for, and so what we're saying now will come as a surprise even to some of my friends. And I guess I'm doing it partly because I'm at the end of this process now, and partly because I think the world should know some of the truths which at times I would have liked the world to have known, but felt I couldn't say anything. LIZ JACKSON: Tonight on 'Four Corners' Rod Barton let's us into his world, a world of secrets and lies. Rod Barton was in the first team of weapons inspectors that went into Iraq back in 1991. The fires from Gulf War I were still burning. This old footage, shot by Iraqi intelligence, shows him at work four years later. Trained as a microbiologist, Rod was seconded from Australia's Defence Intelligence Organisation to work with UNSCOM, the United Nations team sent to verify that Iraq had destroyed its weapons of mass destruction. Here he's cross-examining Iraqi officials about 20 tonnes of missing bacterial growth medium, on the verge of one of UNSCOM's triumphs, forcing the Iraqis to concede they had, indeed, embarked on a biological weapons program. This discovery put him on the front page of 'The New York Times'. But as time passed and the triumphs were few and far between, Rod Barton came to realise that there were secret arrangements between people at UNSCOM and the CIA. US intelligence arranged for a sophisticated bugging device to be hidden inside UNSCOM's base at the Canal Hotel, with United States having control of the information flow. The head of UNSCOM was Australian Richard Butler. ROD BARTON: I think we were compromised towards the end, '98, at the end of UNSCOM, towards the end, because the United States wanted us to put in special equipment to intercept Iraqi communications, and we did this. LIZ JACKSON: Was the United Nations itself aware that it was being used as a method for spying for the CIA? ROD BARTON: You say 'United Nations'. I'm talking about UNSCOM, which was a body of the Security Council, the executive chairman who was Richard Butler would've been aware of what the capabilities of the black box was. LIZ JACKSON: So he knew that as head of UNSCOM the information that you were collecting was broader than weapons, and was going to US intelligence agencies? ROD BARTON: I believe he would've known that, yes. LIZ JACKSON: How much did that compromise the mission that you had? ROD BARTON: Well, eventually when this all became known, I think it fatally compromised UNSCOM. Don't forget, we're a UN body. Iraq was a member state of the United Nations, and here we are spying on it - not only we, the United Nation - but it was the United States that was receiving the information - in fact, all the information. And that was fatal, I believe, to UNSCOM, and we finished our last inspections in December '98 and the organisation was wound up in 1999. LIZ JACKSON: Who would've authorised the installation of the black box? ROD BARTON: Well, it'd have to be the executive chairman, who was Richard Butler at the time. LIZ JACKSON: What did you think about that decision? ROD BARTON: I think that was an error of judgment by Richard Butler. LIZ JACKSON: Richard Butler has told 'Four Corners' he did authorise the black box to help locate the weapons. He denies he knew it had other capabilities, but could not rule out that he had been misled. ROD BARTON: I felt annoyed about this because it did bring down the downfall of UNSCOM. We weren't making much progress, it's true, but while we were there, we were preventing Iraq really from doing anything significant. Once we left, then who knows what was happening? LIZ JACKSON: Well, as it turns out, not much. ROD BARTON: As it turns out, not much. Well, a lot of people believed, of course, just the opposite. LIZ JACKSON: And that belief itself? ROD BARTON: Well, that belief itself probably led to the war in 2003. DICK CHENEY, US VICE-PRESIDENT (26 AUGUST 2002): Simply stated, there is no doubt that Saddam Hussain now has weapons of mass destruction. There is no doubt that he is amassing them to use against our friends, against our enemies, and against us. GEORGE W. BUSH, US PRESIDENT, 12 MARCH 2002: Inaction is not an option. LIZ JACKSON: By 2003, as the United States talked up the threat from Iraq, Rod Barton was quietly working as the special advisor to the UN's Chief Weapons Inspector Hans Blix. Few people were aware that an Australian was at the heart of the intelligence assessments as to whether Iraq was complying with the UN's call to disarm. Rod Barton helped Hans Blix write the crucial reports for the Security Council on whether there were grounds to back America's call for a pre-emptive war. HANS BLIX, UN CHIEF WEAPONS INSPECTOR (27 JANUARY 2003): These reports do not contend that weapons of mass destruction remain in Iraq, but nor do they exclude that possibility. ROD BARTON: I would write the sort of more technical aspects of those presentations of the Security Council, and he would write the more political aspects, and then we'd exchange notes. In fact, he said, you know, "You show me yours, and I'll show you mine" - so he had a good sense of humour. LIZ JACKSON: During that period of time that you were working with Hans Blix, did you feel that there was a possibility that war could be avoided? ROD BARTON: My belief at that stage was that war was inevitable. Inspections may delay the war, may put it off, but I didn't see how we, as inspectors, could resolve the issues that the United States wanted to be resolved. LIZ JACKSON: So how did you feel writing reports for Hans Blix to deliver to the Security Council of the United Nations if you felt that whatever you said, war was going to happen. ROD BARTON: I thought it was rather futile. LIZ JACKSON: In early January 2003, before Australia officially committed to war, our intelligence agencies prepared an assessment on WMD for Prime Minister John Howard. It was classified secret - for Australian eyes only. A draft of the sections on chemical and biological weapons were driven round to Rod Barton's home in Canberra, for his expert assessment. ROD BARTON: My belief was that they had a few weapons retained from 1991, which will be ageing weapons of limited use. Were they a threat? Well, they may have been of minor threat to their neighbours, because don't forget they didn't really have the delivery systems then, they didn't have an air force. They may have been a minor threat to their neighbours, but a threat to the United States or the UK or Australia? No. LIZ JACKSON: And did you give the assessment that you've just given me? ROD BARTON: Yes, that's the advice I gave. LIZ JACKSON: No capacity to deliver? ROD BARTON: Yes. I mean, what countries do with this advice is up to them. LIZ JACKSON: Who exactly asked you for that advice? ROD BARTON: I don't want to go into who talked to me about this, no. LIZ JACKSON: Fair enough. But in terms of countries; the United States and Australia? ROD BARTON: Yes, both countries asked me for views. Don't forget, I had all this intelligence background from before, so I know I provided my views, for what they were worth. JOHN HOWARD, PRIME MINISTER, (ARCHIVE) 3 OCTOBER 2003: We had clear intelligence assessments that Iraq had a weapons of mass destruction capability. That was unambiguous. TONY BLAIR, (ARCHIVE) 24 SEPTEMBER 2002: He has existing and active military plans for the use of chemical and biological weapons which could be activated within 45 minutes, including against his own Shia population. LIZ JACKSON: Interested particularly in your reaction to Britain's assessment in relation to the 45-minute capacity to mount an attack, a chemical or biological attack; what did you think when you heard that claim? ROD BARTON: Well, I remember most of us thought it was nonsense, and this is what virtually we said to Blix; "This does not make sense to us". We don't know that. We don't know where the information came from. We certainly didn't have information ourselves that would indicate this, but even as stated, it's a nonsensical statement. LIZ JACKSON: Rod Barton asked his former UNSCOM colleague, Dr David Kelly, where the 45-minute claim had come from. This was the same David Kelly later named as the source of a BBC story that the British had sexed-up their intelligence reports. ROD BARTON: David Kelly came to New York quite often. Of course, he was not working for the UN. He was working for the British Government as their senior scientific advisor on this, on these matters, and I remember having dinner with him in a pub, an Irish pub in New York, and I challenged him. I said, you know "What's this nonsense about this 45?". I said "Why did you write this, David?", knowing full well David would not have written about the 45 minutes, and he was quite embarrassed and he said "Oh well, some people put in what they want to put in". LIZ JACKSON: That's the way he just put it to you: "some people put in what they want to put in". Did you know what he meant by that? ROD BARTON: I sort of gathered that. Well, I knew that he hadn't written it and I just left it there because he was clearly uncomfortable talking about it, and embarrassed by it. Clearly he didn't believe this 45 minutes claim himself. LIZ JACKSON: What's your view about the way he was treated by the British Government? ROD BARTON: Oh, atrociously and, of course, that led to his suicide, and I do believe it was suicide - led to his suicide later. LIZ JACKSON: Given your disillusionment in a way with the whole process, and the point of the whole process, what drew you back to Iraq in the post-war period to look for weapons again? ROD BARTON: Well, I was asked by the Americans to help join their investigation and, in fact, I was actually asked while I was still in New York working for Blix. And he said "Well, how do you feel about it?", and I said "Well". I didn't think that the UN was going to be able to get back into Iraq for a long, long time, not doing these sort of investigation, and I said I would like to know the answers, and I would rather it was the UN doing it, but realistically it's not going to happen that way, and I would join with the Americans and do the investigations, and that's what I did. GEORGE W. BUSH, PRESIDENT, 3 MAY 2003: Major combat operations in Iraq have ended in the battle of Iraq, the United States and our allies have prevailed. LIZ JACKSON: One month after George Bush declared that major hostilities were over, the US committed over a thousand new inspectors to find the missing weapons. They were called the Iraq Survey Group, and were placed under the direction of the CIA. Rod Barton joined them in late 2003, in their base at Camp Slayer on the outskirts of Baghdad. ROD BARTON: It was a former palace ground so there was a series of lakes and villas, and our headquarters was in a place called 'The Perfumed Palace', which was one of Saddam's palaces. For example, my office had, you know, 7-metre high ceilings with chandeliers and so on. You know, it was the best office I've ever had, and probably will have. LIZ JACKSON: Rod Barton was employed to be the special advisor to David Kay, the director of the Iraq Survey Group. But when he arrived in Baghdad, David Kay was gone. Kay had realised, as he would shortly tell the Senate, that there was nothing to find. DAVID KAY, FORMER UN CHIEF WEAPONS INSPECTOR (28 JANUARY 2004): It turns out we were all wrong, probably, in my judgment, and that is most disturbing. ROD BARTON: David Kay, of course, was one of those who really believed that Iraq had quite massive capabilities, including a nuclear program, and that's his background, nuclear, so he ... LIZ JACKSON: So it was a major turnaround for him? ROD BARTON: Yeah, he was quite shaken. He thought that they would be tripping over these weapons, and they would be everywhere, and if they couldn't find the weapons, there'd be plenty of indication about the weapons, and by the end of the year he'd discovered the truth, and so he left, not ever to return. LIZ JACKSON: So when you, in a sense, took over his role for that period of time - we're talking the end of 2003, beginning of 2004 - when he's just on the verge of saying "We're almost all wrong", what pressure on you was there to maintain the belief that you were still out there looking for weapons? ROD BARTON: Well, when I got out there, the attitude was "Well, we still haven't finished the work, how can we come to this conclusion? There is still a lot we have to do, Iraq is a big county." LIZ JACKSON: They're still there, out there. They're out there somewhere? ROD BARTON: Yep. The attitude was you've only got to go out there and you will find them. I was an experienced inspector, and I knew that there would be some indicators if they really had a program, and there were no indicators whatsoever; they couldn't have possibly hidden all of this. So I knew there were no weapons, and there were no programs at that stage, and therefore our job was just to write what we had found. LIZ JACKSON: And when did you first get an intimation that this kind of report that you were planning on writing - that would in a sense dot the I's, cross the t's on why there weren't any weapons - was not the report that was wanted, not the report that was expected? ROD BARTON: Well, it was not until the new head of the Iraq Survey Group came out in mid February 2004 that things really changed. LIZ JACKSON: And what was the first sign of that change for you? ROD BARTON: Well, he talked to me about a different style of report altogether, and he said he's discussed this with people in Washington, the head of the CIA and - LIZ JACKSON: The President? ROD BARTON: Well, he'd met the President and he discussed his job in Iraq with President Bush, and now he'd come out to Iraq - this is Charles Duelfer I'm talking about, the new head of the ISG - and wanting a different type of report to what I was producing, a much shorter report, a report that had no conclusions in. When we'd found out a lot, we knew a lot of the answers. LIZ JACKSON: Throughout his time at Camp Slayer, Rod Barton kept a record of his concerns. (Read) "15 February 2004 - we have done a lot of investigations. We have found no evidence. I believe we have a duty to report that. Anything less is dishonest. After all, if we had positive results, we would report that." His new boss, Charles Duelfer, did not agree. ROD BARTON: I said to him "I believe it's dishonest. If we know certain things, and we're asked to provide a report, we should say what we found and what we haven't found, and put that in the report", and most of it's already written. LIZ JACKSON: And what were the things that weren't to be said. ROD BARTON: Well, there were some things - this didn't come directly from Charles, but some of his staff, the senior CIA staff, some of the things we couldn't write about at all; for example, aluminium tubes that might have been involved in nuclear weapons programs. We were allowed to refer to them, but not say what we thought they were all about, and our conclusions at that stage is that the aluminium tubes that Iraq had imported were part of a rocket program, and nothing to do with nuclear. They were not to do with nuclear enrichment. That was one issue. LIZ JACKSON: And you weren't to say that? ROD BARTON: We weren't to say that. We were not allowed to put that in. In our previous report we'd addressed about mobile biological program, and mobile production facilities of which we had, apparently, according to the CIA - we had two examples of these mobile production units actually in our camp at the ISG camp, which is called Camp Slayer. We actually had two of these. Well, we'd inspected these and these were nothing to do with biology in our view. LIZ JACKSON: But it was still being put out into the public domain that these two trailers were mobile biological - ROD BARTON: It was on the CIA web page at that stage. LIZ JACKSON: It was on the CIA web page? ROD BARTON: It was on the CIA web page that these were mobile biological trailers. This was not our conclusion. In fact, our conclusion was just absolutely the opposite. They were nothing to do with biology. We believed that they were hydrogen generators. LIZ JACKSON: But not to mention that either? ROD BARTON: In fact, if you did a word search of our report that eventually went ahead, Charles' report, you would not have found the word "trailer". We did not even mention these trailers. LIZ JACKSON: Don't mention the trailers? ROD BARTON: No, don't mention the trailers. LIZ JACKSON: (Read) "Rod Barton's notes, 15 February 2004 - the trailers - Charles' attitude was he did not want to inspect them or know, then he could genuinely say in Washington that he doesn't know what they are for." ROD BARTON: We don't want to know what they are. It's just too politically difficult, and I was told politically difficult to put this in, and I said "But we are not" - I said "We are not political. We are apolitical. We have to be objective." "No, you cannot write about this", so that did not go into the report either. LIZ JACKSON: Why politically difficult in particular, because political statements were being made precisely at that time, or - ROD BARTON: Because statements were still being made. In early January Cheney, for example, was saying - LIZ JACKSON: Dick Cheney? ROD BARTON: Dick Cheney, the Vice-President, was still using the trailers as an example of WMD program, that is yet to be uncovered, and yet this was not our view at all. LIZ JACKSON: What about our own political leaders? Were, I mean, I remember they were statements made about the trailers here. ROD BARTON: Yes, the trailers-statements. LIZ JACKSON: I think Alexander Downer made some - ROD BARTON: Alexander Downer had been making statements about the trailers, but that was much earlier on, that was in mid 2003. ALEXANDER DOWNER, FOREIGN MINISTER, IN PARLIAMENT, (13 MAY 2003): Mr Speaker, already we have seen evidence of what appear to be mobile biological laboratories at two sites in Iraq, capable of producing biological materials for use in weapons of mass destruction. I know that it is disappointing to the opposition to hear this, but I am afraid this is true. ROD BARTON: Those statements were not correct. Even then they were not correct, or not fairly based upon what had been discovered, and I don't believe he should have made such statements. LIZ JACKSON: Did you pass any of that information or have a word back with Australia about "Look, it's really not that smart to talk about the biological trailers", with any of our political leaders? ROD BARTON: Back in the middle of 2003 I called a friend in the Government who was responsible in this area, and suggested to him that perhaps Downer should keep his mouth shut, and I noticed that Downer made no further reference after the middle of 2003 to such trailers. LIZ JACKSON: Back to the report: you told us about the things that you were told to leave out. Was there anything you were told to put in? ROD BARTON: Yes. Well, of course, there were interests in the capitals. We had these video conferences and the report was circulated in its draft form to the various capitals, and both Washington and London wanted other things put in, and to make it - I can only use these words - to make it sexier, and this came from the UK. They wanted to put in, or at least one individual there, wanted to put in what he called 'nuggets', and he'd selected something like eight or nine issues which he thought could - LIZ JACKSON: Strengthen the - ROD BARTON: Yeah, sex-up the report. Basically what he wanted to do was put in things from the previous report which had been done in September 2003, David Kay's report, pick out the eyes from that report, which implied that there was WMD up there, and put them into our report. LIZ JACKSON: I think it's public now that it was John Scarlett. ROD BARTON: It was John Scarlett, yes, who was the Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee in the UK. LIZ JACKSON: (Read) "18 March 2004 at 1700 - Rod Barton noted John Scarlett's desire to include some nuggets. It was Scarlett who'd signed off Britain's claim that Iraq could launch weapons of mass destruction in 45 minutes." ROD BARTON: And here he is again, in February 2004, trying to sex-up our report, and I had an email from him, through Charles, about the things he wanted in, and I looked at these and I thought "We cannot accept any of these - just on principle for a start", and Charles, to his credit, decided the same, that we would not put any of them in, but the report was still awful. LIZ JACKSON: The report was still awful. ROD BARTON: Yeah, yes. We left the impression that yes, maybe there were - was WMD out there; maybe there were programs still to find, and all our future work - because it was forward looking - all our future work might discover this. We were going to do this and we were going to do that. So I thought it was dishonest. LIZ JACKSON: On 30th March 2004, Charles Duelfer presented the Iraq Survey Group's interim report to the US Congress. CHARLES DUELFER, SPECIAL ADVISOR IRAQ SURVEY GROUP: We have not found evidence of stocks of weapons as some had expected, but we are looking at other aspects of that. We continue to receive reports all the time that there are hidden weapons, so it's something which we have to pursue. LIZ JACKSON: By then Rod Barton had resigned in protest, and left Baghdad. ROD BARTON: I felt that I was part of the dishonesty by being there, by continuing on with this, and so although I quite enjoyed the work, I did leave, and immediately the report was finished. I was on the next plane out. LIZ JACKSON: You weren't the only person to resign, as I understand it. ROD BARTON: No. There was a British colleague of mine who already left for similar reasons, and again a former UNSCOM inspector, one of the most senior people, or experienced people around, and he left on similar grounds. LIZ JACKSON: Political pressures and censorship? ROD BARTON: It was censorship, and he said "I can't live with this", and he made it clear that he was going to leave and left for that same reasons. LIZ JACKSON: Rod Barton's notes record his bleakest moment after a third team member resigned in protest. (Read) "J leaves tomorrow after explaining to Charles why he can't stay." "J" was another senior Australian. We've been asked not to use his name. You set out your views, and your reasons for resigning in a letter. ROD BARTON: Yes, I wrote - LIZ JACKSON: ... at a very senior level here, to the Department of Defence. ROD BARTON: Yes. I didn't want the people to think I'd left for family reasons, or personal reasons, or something like that. I wanted to make it clear to them I'd left because I thought the process was dishonest. LIZ JACKSON: And what was their response? ROD BARTON: Well, it was what you might expect, and I wasn't the most popular person when I got back and, you know, they were happy for me being there because the Americans had requested me, and now as far as they were concerned, I had disappointed the Americans because I'd left in this manner, quitting, and so now we were no longer supporting, you know, the Americans through this person. So no, they weren't very happy with me, and I felt very uncomfortable when I got back, but I knew what the reaction would be. I knew they were not going to be welcoming me with open arms and saying "You did the right thing". I didn't get any of that. I just got - well ... LIZ JACKSON: What did you get? ROD BARTON: Well, I got the cold shoulder, basically LIZ JACKSON: 24 March '04, Singapore - (read) "I will be sidelined and branded as a troublemaker". You didn't just tell the Department of Defence about your concerns about political censorship and pressure, you also drew their attention to your concerns about prisoner abuse in the camp in which the scientists and Government officials that you were interviewing or interrogating were living. ROD BARTON: Yes. There's a separate prison, not Abu Ghraib. There's a prison where what is known as the high value detainees are kept. It's called camp Cropper and it's near the airport. I won't go into details exactly where it is, but it's near the airport. And we had - when I say "we", the ISG and other agencies in Iraq, other coalition agencies - have prisoners kept there, about 100 prisoners in all, and these are all the senior people from Iraq. When I came back I talked to a senior defence official and I mentioned - and I regret it was only a mention - of my concern about prisoner abuse, because you have to remember I'm talking about the end of March, beginning of April, none of us had seen the pictures of ... LIZ JACKSON: This is before Abu Ghraib became public? ROD BARTON: Yes, this was before Abu Ghraib, but I had certain indications and certain evidence that this had occurred, and I felt strongly enough about it to make a recommendation not only to mention this about the abuse, but to make a recommendation that we shouldn't - "we" meaning Australia - should not be involved in the interview or interrogation of any of these prisoners at Cropper, and I made that recommendation. LIZ JACKSON: Because of your concerns about prison abuse at Camp Cropper. ROD BARTON: Yes, yes. I do regret now not pushing it harder then. Having known what I knew, I should have made more of a case of it, but I thought "Well, I've done my job and", but I suspected they were not going to do anything for the very fact that they asked me more questions about it. LIZ JACKSON: So it wasn't followed up at all, your concerns; no-one asked you questions, or to elaborate to say "Well, what do you mean by prisoner abuse? What are you talking about?" Did anyone ask you that? ROD BARTON: No. No-one asked me any more questions about prisoner abuse whatsoever, and I gather later that nothing was done about it. Nothing was followed up. The conversation, the information I provided, finished there, with the senior officer. LIZ JACKSON: How senior are we talking? ROD BARTON: First assistant secretary level, Department of Defence. LIZ JACKSON: First assistant secretary level. ROD BARTON: Yeah. LIZ JACKSON: 'Four Corners' has determined that the first assistant secretary Rod Barton is referring to is Myra Rowling, who has since transferred to another job in Defence. LIZ JACKSON: Can you tell me why you had concerns? I want to ask you about Australians involvement in interrogations. We'll come to that later, but what was the basis of your concern. ROD BARTON: Well, it was during the tour of the prison when I first started to realise there was something wrong here, and, first of all, the cells seemed very small. Well, of course, cells are small, but there were people kept in isolation there, and I thought that that was wrong; solitary confinement, basically. LIZ JACKSON: When you say "small", we're talking... ROD BARTON: 1.5 by 2 metres, perhaps a little bit bigger. That is a small cell. LIZ JACKSON: 1.5 by 2 metres is the size of the cell and... ROD BARTON: Yeah, enough room to lie down in, and that's about it. LIZ JACKSON: And any light? ROD BARTON: No light, no natural light. LIZ JACKSON: On 24 March 2004 Rod Barton recorded his growing concern. (Read) "The high value detainees thoughts. Have there been abuses? Simple answer is yes." ROD BARTON: They had a hessian bag pulled over their head, and I think that was part of this disorientation process, softening up, sort of, purgatory before they actually finish up in the prison, and that I understood lasted for a couple of days. I wondered whether, even at the time, how legitimate that was, but I understood that the softening up process was not beating, it was just disorientation. LIZ JACKSON: When did you get the sense that it was not just disorientation? ROD BARTON: Well, these realisations come on you gradually, and every week they would brief on a prisoner, who'd be prisoner of the week. LIZ JACKSON: Prisoner of the week? ROD BARTON: Prisoner of the week, yes, was the thing, and they would show us a prisoner and give a little profile on that, and it was during this presentation they would show a picture of the prisoner, and on two occasions it was clear that the prisoners had abrasions about the face. I worried about this because, you know, how did they get these abrasions, and the question was asked of why they appeared to have been beaten; and the answer was "Well, this photograph was taken shortly after their arrest, and they resisted arrest". Well, on the first occasion perhaps; second occasion you begin to wonder, and then you think "Why would they get beaten about the face like that?", and it seemed to me that this was not just during the arrest, that this was perhaps a softening up process, and this was deliberate. LIZ JACKSON: When you recommended as a result of your concerns the Australians no longer be involved in interrogating prisoners at Camp Cropper, do you know what happened with that recommendation? ROD BARTON: No. LIZ JACKSON: In April the pictures from Abu Ghraib became public. A few weeks later Rod Barton was emailed a questionnaire from the Department of Defence, sent to all personnel who'd served in Iraq. They were asked if they'd had contact with any detainees, or visited any interrogation cell. Rod Barton answered yes, and that he had reported suspected abuse. He also said he'd been personally involved in interviewing a senior Iraqi detained at Camp Cropper. This time the Department took him seriously and he was called to give testimony to an internal Defence inquiry. Three weeks later Defence Minister Robert Hill told the Parliament that Australia did not interrogate prisoners. ROBERT HILL, DEFENCE MINISTER, 16 JUNE 2004: Mr President, Defence has thoroughly reviewed the information available to it, and has confirmed the key facts in this issue; Australia did not interrogate prisoners, Australia was not involved in guarding prisoners at the Abu Ghraib prison, or any other Iraqi prison. LIZ JACKSON: What did you think when the Defence Minister Robert Hill said that no Australians were involved in interrogations? ROD BARTON: Well, I was quite annoyed about this. I immediately phoned up the Department and reported that I was annoyed, that I'd provided testimony and that the Department's response was "Well, we regard that you did interviews and not interrogations." LIZ JACKSON: And what did you see the differences being? ROD BARTON: I said "Well, you tell me the difference?" "An interview is between equals, and someone was brought to me in an orange jumpsuit with a guard with a gun standing behind him and, all right, you can call it what you wish, but I think it's misleading. I believe it was an interrogation." The Iraqis regarded it as interrogation, interrogations. The Americans I think regarded it as interrogation. It wasn't just a simple interview, although, of course, I didn't pull any fingernails out, and we had appropriate breaks and so on, but I said to them "You just tell me the difference, but I think it's misleading to say that no Australians involved. I was involved." LIZ JACKSON: So do you know if any other Australians were involved in interrogations? ROD BARTON: Yes, we were, so I discovered. I didn't know what Australians had been involved when I left, but I had since discovered - because I'd been back to Iraq of course - I'd since discovered that there were other Australians involved in investigations, and so it continued, our investigations continued, talking to prisoners. I believe, more recently, that had stopped, but certainly it continued for quite some time. LIZ JACKSON: When Robert Hill went on to place on the record when the Government became aware of prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib, Rod Barton was angry. ROBERT HILL: It was only with the release of the horrific photos in late April of this year that I became aware that abuses had occurred, and the extent of those abuses. LIZ JACKSON: There was no mention of Camp Cropper, and no mention that Rod Barton had reported prisoner abuse. ROD BARTON: My prisoner abuse wasn't at Abu Ghraib, it was at Camp Cropper, this special prison for high value detainees, and so what Hill said to parliament was correct, in the sense that he referred only to Abu Ghraib, but, of course, he knew about this other prison, where I'd already reported prisoner abuse. He left the impression that the prisoner abuse had only been at Abu Ghraib, and he didn't know about anything else, and that, I felt, was dishonest. LIZ JACKSON: In your view would he necessarily have known, by the time he made that statement in June - ROD BARTON: He would've known. LIZ JACKSON: - that you had made a recommendation and a report about prisoner abuse, and Australia's involvement in interrogations? ROD BARTON: Absolutely. He would've known by then because the Department had done a full investigation. I provided all my information and that was written up and I'd signed copies of that and I understand from the Department officials that the minister had been informed. LIZ JACKSON: The most disturbing entry in Rod Barton's Baghdad diary is from 2 February 2004. It simply reports. (Read) "Azmirli dies at weekend." Mohammed Hamdi Azmirli was a senior Iraqi scientist held at Camp Cropper. ROD BARTON: I was told, I recall, that this was due to a brain tumor. At the time I sort of accepted that, but later on when I returned to Australia I read a report in the press about an autopsy had been done on this very prisoner, and this autopsy had shown that the prisoner had died of a brain damage due to a beating; that he had a fractured skull, broken jaw and so on. Now, I had suspicions that this person had actually been beaten to death in the prison. Now, I wasn't sure of that, but it was something that I felt should be investigated, and I also reported that to the defence department. Someone was going to get back to me. They haven't done so so far, but I'm waiting for the call. LIZ JACKSON: In September last year Rod Barton was asked to return to Baghdad. ROD BARTON: I was contacted by Charles Duelfer, the head of the Iraq Survey Group, asking whether I'd come back, that he needed people, he needed experienced people, and he said that he is absolutely doing his own thing now, and no-one influences him, and he's doing an honest report, he told me. And he said "I'd like you to come back and help put the report together", and he said "If you don't believe me, talk to some of the others", which is what I did, I contacted some of my colleagues. LIZ JACKSON: Like the British colleague who'd resigned with you? ROD BARTON: Yes, and he'd returned and I spoke to him and I was reassured. So I was quite happy at that stage to go back to Baghdad and help put the report together. I think it's a good report; as objective and it's as neutral as one can be in this sort of thing. LIZ JACKSON: And finally concluded, and came to the conclusion that there were - ROD BARTON: Came to the final conclusion that there were no weapons of mass destruction, there had not been no weapons of mass destruction since 1991, and there were no programs to produce such weapons. LIZ JACKSON: Having come to that conclusion, what was then done with the scientists who were being held at Camp Cropper, to both give you information about weapons programs or, indeed, held there on the belief that they were precisely the people who were producing the weapons? ROD BARTON: Well, the scientists and the military people who were involved in those weapons are still at Cropper. LIZ JACKSON: Do you still believe they should be released? ROD BARTON: Yes, yes. These people, they may not be the most desirable people in the world, but they haven't done anything wrong, at least internationally. They may have been involved in production of biological or chemical weapons, or even nuclear weapons, in the past, but under international law, as long as they weren't involved in the use of these weapons, that's not illegal. LIZ JACKSON: But they're - ROD BARTON: And I have to remind you that the United States itself had a chemical and biological weapons program at one stage, and there are still people around who were involved in those programs. LIZ JACKSON: So they were arrested on the basis of the fact that they were involved, currently involved, in weapons programs, and now we know that there are no weapons programs, they're still there? ROD BARTON: That's right, yes. LIZ JACKSON: Are people like that still being interviewed? I mean, when you went back, are there still - or what is their situation? ROD BARTON: Well, you have to understand that some of these people now have been in prison, I guess, getting on for a year and a half. Some of them haven't been asked questions for months. I mean, all the information they're gonna get out of these people they've obtained, so why are they still keeping people there? I think a lot of them should be released. But getting them out is a lot more difficult than getting them in. LIZ JACKSON: Why's that? Explain that difference? ROD BARTON: I guess this goes back to some people in the CIA; "If we release them that shows that we were wrong, you know, there weren't any WMD programs" and, of course, not everyone has accepted that within some of the agencies. LIZ JACKSON: So what, there are still people in the CIA who believe there are weapons of mass destruction in Iraq? ROD BARTON: Well, I was in Langley in October, and there was certainly some indications amongst some of the people there, not all, that they weren't wrong, that we were wrong, in other words, the ISG was wrong, and that the CIA is still right. LIZ JACKSON: What do you personally take from it? ROD BARTON: Well, of course, I was wrong too, but I guess, at least, you know, in the end we know the answers, I think, and I understand why I was wrong. I should explain there were some things - LIZ JACKSON: When you say you understand why you were wrong, what - ROD BARTON: Well, we interpreted things in certain ways, but because Iraq had lied to us - and I can give you the example with the anthrax. Iraq said that they destroyed the anthrax at the facility where they produced it, a place called Al Hakam. Now, we knew that that could not be true, and we interpreted that as saying, "Well, they've perhaps have still kept it", you know, they kept it. But what really happened to the anthrax is they moved it around the county on semitrailers, all the way during the Gulf War in 1991, and it was still in the trailers in July 1991, and the trailers had finished up in a place called Radinawiyah, which is south of Baghdad, and the order came at the time to destroy the agent, so they destroyed it. Unfortunately, it was right outside a palace, and they decontaminated the containers and they poured the anthrax onto the ground. Now, when it came to confessing to the United Nations that they had done this, Dr Taha, who was head of the program, could not now confess this because she would be more in trouble with Saddam for pouring this out, and I've stood on the gates of the palace. LIZ JACKSON: Pouring the anthrax out next to Saddam's palace? ROD BARTON: Yeah, and I've stood on the gates of that, on the steps of that palace and looked out, and you can see the place where she did it - he would not be pleased. So to protect herself from the wrath of Saddam, she lied to the United Nations, and lied to us. So we knew that there was a lie, but we jumped to the wrong conclusions. So we, ourselves, had a lesson to learn there, that we should be more objective, we should be more critical of everything they say. LIZ JACKSON: Three months ago the Department of Defence in Canberra received a thank you note from Charles Duelfer, Special Advisor to the director of the CIA. (Read) "To express my gratitude for the support you provided in the person of Mr Rod Barton. Mr Barton's unique experience and talents have been extremely valuable in producing a credible and balanced report." Do you feel that it's ended? Do you have closure on this? I mean as - ROD BARTON: Yes, I think so. I think we know the answers. I think I have closure. I mean, that's a small satisfaction. I mean, I still feel concerned about what's happened in Iraq, and about those people who are still in prison, and the casualties along the way; not only on the Iraq side, but on our side as well - David Kelly, I mentioned earlier on. So yeah, it's been a long journey, but I feel I'm at the end of this and I can move on to something else now. Please note: This transcript is produced by an independent transcription service. The ABC does not warrant the accuracy of the transcript. http://www.abc.net.au/4corners/content/2005/s1302767.htm ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> Give the gift of life to a sick child. Support St. Jude Children's Research Hospital's 'Thanks & Giving.' http://us.click.yahoo.com/lGEjbB/6WnJAA/E2hLAA/7gSolB/TM --------------------------------------------------------------------~-> The archives of South News can be found at http://southmovement.alphalink.com.au/southnews/ Yahoo! Groups Links <*> To visit your group on the web, go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/southnews/ <*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: southnews-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com <*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to: http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ ***************************************************************** 2 Guardian Unlimited: Iran Shuns Demand to Abandon Nuke Reactor From the Associated Press [UP] Monday February 14, 2005 2:01 AM By ALI AKBAR DAREINI Associated Press Writer TEHRAN, Iran (AP) - Iran rejected a European demand to stop building a heavy-water nuclear reactor that provides a simpler way of extracting weapons-grade fuel, and it warned the United States on Sunday ``not to play with fire'' by repeatedly threatening Tehran. Iran has indicated previously it will keep its heavy-water reactor, but Sunday's announcement that it will not replace it with a light-water reactor was the clearest statement yet of its nuclear plans and represented a hardening of its position. Both plants in question can be used to enrich uranium, a critical part in nuclear programs, but the extraction of weapons-grade material from a light-water reactor is more difficult. Uranium enriched to low grades is used for fuel in nuclear reactors, but further enrichment makes it suitable for atomic bombs. The statement underscored the unresolved differences between Iranian and European negotiators, who are continuing their talks over Iran's nuclear program even as the United States escalates its criticism of Iran. Earlier this month, President Bush accused Iran in his State of the Union speech of being ``the world's primary state sponsor of terror'' and pursuing nuclear weapons. Although Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has said a military strike against Iran was ``simply not on the agenda at this point,'' Bush has said his administration would not rule out any option. On Sunday, Foreign Ministry spokesman Hamid Reza Asefi reiterated previous statements by top officials that Iran would not tolerate any acts of aggression, particularly from the United States. ``Rice and other U.S. officials are aware of Iran's capabilities.'' Asefi told reporters at a news briefing. ``During the talks with the Europeans, we told them in clear terms to tell their American allies not to play with fire, and the Europeans clearly got our message.'' Iranian President Mohammad Khatami last week warned that Iran would turn into a ``scorching hell'' for any possible attackers. Iran, according to experts, is believed to be at least four years away from finishing construction of the heavy-water reactor near Arak, in central Iran. Those reactors use natural uranium rather than the enriched form, which is costlier and more complicated to produce. Asefi rejected a proposal by European negotiators to stop building the 40-megawatt Arak reactor in return for a light-water reactor - from which the extraction of weapons-grade material is difficult. ``We welcome the European offer ... but this won't replace the heavy-water research reactor at all. That will continue. We will pursue that,'' he said. Iran's top leaders have been adamant in recent days that Iran will not scrap its nuclear program, suspected by Washington as a program to produce a nuclear bomb. Asefi said Iran had long and intensive talks - ``early steps forward'' - with Europeans this week. He said Europe should step up its efforts to justify continuing the negotiations. ``During the talks, we tried to make it open that the nuclear fuel cycle has economic justification and that we will continue our activities in this field,'' Asefi said. Asefi also said Iran plans to become a major nuclear fuel supplier, part of a program that Iran says is for peaceful domestic energy purposes but Washington says is aimed at producing an atomic bomb. ``We intend to turn into an important and a major player in the nuclear fuel supply market in the next 15 years because there will be (an) energy shortage in the future,'' Asefi said. Separately, The Washington Post reported Sunday that the United States has been flying unmanned surveillance drones over Iran since last year to look for evidence of nuclear weapons programs and to probe the country's air defenses. Asefi did not comment on the report, saying, ``It's the job of the intelligence and security services to comment on this.'' Iran suspended uranium enrichment and all related activities in November, hoping to build trust and avoid U.N. Security Council sanctions. The International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, Austria, is monitoring the suspension. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 3 IPS-English CHINA-NORTH KOREA: Two Nations in a Bind Over Nukes Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 14:31:12 -0800 ROMAIPS AP WD IP CHINA-NORTH KOREA: Two Nations in a Bind Over Nukes Analysis - By Antoaneta Bezlova BEIJING, Feb 14 (IPS) - North Korea's bold statement that it has nuclear weapons - in order to thwart a possible U.S. invasion -- puts Beijing in an uncomfortable position. This is because it exposes China's ambiguous position on the primacy of the United Nations when it comes to dealing with the Stalinist country. As North Korea's oldest and staunchest ally and a U.N. Security Council member with veto- yielding power, China's stance on Pyongyang's nuclear threat is crucial to resolving the crisis on the Korean peninsula. But ever since Pyongyang expelled the International Atomic Energy Agency's (IAEA) inspectors in 2003, Beijing has blocked all efforts to censure North Korea at the U.N. Security Council. Instead, Beijing has chosen to host nuclear talks between the North and South Korea, Japan, Russia and the Untied States. China's willingness to act as a mediator is considered a marked departure from Beijing's low-key diplomatic profile in the past and regarded as a sign of a new, more mature and pro-active diplomacy. Three rounds of the six-nation talks however, produced no breakthroughs. In a dramatic announcement on Feb. 10, North Korea said it would indefinitely suspend its participation in the talks, and that it would ''bolster its nuclear weapons arsenal in order to protect the ideology, system, freedom and democracy chosen by its people.'' ''The situation on the Korean peninsula could become really serious should the U.S. decide to refer North Korea to the U.N. Security Council,'' said Shen Jiru, an international affairs researcher with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS). ''The North had said it would treat that as a declaration of war. We can only guess about the consequences.'' China has repeatedly voiced opposition to the unilateralism of the United States and backed the primacy of the Untied Nations Security Council in resolving international crises. In supporting the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states, Chinese leaders have argued that military force should never be used to solve the world's problems because it contravenes international law. However, Beijing has consistently impeded efforts to impose U.N. sanctions on North Korea despite evidence of breaches to international law. Pyongyang stoked world fears when it threatened to pull out of the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty in the early 1990s. It backed down after signing a 1994 deal with the Clinton administration promising to freeze its nuclear programme in exchange for energy aid. In 2003 however, Pyongyang withdrew from the treaty and expelled IAEA's inspectors after North Korean leaders were confronted with U.S. intelligence that they had developed a secret uranium enrichment programme. Pyongyang's admission this month to possessing nuclear weapons comes after months of official denial of running a secret nuclear programme. Rather than raise the alarm about an impending nuclear crisis that merits swift U.N. reaction, Beijing's official reaction so far has been low-key. State media sought to downplay the North's statement and marginalise its impact. A signed commentary in the 'Beijing News' last week suggested Pyongyang's nuclear swagger was a tactic for attracting international attention that could lead to an increase in foreign aid. It called the North's pronouncements ''surprising'' but in line with Pyongyang's customary ''reckless and provocative behaviour''. ''Because North Korea always engages in these kinds of marginal tactics, no country in the world would trust that North Korea is now playing a true card,'' the commentary said. Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing promised U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice that Beijing would use ''all channels'' of communication to encourage North Korea to return to the six-nation talks. ''China has always believed that the Korean peninsula should be free of nuclear weapons for peace and stability in the region,'' Li told Rice in a telephone conversation over the weekend. Also, China is under strong pressure to persuade North Korea to come back to the negotiating table because U.S. intelligence has found Beijing guilty in the past in subverting the U.N. system of nuclear controls by supporting North Korea's military build-up and its acquisition of missile technology. U.S. officials say state-owned Chinese defense firms continue to send missile components and technology to countries with a record of being suspected nuclear proliferators. Addressing a conference in Tokyo on Feb. 8, U.S. Undersecretary of State John Bolton identified China's main missile clients as Iran, Libya, North Korea and Pakistan. ''On numerous occasions we have expressed our concern about these entities to the Chinese government,'' Bolton said. ''Unfortunately, we continue to see transfers by these serious proliferators of missile-related items to rogue states and outposts of tyranny.'' Condoleezza Rice called North Korea ''an outpost of tyranny'' in her U.S. Senate confirmation hearings last month. Pyongyang cited her remarks as a sign of U.S. bellicose behaviour, which made nuclear talks impossible. Beijing continues to question the veracity of Pyongyang's nuclear threats although outside observers also believe North Korea possesses enough nuclear material to produce weapons. According to the Brussels-based International Crisis Group, Pyongyang may already have 10 nuclear weapons. ''If this is indeed true, Japan and South Korea might use it as a pretext to develop their own nuclear arsenal,'' said Shen from CASS. ''This would mean the collapse of the non-proliferation treaty.'' Pyongyang's declaration that it possesses nuclear weapons comes after South Korea admitted last year it had secretly produced small quantities of plutonium and enriched uranium while conducting nuclear experiments. (END/IPS/AP/WD/IP/SI/AB/05) = 02141347 ORP004 NNNN ***************************************************************** 4 [NYTr] Korea and Iran: a possible marriage made by Bush Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 08:45:36 -0600 (CST) Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit sent by Bob Richards - Feb 14, 2005 [Think about this: If we isolate what Dubya calls "Axis of evil" countries, they will form economic and military alliances with one another. It would not be inconceivable to push Iran and N. Korea into an alliance of this sort. What the US is doing in essence is forcing these countries to not only acquire nuclear weapons for their defense, but also forcing them into closer ties with one another. >From the 1997 hearing transcript below (on the Federation of American Scientists website): "..For example, North Korea acquired 300-kilometer-range Scud- B missiles in 1981, taught itself in a few short years how to produce them, and then sold them to Egypt, Iran and Syria. It used the experience gained with the Scud-B to produce the 550-kilometer-range Scud-C, which it tested in 1990 and sold to Iran, Syria and Libya. In 1993, it tested the 1,000-kilometer-range No-Dong 1, which Pentagon officials have reportedly said is a basis for Iran's longer-range Shahab missiles which could give Iran the capability to strike as far as Central and Western Europe. "Because North Korea has exported every missile it has built, in some cases even before it has deployed them, it is not unreasonable to assume that it will export the two long- range missiles it is now developing, the 2000-kilometer Taepo-Dong 1 and the 6,000-kilometer Taepo-Dong 2. The Taepo-Dong 2's 6,000-kilometer range will make it capable of hitting the United States from North Korea..." Iran may be 3 years from internal production of a nuclear weapon; It doesn't appear that they actually want to do this however, but the US may in fact force them to. It is not inconceivable, given the current pressure and threats of military attack from the US, that they can acquire a few Nukes from N. Korea in a short time! What we are doing is mandating the proliferation of nukes, not stopping it. Our foreign policy is ass-backwards. Also mentioned in the hearing below is the military cooperation between Syria and N. Korea. Syria, another "Axis of evil" nation, may also become nuclear. We then have an almost totally nuclear-armed mid-east, and a spark could easily provoke WWIII.-BR] *** Federation of American Scientists http://www.fas.org/spp/starwars/congress/1997_h/s-hrg-105-241.htm S. Hrg. 105-241 NORTH KOREAN MISSILE PROLIFERATION HEARING before the SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL SECURITY, PROLIFERATION, AND FEDERAL SERVICES of the COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION __________ OCTOBER 21 1997 __________ Printed for the use of the Committee on Governmental Affairs U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINT OFFICE 00-000 cc WASHINGTON : 1997 _______________________________________________________________________ For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402 COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS FRED THOMPSON, Tennessee, Chairman SUSAN M. COLLINS, Maine JOHN GLENN, Ohio SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas CARL LEVIN, Michigan PETE V. DOMENICI, New Mexico JOSEPH I. LIEBERMAN, Connecticut THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi DANIEL K. AKAKA, Hawaii DON NICKLES, Oklahoma RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jersey BOB SMITH, New Hampshire MAX CLELAND, Georgia ROBERT F. BENNETT, Utah Hannah S. Sistare, Staff Director and Counsel Leonard Weiss, Minority Staff Director Michal Sue Prosser, Chief Clerk ------ SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL SECURITY, PROLIFERATION AND FEDERAL SERVICES THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi, Chairman SUSAN M. COLLINS, Maine CARL LEVIN, Michigan PETE V. DOMENICI, New Mexico DANIEL K. AKAKA, Hawaii DON NICKLES, Oklahoma RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jersey BOB SMITH, New Hampshire MAX CLELAND, Georgia Mitchel B. Kugler, Staff Director Linda Gustitus, Minority Staff Director Julie Sander, Chief Clerk C O N T E N T S ------ Opening statements: Page Senator Cochran.............................................. 1 Senator Levin................................................ 2 WITNESSES Tuesday, October 21, 1997 Ju-Hwal Choi, Former Official, Ministry of the People's Army, South Korean; accompanied by B.J. Kim, Interpreter............. 3 Prepared statement........................................... 6 Young-Hwan Ko, Former Official, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, North Korea, accompanied by B.J. Kim, Interpreter.............. 4 Prepared statement........................................... 11 APPENDIX Questions and responses from Mr. Einhorn submitted by Senator Cochran........................................................ 33 NORTH KOREAN MISSILE PROLIFERATION ---------- TUESDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1997 U.S. Senate, Subcommittee on International Security, Proliferation, and Federal Services, of the Committee on Governmental Affairs, Washington, DC. The Subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:49 a.m., in room SD-342, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Thad Cochran, Chairman of the Subcommittee, presiding. Present: Senators Cochran and Levin. OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR COCHRAN Senator Cochran. Good morning. The topic of our Subcommittee's hearing today is North Korean Missile Proliferation. The threats posed by North Korea and its programs to acquire weapons of mass destruction and their delivery means are formidable. North Korea has long sought to acquire nuclear weapons, and has even suggested that it may already have them, threatening in 1994 to turn Seoul into a ``sea of fire'' if hostilities broke out on the Korean peninsula. According to the Defense Intelligence Agency, North Korea has a sophisticated chemical weapons program and the ability to produce biological warfare agents and weapons, and it has an aggressive program to develop and deploy the delivery means for these weapons. It has for some time possessed the ability to strike all of South Korea with ballistic missiles, and according to Admiral Preuher, Commander-in-Chief of U.S. forces in the Pacific, North Korea has already begun to deploy parts of No-Dong missile systems that are capable of reaching Japan. But there is another aspect of the North Korean proliferation problem that is perhaps even more worrisome. In addition to being a recipient of technology for weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems, North Korea is also a supplier, providing ballistic missiles and their production technology to other states. For example, North Korea acquired 300-kilometer-range Scud- B missiles in 1981, taught itself in a few short years how to produce them, and then sold them to Egypt, Iran and Syria. It used the experience gained with the Scud-B to produce the 550- kilometer-range Scud-C, which it tested in 1990 and sold to Iran, Syria and Libya. In 1993, it tested the 1,000-kilometer- range No-Dong 1, which Pentagon officials have reportedly said is a basis for Iran's longer-range Shahab missiles which could give Iran the capability to strike as far as Central and Western Europe. Because North Korea has exported every missile it has built, in some cases even before it has deployed them, it is not unreasonable to assume that it will export the two long- range missiles it is now developing, the 2000-kilometer Taepo- Dong 1 and the 6,000-kilometer Taepo-Dong 2. The Taepo-Dong 2's 6,000-kilometer range will make it capable of hitting the United States from North Korea. North Korea presents a new wrinkle to the problem of missile proliferation, one that is different from the other proliferants this Subcommittee has examined this year. In addition to the missiles themselves, North Korea has made a practice of selling the technology needed to produce these weapons. In doing so, it has created a missile trade among other states, creating a bootstrap effect in which other states are becoming self-sufficient with respect to ballistic missile technology. We can only hope that the North Korean example hasn't created a template for rogue states. This phenomenon is likely to continue because North Korea is desperately dependent on the hard currency generated by the sales of these weapons. An estimated 30 percent of North Korea's export income is generated by arms sales, with ballistic missile technology accounting for a high percentage of those sales. Ballistic missiles are essentially North Korea's only cash crop. Because of its dire economic situation, it is not likely that North Korea will be dissuaded from marketing that crop. This hearing, then, will examine the extent of the North Korean ballistic missile proliferation problem. We have with us two witnesses who are former North Korean government officials and who have unique insights into the views of the North Korean government. Colonel Ju-Hwal Choi is the highest ranking military defector from North Korea and served in the Ministry of the People's Army. Mr. Young-Hwan Ko is a former North Korean diplomat who served in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Both are now at the Research Institute for North Korean Affairs in Seoul and will be testifying today with the assistance of an interpreter. Mr. Robert Einhorn, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Nonproliferation, was scheduled to testify today, but is unable to be here because he is in China preparing for next week's summit meeting. We will therefore submit questions to Mr. Einhorn for the record.\1\ --------------------------------------------------------------------------- \1\ Questions and responses from Mr. Einhorn submitted by Senator Cochran appears in the Appendix on page 33. --------------------------------------------------------------------------- We want to introduce, as well, the translator, Mr. Kim, and welcome him and our two witnesses to the hearing today. But before receiving your statements, I want to call upon and yield to my good friend, the distinguished Senator from Michigan, Senator Levin. OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR LEVIN Senator Levin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me add my welcome to our witnesses today. This hearing concerns an interest of considerable importance to the United States, and that is the North Korea missile production and proliferation. This missile production in North Korea is a problem that is at least two-fold for us, as the Chairman mentioned. First is the indigenous efforts in North Korea to develop ballistic missiles for its own possible use. We have heard a great deal about these efforts in recent years as North Korea has worked on both No-Dong and Taepo-Dong classes of missiles with longer and longer ranges. But the other dimension is the problem that is created by North Korea's efforts, and successful efforts, to sell its missiles and missile technology to other nations, including nations with hostile policies toward the United States and our allies. North Korea has supplied missiles and technology to a number of such nations, motivated probably by the need to earn hard currency or any kind of assistance, such as oil supplies, that will help a failing economy. Today's hearing offers us an unusual opportunity to hear from two former North Korean officials, and their information is an important piece of a larger picture that we are trying to develop on North Korea. And I am glad that we will be submitting questions to Mr. Einhorn. It would have been helpful if he had been able to be here, actually, to answer those questions, and perhaps, in addition to submitting questions for the record, at a later date, Mr. Chairman, someone from the State Department might be called at a hearing to give us some fuller information about the North Korean nuclear weapons program; the framework agreement, how that is working out, as well as the missile technology and the missile issue itself. So I want to thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this important hearing. It does give us an unusual opportunity to get a window on a part of the world that has been closed to us. Senator Cochran. Thank you very much, Senator Levin, and I agree with you that it is important for us to have testimony from the State Department and maybe other administration officials, other departments as well on this subject, and we will endeavor to get that information for our hearing record. Let me call on now our distinguished witnesses. Thank you for being here. First, we will hear from Colonel Choi, and the way we propose to provide the Subcommittee with testimony is for them to introduce themselves and have the translator read into the record the statement that they have prepared. Welcome, Colonel Choi. TESTIMONY OF JU-HWAL CHOI, FORMER OFFICIAL, MINISTRY OF THE PEOPLE'S ARMY, NORTH KOREA; ACCOMPANIED BY B.J. KIM, INTERPRETER Mr. Choi. It is a great honor to be able to testify here. It is a great honor for myself. I entered the North Korean Army in 1968. I became an officer in 1972. I worked as an officer for the external affairs bureau of the People's Army from 1972 until 1994. From January 1995, I worked for Yung-Seong Trading Company that belongs to the People's Armed Forces. I was a colonel at the time of defection. Thank you very much. Senator Cochran. Thank you. Our other witness, Mr. Ko, we can proceed to hear your introduction. TESTIMONY OF YOUNG-HWAN KO, FORMER OFFICIAL, MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, NORTH KOREA; ACCOMPANIED BY B.J. KIM, INTERPRETER Mr. Ko. It is also my great honor to be able to be here. But I have to confess that I do have a mixed feeling. Right now my brother inside North Korea is in the political prisoners camp because of my defection, and what I will say today, a large part of it will be coming from what he told me before, and, therefore, through--because of my testimony here, I am worried whether he will have to bear more pain and suffering from now on. I worked for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 1978 until 1991. At the time of my defection, I was the first secretary working for the North Korean Embassy in Congo. Thank you very much. Senator Cochran. Thank you. Mr. Kim, if you would proceed to read the statements, we would appreciate that. And we would hear Colonel Choi's statement first. Mr. Kim. Yes, that is correct. [Mr. Kim reading Colonel Choi's statement] I would like to describe North Korean weapons of mass destruction. It is widely known inside North Korea that North Korea has produced, deployed, and stockpiled two or three nuclear warheads and toxic material such as over 5,000 tons of toxic gases. The North Koreans also know that North Korea has developed and deployed rockets with a range of 1,000 kilometers. The North Korean people also know that the North is at the final stage of developing rockets with a range of 5,000 kilometers. North Korea acquires powerful and destructive weapons with political and military purposes in mind. By having these weapons, the North is able to prevent itself from being slighted by such major powers as the United States, Russia, China, and Japan, and also they are able to gain the upper hand in political negotiations and talks with those superpowers. On the military front, North Korea can deal a blow to the 40,000 U.S. forces stationed in the South, and they can target the U.S. defense facilities and the Japanese defense facilities inside Japan, thereby effectively destroying supply bases in times of war. With these weapons, the North Korea can attack the U.S. homeland, starting with Alaska, in a war where there will be no victor or no loser. Since the mid-1970s, the North Korea has launched its efforts to build rockets by itself. As part of the effort, the North build rocket facilities for Soviet-designed and -produced Scud missiles, and they began R&D activities for rocket production in the military academy in Youngseung area of Pyongyang. As a result, the North was able to produce SS rockets with a range of 250 to 300 kilometers by the end of the 1980s. According to Vice Marshal and former First Deputy Minister of People's Armed Forces Kim Kwang-jin, the North succeeded in developing and producing rockets with a range of more than 4,000 kilometers. He said that once the North Korea develops rockets with a range of 1,000 kilometers, it is not so difficult to develop rockets with a range of 5,000 or over 10,000 kilometer range. He mentioned this when he visited China as the head of the North Korean military delegation. There are a number of rocket facilities inside North Korea. They include the 125 Factory in Pyongyang, the Number 26 Factory in Kangkye of Jakangdo area, the Yakjeon Machinery Factory in Mankeyungdae, and January 18th factory in Kagamri, Kaecheon-kun area in the south province of Pyongahn. The Number 125 Factory was open to the military delegation from Iraq--I'm sorry--military delegation from Iran and Egypt. The delegation inspected rocket assembly lines. Since the North uses mostly mobile rocket launchers, not fixed ones, it is assumed that the North does not have fixed rocket launchers. However, as far as I know, there are intermediate-range rocket bases in Sangwon-kun in Pyongyang and Hwadae-kun in the north province of Hamkyung. North Korea has been engaged in a plan to develop missiles jointly with Egypt. At the request of Egyptian President Mubarak, Kim Il-sung in the early 1980s transferred missile technology to Egypt and dispatched a group of North Korean experts to the country. The two countries seem to have maintained this relationship continuously. As a result, Egypt during the mid-1980s was successful in manufacturing 400- kilometer range surface-to-surface missiles. I confirmed this fact in 1989 when I met the chief of the General Bureau of External Cooperation in the Second Economic Commission in his office located in Botonggang-kuyok in Pyongyang. At that time I visited the office on a business related with Vice Marshal Choi Kwang's scheduled tour to Egypt. Choi at that time was the chief of the General Staff of the People's Army. He was later named the Minister of Armed Forces. North Korea has been exporting missiles to Iran since before the Iran-Iraq War. North Korea has exported a large amount of surface-to-surface and surface-to-air missiles to Iran. The Chemical Bureau in the Armed Forces Ministry once boasted that North Korea has been able to complete the chemical warfare preparation thanks to Kim Joung-chan. All officers, including general-level officers, are obligated to participate in anti-nuclear and anti-chemical warfare training twice a year, in spring and during the fall. During this training the experiments are conducted: a dog and a rabbit are put in separate glass tubes and a poison gas is blown in, then these animals will die within 20 seconds. These gas bombs are designed to be delivered by rocket launchers or howitzer. Some Americans believe that even if North Korea possessed the ability to strike the United States, it would never dare to because of the devastating consequences. But I do not agree with this idea. If a war breaks out in the Korean Peninsula, the North's main target will be the U.S. forces based in the South and Japan. That is the reason why the North has been working furiously on its missile programs. Kim Jong-il believes that if North Korea creates more than 20,000 American casualties in the region, the U.S. will roll back and the North Korea will win the war. Thank you very much. Senator Cochran. Thank you. Mr. Kim, I believe that page 5--4 may have been omitted. It starts out, ``The Production of Chemical Weapons (The 5th General Bureau).'' Mr. Kim. Yes, I am sorry. Page 4 was mixed in. I missed it. Could I add page 4? Senator Cochran. Please do it now. Mr. Kim. Thank you very much. The Hamhung Branch and three other institutes under the Second Natural Science Academy are responsible for research and production of chemical weapons, and seven factories scattered throughout the country are manufacturing these weapons as well as various anti-chemical equipment. The Germ Research Institute in the military medical department under the General Logistics Bureau of the Armed Forces Ministry is responsible for developing biological weapons. North Korea is currently producing various kinds of poison gases, including nerve gas, blister gas, among others. These agents are produced at various factories inside the North Korea. Kim Jong-chan, a major who served as an assistant military attache at the North Korean Embassy in East Germany in late 1970s, is said to have obtained the technical data for manufacturing extremely poisonous gases from Germany. Based on this new technology, North Korea has begun to manufacture new kinds of poison gases since the mid-1980s. It is said that Dr. Li Sung-gi, who is known to have developed vinalon, which is a synthetic fiber made from limestone, have participated in the project to develop the new gas. Kim Joung-chan made a quick advancement, thanks to his achievement. He was promoted to the rank of colonel in 1984 and was named the chief of External Business Affairs Bureau, which is a position usually occupied by a general-level officer, in the Armed Forces Ministry. [The prepared statement of Mr. Choi follows:] PREPARED STATEMENT OF CHOI JU-HWAL Senator Cochran. That concludes the colonel's statement, and you may proceed to present the statement of Mr. Ko. Mr. Kim. Thank you. I will make sure the numbers are correct this time. [Mr. Kim reading Mr. Ko's statement] I would like to describe North Korean missiles. Recognizing the dire need for missile development, Kim Il- sung established the National Defense University in Hamheung in 1965. After the Pueblo incident in January 1968, it was moved to the city of Kangkye where defense facilities, these were concentrated. The elites of the North Korea are screened to enter the university where they study for 7 years to graduate. The first department used to be the Department of Missile Engines. My older brother, the first son of our family, graduated from the department. The textbooks he had studied ranged from designs of V-1 and V-2 type missiles to those of the Soviet-made short-range surface-to-surface missiles, commonly referred to as Frog missiles. In 1965, Kim Il-sung said to Kim Chang-bong, who was the National Defense Minister, the following: ``We must develop rockets for war. That is why I build the National Defense University.'' He also said, ``If a war breaks out, the United States and Japan will also be involved. In order to prevent their involvement, we have to be able to produce rockets that fly as far as Japan. Therefore, it is the mandate for the National Defense University to nurture those personnel who will develop mid- and long-range missiles.'' These remarks were written on the first page of the textbooks my brother studied at the university. He graduated from the university in 1972 and was sent as missile engine design expert to a design lab in the southern province on Pyongahn. The lab served as the underground factory producing engines for missiles, rocket ships, torpedoes, and tanks. According to my brother, there were over 10,000 people working in the factory. Since the end of the 1970s, this factor has begun reverse engineering of Frog missiles. In 1981, my brother was transferred to the design labs of the maritime missile factory in Pyongyang. He often told me that he was involved in the production of missiles which can destroy the warships of the 7th Fleet of the United States naval forces which will appear in the East Sea if a war breaks out on the Korean Peninsula. According to him, the North conducted test firings of the missiles on the coastal areas of the Yellow Sea during the night time in order to avoid detection by the U.S. reconnaissance satellites. In 1988, he was transferred to the missile engine design lab of the National Defense University in the Pyongyang area where he developed mostly surface-to-surface Scud missiles and enhanced their capabilities. He said that North Korean missiles had the capability to cover the entire territory of the South and the waters of the Korean Peninsula. He said also that the North purchased the Soviet Union-made SS missiles, French Exocet air-to-ship missiles, and Stinger missiles for reverse engineering production purposes. A number of organizations within the North Korean Government are responsible for producing and exporting missiles. The 2nd Economic Committee is responsible for the defense industry in the North and is composed of 8 general bureaus, the fourth of which is in charge of missile production. Within the General Staff, the Maebong Trading Company is responsible for importing high-tech weapons such as missiles while the Yongaksan Trading Company is in charge of exporting North Korean weapons. Another bureau under the General Staff is responsible for smuggling high-tech weapons. According to Im Young-sun, a defector from North Korea and former leader of guard platoon in the Military Construction Bureau of the People's Armed Forces Ministry, North Korea has deployed missiles as the following: The Military Construction Bureau completed the construction of a long-range missile base in North Pyong-an Province in 1986 and another in North Hamgyong Province in 1988. The Taepo-Dong missile base in Hwadae County is an underground factory with surface-to-surface missiles designed to hit the Japanese area. For security reasons, all residents residing in the area within the radius of 80 kilometers of this base have been ordered to move out. The Military Construction Bureau started building a missile base in Chungganjin Province in 1990 and completed the construction in 1995. This base was targeting the U.S. troops in Okinawa. The Military Construction Bureau started constructing an underground missile base in Kangwon Province in 1991, which was scheduled to be completed within 6 to 7 years after the commencement of the work, and this base was targeting Japanese islands and U.S. military bases inside Japan. The Military Construction Bureau completed the construction of a missile base in Mayang Island, South Hamgyong Province, in late 1980s. Also, the Military Construction Bureau constructed a missile base designed to cover the west side of Japan. The Military Construction Bureau completed the construction of an intermediate-range missile base on Kanggamchan Mountain located on the opposite side of Kane-po Fisheries Cooperatives in Jungsan County, which is South Pyongan Province. The time of construction was 1985. The North Korean Navy also completed the construction of a surface-to-ship missile base in early 1990 on the same site. I believe that MCB, Military Construction Bureau, is currently constructing a long-range surface-to-surface missile base in Doksong County, South Hamgyong Province. North Korea has given various names to the Taepo-Dong missiles, such as Hwasong-1, which means Mars, Hwasong-2; Moksong, which means Jupiter, Moksong-1, Moksong-2, and so on. The organizations responsible for exporting missiles include the Yongaksan Trading Company and the Changkwang Trading Company under the Second Economic Commission, the 15th Bureau, which is the General Bureau of Technology, in the Armed Forces Ministry, and also Maebong General Bureau in the General Staff of the People's Army. I heard the following from Colonel Kim Young-hwan in August 1988 when I was chatting with him at his home. Mr. Kim was one of my seniors at Pyongyang Foreign Language College. He later served as a chief of a department in the Daesong General Bureau and then as the deputy chief of Maebong Trading Company. He said the following: North Korea has been exporting missiles mainly to Iran, Syria, Egypt, and Libya. Egypt was North Korea's main counterpart for developing missiles jointly. Iran was also a counterpart for developing missiles jointly. Iran also was buying North Korean missiles, and Syria was buying North Korean missiles as well. Colonel Kim Young-hwan also said, ``The export of missiles occupies the largest portion of North Korea's total export volume, and that if North Korea is unable to export missiles to the Middle East countries, then its import of crude oil must be stopped.'' He also said that North Korea was earning about $1 billion a year when the exports went smoothly. In February 1991, when I was serving as a member of the North Korean Embassy in Congo, the Foreign Ministry office in Pyongyang sent us a telegram message which instructed us receive a roll of North Korean film and other propaganda materials from a North Korean cargo ship which sailed out from the North Korean port of Haeju and was bound for Syria. The instruction was based on the fact that the cargo ship was scheduled to stop at the Congolese port. The message also instructed us to help the cargo ship to refill fuel at the port. But around that time, the world media began to report that the North Korean cargo ship seemed to be carrying missiles, and then Pyongyang ordered the cargo ship to return home. Later, the Foreign Ministry sent us a message saying that the cargo ship returned home for an inevitable reason, and the materials would be delivered later. North Korean Ambassador to Congo Ryu Kwan-jin, who was a close friend of Chang Song-taik, who was Kim Jong-il's brother- in-law, told me that he once heard Chang saying that North Korea had been experiencing difficulties in exporting surface- to-surface missiles to such countries as Syria, Libya, and Iran because of U.S. reconnaissance satellites, and, therefore, North Korea was transporting major parts of missiles, important parts of the missiles, by airplanes. North Korea has been exporting not only its own missiles but also missiles produced in third countries. Kim Yang-gon, who observed as a counselor in charge of trade at the North Korean Embassy in Zaire in April 1990, told me that North Korea had been importing silkworm missiles through railroads and then exporting it to Iran and Syria through sea routes, thus earning enormous amount of commissions. Kim Jong-il was known to be satisfied with the trade. Exporting missiles is crucial to the North Korean economy. Kim Jong-il regime is likely to continue missile production in order to attack Republic of Korea, Japan, and the United States in the times of war and to get oil from Middle Eastern countries as well. Therefore, I would like to say that we have to work together to support Republic of Korea to improve its missile capabilities against North Korea's threat in order to keep peace inside the Korean Peninsula. Thank you very much. [The prepared statement of Mr. Ko follows:] PREPARED STATEMENT OF KO YOUNG-HWAN Senator Cochran. Thank you, Mr. Kim, Colonel Choi, Mr. Ko. Thank you very much for your testimony. There is a phrase that is often used here in Washington to describe the impact of new information that is very important. Some say this is ``just like receiving a wake-up call.'' Well, to me, this is more than just a wake-up call. I think it is a call to general quarters. It ought to be considered a grave matter of national security and it requires a response that is appropriate to the level of the threat. We must, in my view, try to emphasize the importance of up-to-date intelligence information and how important it is to know what is going on, not only in trade from North Korea to other states in missile technology, other components of weapons of mass destruction and the weapons themselves, but we also need to take steps to be sure that we have the capability and the systems deployed that will protect U.S. forces and U.S. interests from missile attack and other weapons of mass destruction. That to me is the lesson and why I suggest that it is probably more appropriate to say this should be a call to general quarters and not just a wake- up call. Let me ask a couple of questions before yielding to my good friend from Michigan. You mentioned, both of you, the No-Dong missile and the possible range that these missiles have. Do you know or could you tell us what quantities of these missiles have likely been constructed and will be deployed ultimately? Mr. Choi. I know for sure since the late 1970s North Korea has been involved in developing and producing missiles, but, unfortunately, I do not have exact numbers for quantity and amount of such missiles produced so far. Senator Cochran. Do you know how many of these missiles have been deployed, or if the No-Dong missiles have been actually deployed? Mr. Choi. Regarding the deployment of missiles, the following is what I know: Inside Pyongyang, the Sangwon-kun area, I know there is one brigade, one missile brigade that has been deployed. Inside Hamkyung Province, Hwadae-kun area, there is also another missile brigade that has been deployed. Senator Cochran. Mr. Ko, do you have responses to those questions? Do you have information that would enable you to answer those same questions about the deployment of the No-Dong missile and how many may have been constructed or are intended to be deployed? Mr. Ko. Since the 1970s, North Korea has been producing various kinds of surface-to-surface missiles, and the amount, according to what I know, has been more than the demand that is needed inside North Korea. Therefore, there have been surplus supplies that could have been diverted to exports. In terms of exact amount of these missiles, unfortunately, I do not have numbers. As Mr. Choi said, in Hamkyung Province, in Hwadae-kun area, there is a missile base which is targeting the American armed forces inside Japan. That I know for sure, but I do not have the information on numbers of missiles. Senator Cochran. The experience that we have had here in the development of missile programs is that there are extensive flight tests, undertaken before a system is deployed. Can you tell us whether or not there is such a testing practice in North Korea? Or is there a different approach to deployment? Are missiles sometimes deployed before extensive flight testing? Mr. Choi. Inside North Korea, first of all, the missile testing is an extreme secret, and the second point is it is very costly for them within the limited economic capability that they have. Therefore, as far as I know, they do not conduct extensive and multiple rounds of testings for those missiles. Also, if I could add, unlike the U.S. missiles, which require capability for surgical strikes, North Korean missiles are not designed for such surgical precision. What they are seeking is impact, and what they are targeting is a general region rather than specific facilities or so. Therefore, the precision of the missiles is not a question, a great matter of importance; therefore, that also is another reason why there is no extensive testing going on inside North Korea. And, also, another important point about missile testing is their purpose to use this as a bargaining chip during the negotiation with great powers such as the United States. So for that reason, they do not need multiple testings. One testing would be enough. Senator Cochran. Mr. Ko? Mr. Ko. My elder brother once told me that United States is very confident that they can detect everything through the reconnaissance satellites, but my brother mentioned that that is a great misunderstanding. For missile testings, because of the reconnaissance satellites, what the North Koreans do is they conduct these testings at night or cloudy days, and sometimes when no such option is available, they try to do simulated testing. Senator Cochran. Thank you. Senator Levin. Senator Levin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. You made reference, Mr. Ko, to the shipment, a ship that was being redirected home from Congo, and that was because of the fear, as I understand it, that--was that because the satellites might have detected that that freighter carried missiles? Is that what the fear was? Or was that because of some other reporting? Mr. Ko. I could try to repeat what Mr. Ryu Kwan-jin, who was the Ambassador to Congo, said to us. He said the following: The Yankees were bothering us, and that is the reason the cargo ship had to return. And inside the cargo ship, there were missiles being exported to Syria. Senator Levin. According to your testimony, Mr. Ko, you said that North Korea was transporting parts of missiles instead of whole missiles because of the difficulty of exporting whole missiles and the fact that that would become known. And in your written testimony, you said that the parts of missiles were going to be transported aboard ships. Then when you testified orally, you used the word ``airplanes.'' I was confused as to which it was. Mr. Kim. To clarify, there was a mistake. There was a mistake that we detected before the hearing, and what he meant to say was airplanes. Because of the reconnaissance satellites, they had to use the airplanes. Senator Levin. So that the missiles then were going to be shipped in pieces from that point on aboard airplanes; is that correct? Mr. Ko. There are large parts of missiles that cannot be transported through airplanes. Those parts are exported through the ship with all the camouflage you can think of, and those parts that could be exported through--transported through the planes, they do so, as that had been mentioned. And, also, those parts that they carry on the ships, they use camouflage and try to use the nighttime. Senator Levin. Why is the shipment of missiles hidden by North Korea? Mr. Ko. North Korea believes that the U.S. has placed economic sanctions on the side of North Korea, and North Korea is under great pressure. Therefore, they would like to circumvent such restrictions. In order to do so, they had to hide these missiles exports because these exports are important means of earning dollars and oil from these countries that may not be very friendly to the United States. Senator Levin. He made reference to the MTCR. What was that reference? In his answer, when he was speaking in Korean, he made reference---- Mr. Kim. Yes, I was asking what MTCR means, and they cannot provide a complete name for it, but it sounds like international norm that restricts missile productions. Senator Levin. I know what it means, but when he made reference to it in his answer, you did not in your translation make reference to it. Mr. Kim. Yes, that was my mistake. He mentioned briefly the international norm and pressure placed by the MTCR as well. That is another factor that is important. Senator Levin. Mr. Ko said that his brother--let me make sure. I believe his brother said that the North had purchased French Exocet missiles, and I am wondering when and from whom those missiles were purchased. Mr. Ko. Well, as I said, my brother told me that North Korea was importing Exocet missiles from French, but better source of this information is, in 1988, September, General Mr. Li Su-yon, belonging to the 15th Bureau of People's Armed Forces, told to me that North Korea has successfully imported those French Exocet missiles directly. Senator Levin. From France? Mr. Ko. I am sorry. He did not say directly. He did not identify the routes of imports. He just said North Korea succeeded in importing Exocet missiles from France. Senator Levin. ``From France,'' did he use the words? Mr. Ko. What it meant was French-made missiles, not from France. Senator Levin. Not necessarily from France. Mr. Ko. Not necessarily from France. Senator Levin. He made reference to a joint program between North Korea and Egypt to develop missiles, and I am wondering what he can tell us about that program and how long it lasted. Mr. Choi. In 1989, the Minister of People's Armed Forces, Choi Kwang, visited Egypt, and at that time I worked for the speech--transcript of the speech, draft of the speech for the combined command forces, and I worked for that script by myself. When I was working for that draft of speech for the joint chief of staff, I had to go to the External Economic Cooperation General Bureau of the Second External Economic Affairs Committee and had to put together all the related information regarding North Korea and Egypt joint project on missile development. According to the chief of the General Bureau, according to his words, in 1980, early 1980, based on the request from Egyptian President Mubarak and based on Kim Il-sung's approval, North Korea provided the process-related technology, production process-related technology to Egypt, and also sent a delegation of experts to Egypt. Through these joint efforts, it was announced in 1989 that a missile with a range of 400 kilometers was developed successfully. The information that I have mentioned so far were the ones that I saw in that collective material related to the information packet that I saw while I was working for the joint chief of staff speech. Senator Levin. Was that effort still ongoing when he defected in 1995? Mr. Choi. The Minister of the People's Armed Forces is not directly involved in such joint missile development efforts. Instead, the Second Economic Committee that belongs to the party directly manages such efforts, so, therefore, I am not completely sure about such details. I'd like to emphasize even the Minister of People's Armed Forces is not well informed of such dealings of missile exports and joint developments. Senator Levin. What can our two witnesses tell us about exports to Iran, specifically what types of missiles, how many missiles, when were the exports, what kind of technology or production equipment has been exported to Iran? Just what, when, what types, so forth, as much specifics as they can give us. Mr. Choi. As far as I know, the North Korean missile exports to Iran began during the Iran-Iraq War. It began during the Iran-Iraq War. Such missile exports was one of the key reasons why Iraq and North Korea discontinued their diplomatic relationship. The missiles that North Korea exported to Iran included various kinds of surface-to-surface missiles and surface-to-air missiles. Regarding the surface-to-surface missiles, I'm not sure what kind of missiles have been exported, for example, what kind of Scud missiles, what versions of them have been exported. But regarding the surface-to-air missiles, I know the mobile missiles, so-called Hwaseung Chong inside North Korea, which is similar to or the same as SAM-7 missiles and used to be produced by the Soviet Union, a large amount of those missiles have been exported to Iran, and I'm not--I do not have numbers for exact amount of such export. Those Hwaseung Chong missiles, the mobile surface-to-air missiles, was believed to be used when the U.S. helicopter was shot down in December of 1994. Of course, the Iranians were not as much interested in direct imports of the missiles, but they have been much more interested in learning this technology, and they have been quite consistent in demanding for such technology to be transferred from North Korea. As far as I know, since 1986, Iranian--top commander of Iranian Revolutionary Forces has visited North Korea three times since 1986, and one of the key reasons for their visit is for the transferring of such missile technology from North Korea to Iran. But as far as I know, at least until 1995, when I defected, North Korea did not respond or accept such demand of transfer of technology to Iran. Mr. Ko. In April 1988, secretary-level official named Kwosong-sun, working for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has told to me the following: The head of Iranian Revolutionary Armed Forces has visited North Korea repeatedly, and there is a problem because what they want is the technology and factories to produce these missiles, and what we want is selling those missiles to them. Therefore, their interests do not meet directly. Senator Levin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Senator Cochran. Thank you, Senator Levin. Colonel Choi, you mentioned both the No-Dong 1 and No-Dong 2 missiles in your statement. Could you explain the differences between these two missiles and why North Korea desires to deploy them? Mr. Choi. I do not have details, technical details, about the difference between No-Dong 1 and No-Dong 2. All I know is, as it's well known, is the difference in the range. The reason for the deployment of these missiles, I believe, is to hit the supply bases and also naval bases located inside Japan, bases, I think United States base, as well as both Japanese and American supply and naval bases located inside Japan and Okinawa and Guam area. The North Koreans believe that when a war occurs, it will take about 20 to 30 days for the United States to transport the necessary forces to the ship all the way to the Korean Peninsula. Before the U.S. supplies reaches Korean Peninsula in 20 to 30 days, North Korea aims to overtake the entire area of southern side of peninsula, and I believe the missiles, such missiles will serve a very useful purpose in doing so. In other words, those missiles will be used to prevent the U.S. supplies reaching the Korean Peninsula and, therefore, ensuring the complete victory for North Korea. Senator Cochran. Thank you. Mr. Ko, do you know what the intended targets of the No- Dong will be? Can you confirm what Colonel Choi has said, or do you have any additional information that you could add to that? Mr. Ko. It is a well-known fact to me because I heard this through my brother, as I said before--and also through the other officials, my colleagues inside the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and also friends in the Ministry of People's Armed Forces. It is a well-known fact that Kim Il-sung, when he established the National Defense University in 19--as early as 1965, Kim Il-sung had said that North Korea should develop rockets and missiles to hit U.S. forces inside Japan. And regarding the U.S. forces inside South Korea, North Korea--it is a well-known fact that North Korea will use short-range missiles and other missiles and rockets in order to have casualties of somewhere between 10,000 to 20,000, and even more casualties in the side of U.S. forces in order to have anti-war sentiments to rise inside the United States and cause the withdrawal of U.S. forces in the time of war. Senator Cochran. Although my question related specifically to the No-Dong 1 and No-Dong 2 missiles, when you're talking about using missiles on targets in South Korea, are you referring to Scud missiles as well? And if so, will these targets that you mention be the same in the use of Scud missiles in South Korea? Mr. Ko. Yes, basically what you're saying is correct. No- Dong 1 and No-Dong 2 are primarily designed to target U.S. forces inside Japan, Okinawa, and Sasebo area, and talking about the short-range missiles, yes, Scud missiles are the ones that will be used basically to hit the U.S. forces inside South Korea, and they will be also used in the multiple rocket launchers as well on the side. Senator Cochran. Colonel Choi, do you have any other information about how Scud missiles may be targeted in South Korea to ports or air bases, command and control facilities? Mr. Choi. I cannot recall exactly the year, but I believe it was either in 1987 or in 1988 there was a delegation from the Soviet Union Air Defense Command to North Korea, and I had to be acting as an interpreter, Russian language, for the Minister of People's Armed Forces, Ojin Uh, and that was the first time for me to be allowed into the North Korean Air Defense Command underground. I saw a map inside the air command, underground air command, a map that covers the entire area of Korean Peninsula, and for the southern part of the map, I could see the strategical targets for air strikes. By saying air strikes, I do not exclude missile strikes as well. There were three main targets of attack, and they were: No. 1, Seoul and Inchon area; No. 2, Taejon area; and, No. 3, Ulsan area. Therefore, based on what I saw on the map, I believe the main targets in using Scud missiles will be also those three areas of Seoul-Inchon, Taejon, and Ulsan. Senator Cochran. Do you know how many Scud missiles and what types of Scud missiles North Korea possesses now? Mr. Choi. Again, I do not have numbers for the Scud missiles produced and specific information on the kinds of Scud missiles produced. But I could tell you that since 1978, inside People's Armed Forces command ranks, there has been a position for rocket and missile-related deputy commander position that has been in place since 1978. And, also, in 1993, North Korea opened a new university, a defense university, specifically devoted to the development of rockets and missiles, and this institute, as I said, was opened in 1993. So, therefore, I believe the amount that has been produced has to be significant. Senator Cochran. Mr. Ko, do you have information about the numbers and types of Scud missiles in North Korea at the present time? Mr. Ko. I recall a conversation that took place between myself and Kang Zok Ju, the Principal Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. I recall the date was September 8, 1988. I asked him during the conversation, ``Why are we exporting these missiles, including Scud missiles. Is it because we have enough supply here inside North Korea or is it because of some other reasons.'' And Mr. Kang Zok Ju replied to me, ``It is obvious that we can export missiles, including Scuds, overseas because we have enough supply inside North Korea.'' That is the information I can tell you, but unfortunately I do not have numbers. Senator Cochran. There is a statement--I think it is in Colonel Choi's prepared statement--about North Korea being in the final stages of the development for the 5,000-kilometer- range Taepo-Dong missiles. When would they be deployed, if you know, and what would be their intended targets? Mr. Choi. Two things. Number one, regarding the missiles with 5,000-kilometer range, it has been generally discussed and mentioned to the general public of North Korea. That is all I know about the missiles of 5,000-kilometer range. But in 1991, Mr. Kim Kwang-jin, whom I mentioned--let me correct myself. In 1993, Kim Kwang-jin, whom I mentioned during my testimony, has specifically mentioned to me about 4,000- kilometer missiles production and development, and he told me that we are expecting a completion of such development fairly soon. Mr. Kim Kwang-jin told me that during our visit through China as a North Korean military delegation to Beijing. Mr. Kim Kwang-jin, during the trip when he told me about these missiles with 4,000-kilometer range, did not mention specifically names such as Taepo-Dong or some other names. One point that I would like to reemphasize which was included in my testimony is he said at that time during our conversation--Mr. Kim Kwang-jin during our trip to China said it is almost no problem to produce longer-range missiles once we reached to the point where we could produce missiles with 1,000-kilometer range. There is not much difference between missiles with 1,000-kilometer range and 5,000-kilometer range from his perspective. I do not know whether any missiles with 4,000-kilometer range have been developed and actually deployed. Senator Cochran. Mr. Ko, do you have any information on that subject? Mr. Ko. Honestly speaking, I never heard about the name Taepo-Dong while I was inside North Korea, and still I do not understand where the name comes from. I imagine I first heard a name that was originated from the U.S. sources. As far as I know, naming missiles inside North Korea--they use names of planets, usually, like Hwasong-1, Jupiter; Moksong-1 and 2, like Mars, and things like that. Senator Cochran. Do you know anything about the intended targets for the long-range missiles? Mr. Kim. Mr. Chairman, are you asking the targets of the long-range missiles? Senator Cochran. Yes. Mr. Kim. OK. Mr. Ko. Regarding the targets for long-range missiles that North Korea is trying to develop or has already developed, as far as I know the primary target, number one target, is U.S. military facilities inside Japan. And the second target would be the facilities inside Guam, and as far as I know they are also seeking to strike areas such as Alaska. Mr. Choi. This has never been formally announced, but inside the People's Armed Forces in North Korea it is common knowledge that the ultimate goal for the development of North Korean missiles is to reach the mainland of the United States. In discussing such ultimate goal amongst the officers of the People's Armed Forces, there are saying once we reach that ultimate goal, we should use chemical and nuclear weapons and deliver a fatal blow to the United States, to the mainland of the United States. And it is a common thing to talk about such future amongst the general officers of the People's Armed Forces. Senator Cochran. Senator Levin. Senator Levin. Thank you. Relative to nuclear weapons, I guess, Mr. Ko, you were quoted as saying that you are not a hundred percent sure that North Korea has a nuclear bomb, but that they are trying to get a nuclear bomb. Do you think it is possible or likely that they have two or three weapons already, or don't you know? Mr. Ko. I think the question should go to Mr. Choi. Senator Levin. Well, I would like to ask both of them. Let me start with Mr. Ko. He was quoted as saying that he is not sure that North Korea has a nuclear bomb and I would like to know what he knows of his own knowledge. Mr. Ko. I think regarding the fact whether North Korea for sure has nuclear capability or not at this point will be only known to the supreme commander, Kim Jong-il. But during the time while I was working for the Foreign Ministry for 13 years, every year we had to deal with a so-called plan for national development and prosperity. In that, one of the items that comes up at the beginning is mentioning that all the embassies in all countries, their primary--one of the key missions is in seeking nuclear technology and I had to deal with that every year. Mr. Choi. I would like to add something. From 1979 until 1982, I was a deputy military attache at the North Korean embassy in Czechoslovakia. While I was in Czechoslovakia during those years, I was getting orders to obtain the technology and equipment including some welding rods for welding the nuclear reactors, and also I was getting orders to obtain materials such as a sample of laser rod to use the laser-related weapons, which has little to do with the nuclear technology. I carried out those orders and I got decorated because I could send, fortunately, the following. I sent about 21 different special welding rods that had to do with the nuclear reactor welding, and also I could send the documentation regarding the nuclear reactor welding technology. And, also, I was successful in obtaining the equipments relating to the laser technology. I got so-called gas laser rod, and also small--I think it is a conductor, circuit-related conductors. The French made such conductors, circuit conductors, that had to do with the laser technology and I was able to send those to North Korea, and as a result I was decorated. The circuit conductor I was referring to was the diodes. Senator Levin. Does Colonel Choi agree with Mr. Ko that only the supreme commander of the People's Army would know for sure whether or not North Korea has nuclear weapons? Mr. Choi. I had a lot of experience to travel with the top commanders of People's Army and had to work with them all the time. I never heard specifically how many nuclear warheads and in what kind of forms that North Korea--never heard that, whether North Korea has such capability in specific forms and numbers. At the time of death of Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il had said that if war occurs and if we are about to lose, we will destroy everything on earth, and this comment has been widely shared and announced throughout North Korea. That, I believe, is another indicator for the possibility that North Korea already has nuclear capability, but nobody has seen it or can confirm it for sure. Also, as you well know, North Korea has withdrawn from the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty. At that time, inside the People's Armed Forces, the officers, my colleagues were saying openly that the reason why North Korea joined the treaty at the beginning was to earn more time for the development of nuclear weapons. And since we have withdrawn, there is no reason to observe the treaty anymore, since we seem to have the capability and it is nonsense to remain under the obligations of the treaty. They are openly saying that. Senator Levin. Does he believe that the 1993 framework agreement stopped any further production? Mr. Choi. I absolutely do not believe that the framework's agreement had such impact on North Korean efforts for nuclear development at all. As far as I understand, the inspection team visited North Korea based on the framework agreement. I do not think they had a chance to inspect underground facilities, and I believe they only inspected the above-the-ground-level facilities and I believe all the critical and important facilities are underground. Therefore, they didn't really see anything from my perspective. I believe those underground nuclear facilities will never be open to outsiders under any circumstances. Senator Levin. And South Korea knows where they are? Mr. Choi. I don't know how much the South Korean side knows about this, but when I was inside North Korea I heard that such facilities were generally located around the Youngbyon area. One of the evidence to support such speculation, believing that most of the facilities are locating in the Youngbyon area, is I know for a fact in 1993 the People's Armed Forces--the guarding around that area was upgraded from battalion level to brigade level in 1993. I believe such a decision was made based on the possibility of spy activities, to prevent such activities. Senator Levin. And where precisely was that? Mr. Kim. That is the Youngbyon area where the lightwater-- -- Senator Levin. No, but where near Youngbyon? Where precisely was that underground facility that had increased protection? Mr. Choi. The district or area inside the Youngbyon area is called Bun-gang area and that's a special district where no one from outside can enter, and my brother-in-law used to work as a part of police force guarding that Bun-gang area inside Youngbyon. My brother-in-law was in charge of inspecting the people going and coming out of the special area, inspecting what kind of documents they are carrying, whether they are carrying any secret documents. Senator Levin. Is he still there in North Korea. Mr. Choi. Since I mentioned such factors relating to my brother-in-law at the time when I had the press conference after my defection, I do not believe he is there anymore. According to what I heard from my brother-in-law at that time when I was in North Korea, in that Bun-gang area they were developing and producing laser technology, as well as the nuclear-related technology and products. Senator Levin. Just one final question. Colonel Choi, you mentioned that there are two brigades of missiles that have been deployed. Can you tell us what types of missiles have been deployed with those two brigades and what the ranges of those missiles are, if you know? Mr. Choi. Regarding the missile brigade that is located in the Sangwan area, the brigade commander was a good friend of mine from same school. He went to the rocket institute inside the Soviet Union. He graduated from there in 1986 and he became the commander, brigade commander, of that Sangwan missile base. Later on, he was executed with the accusation being a Soviet spy, a spy from the Soviet Union. Unfortunately, I do not, however, have specific numbers or information regarding what kind of missiles that he had inside his missile brigade. Senator Levin. He mentioned two brigades. Does he know anything about the other brigade? Mr. Choi. Unfortunately, I do not have any specific information about the other brigade. Senator Levin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Senator Cochran. Thank you, Senator Levin. Let me ask you a few questions about the export policies and programs of North Korea. Could you tell us the number of countries and the identity of these countries who have purchased Scud-type missiles from North Korea? Mr. Choi. All I know is that North Korea has been exporting those missiles, including Scud missiles, to Iran and Syria, mainly. But, unfortunately, I do not have specific information. Senator Cochran. Mr. Ko? Mr. Ko. I know Libya also has imported some quantity, limited quantity of Scud missiles, but I know the main importers of North Korean Scud missiles have been Iran and Syria. Senator Cochran. Do you have any information about how many missiles have been purchased by each country? Mr. Choi. No. Mr. Ko. No. Senator Cochran. There were some recent news reports that Iran is building new intermediate-range missiles which are based upon the No-Dong design. Do you know if Iran has purchased the No-Dong missile from North Korea or if North Korea is assisting Iran in developing intermediate-range missiles? Mr. Choi. Since 1986, the delegation from the Iranian revolutionary forces have visited North Korea three times and they have been asking for--it has been well-known among the officials inside the People's Armed Forces in North Korea that they have been asking for missile technology. The consensus inside the North Korean People's Armed Forces was that it was too early and premature to hand over such production technology and factories. But as I mentioned earlier, the Second Economic Committee inside the party is responsible for such operation and I do not know how they responded to this demand. Until the time I was there at least, I don't think North Korea was responding favorably in terms of transferring such development technology. Senator Cochran. Mr. Ko? Mr. Ko. I do not have much information about that. Senator Cochran. There was a report that Libya had contacted North Korea about a 1,000-kilometer-range missile. Do you know if North Korea has cooperated with Libya on the development or the sale of a 1,000-kilometer missile, and if so, what is the status of that program? Mr. Choi. Unfortunately, we do not have any information. Senator Cochran. Mr. Ko? Mr. Ko. No. Senator Cochran. How does North Korea transport its missiles to Iran, Syria and Libya? I know you have had some conversation with Senator Levin about the use of airplanes or ships. What is the current practice, if you know, how these missiles are transported? Mr. Ko. What I mentioned to Senator Levin was what I heard before my defection, and unfortunately after my defection, I haven't had the chance to deal with such information at all. Mr. Choi. While I was working for the North Korean People's Armed Forces, I knew as a fact that there is an airport called Sun-an Airport, and cargo planes come in for the purpose of transporting those exported items of weapons overseas. And when they come in, they usually use students from the nearby Kangun Military Academy at night so that they will avoid detection from the U.S. side. And they use those cargo planes extensively, and as I mentioned before, the missiles--the large parts, I know for a fact, were transported through ships and some several key items that could fit into the cargo planes were transported through those cargo planes. Senator Cochran. Other than receiving money for the sale of missiles and parts and components, do you know of any other things of value that North Korea has received from those whom it has sold technology and components? Mr. Choi. In 1994, North Korean Air Force Commander Cho Meong Loc visited Iran and they signed an agreement. According to this agreement--based on this agreement, North Korea promised to supply the Soviet--the airplane parts that have to do with the Soviet-made airplanes--North Korea will provide those parts, airplane parts, and in return Iran promised to provide the fuel for airplanes. I recall--probably, it was late 1993, North Korea sent 28- member technical assistance team to Libya and they were supposed to help Libya in repairing the Mig-25, 23, airplanes, and also other artillery equipments produced by the former Soviet Union. And I think in return for this, that delegation dispatchment to Libya, North Korea received oil from Libya, and I think such arrangement is still going on. Senator Cochran. Mr. Ko, you mentioned when you were posted in the Congo, one of the requirements of your job was to seek and try to obtain nuclear weapons, component parts, or technology, and the like. Do you recall any trades like that being undertaken between North Korea and other countries where North Korea would sell one kind of military technology in exchange for nuclear technology or any other kind of military technology? Mr. Ko. Unfortunately, I did not have a chance to hear other stories. Senator Cochran. OK. Thank you. In the case of chemical and biological weapons programs, I think you mentioned, Colonel Choi, that North Korea produces toxic gas. What kinds of chemical agents does North Korea possess, and how would they be used? Mr. Kim. Mr. Chairman, there could be a difficulty in translating those names, but I will do my best based on what I hear. Senator Cochran. Thank you. Mr. Kim. Some of them are Korean. Some of them are based on German and different languages, but Mr. Choi has mentioned three different kinds of gases. Number one, gases that act on the nerve system--I will give you names, chadin, choman, tifun, and vee gases--that acts on nerve system. And, also, there are gases that act on the skin, blistering gases, eprid and luisid, or such names that were mentioned by Mr. Choi. OK. Regarding the skin destruction, those are not necessarily gases. Any material that if it touches the skin, it could destroy the skin. And, also, third kinds of toxic material act on human blood system, and the names he gave me was chungsun, yomashun--those are Korean names--and also several other names that acts on the blocking and destroying blood circulation system of human being. Senator Cochran. How are these delivered? Mr. Kim. Those will be delivered through missiles, rockets, and also ulterior shots. Senator Cochran. Is it a part of the North Korean military doctrine to use these chemical agents in case of hostile action with South Korea or to deliver them as far as Japan or other places? Where will they be delivered? Mr. Kim. North Korean military personnel are trained under this doctrine, or they are trained with--that they are told repeatedly that there are several nuclear--so-called nuclear backpacks, 57 of them--he happened to give me the name--nuclear backpacks and other nuclear equipments inside South Korea, provide United States, and they are also told there are several thousand tons of toxic gases, also provided by the United State, being stored inside South Korea. They say, therefore, it is natural for North Korea to respond to the enemy that already has nuclear and these biochemical capabilities in kind, use the nuclear and biochemical weapons on the side of North Korea. It is natural for them. And, also, the targets not only include the U.S. forces and the South Korean forces inside South Korea, but, also, they are targeting U.S. forces and also Japanese forces in Japan, Okinawa, and other parts around the area. Senator Cochran. Do you know whether there is any specific doctrine about the use of a first strike, initiating hostile action with the use of chemical or biological weapons? Mr. Choi. I have not seen or hear such documentation on using biochemical weapons in the first strike. Senator Cochran. What types of missiles, if you know, would be used to carry these weapons? What kind of warheads? Mr. Kim. What kind of missiles? Senator Cochran. Missiles that would carry warheads with weapons of mass destruction. Mr. Choi. The kinds of missiles that they are developing and producing will be used for delivery of such biochemical weapons and also weapons of mass destruction such as nuclear warheads. I believe all they have to do is just change those warheads. For specific purpose and for a specific range, they just have to choose a different kind of missiles to reach the target. Senator Cochran. Mr. Ko, you mentioned in response to a question asked by Senator Levin that there was a joint development program involving North Korea and Egypt in missile development. Is this a current ongoing program, or has that been terminated? Mr. Choi. As I mentioned, until the time of 1989, when I was working for that speech for the commander for the Army forces, I knew for sure such cooperation was going on between North Korea and Egypt. After that, I do not have such information, but I would suspect, based on my knowledge and general relation between Egypt and North Korea--I would suspect that such cooperation for missile and other developments or effort is still going on. To add another information, in 1989, a one-star general from the North Korean Army was working inside Egypt for that specific rocket, the missile co-development between Egypt and North Korea. The person who was sent to Egypt at that time, 1989, he got that one-star general--military two-star general, military rank, even though he was basically a civilian. It was used. Such military rank was used to serve that specific purpose. And there was also a colonel from the military residing inside Egypt. The importance of mission, he got--I believe he got that two-star military rank, and there was a continuous conflict between that colonel and the general, and it was quite a well-known fact. Senator Cochran. I think you mentioned that there was an exchange agreement between North Korea and Iran with respect to oil and fuel for planes and military use in exchange for missiles and missile technology. Have there been any other examples of mutual assistance for military purposes with other countries? China, for example, has there been a relationship of that kind of China, or the Soviet Union or Russia? Mr. Kim. Mr. Chairman, could I request about a 30-second break for myself and I will be right back? Senator Cochran. Yes. Let's make that 5 minutes. How about that? Mr. Kim. OK. Senator Cochran. A 5-minute break. Let's have a 5-minute break. [Recess.] Senator Cochran. If we are all set, we can return to order and commence our hearing again. Let me ask both of you, in connection with this mutual assistance relationship that exists between North Korea and some countries, has there been any success or even efforts made by North Korea to recruit missile or weapons experts from Russia or other states from the old Soviet Union to help in missile and weapons development in North Korea? Mr. Choi. I heard after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the Soviet Union around the time of 1991, there were nuclear experts from Russia, two of them, who were naturalized in terms of getting North Korean citizenship, and I was told that they were residing in a house around the Taedong area inside Pyongyang, and they were using a house that used to be occupied by a well-known actress and a movie director who were kidnapped by North Korea. Senator Cochran. Mr. Ko? Mr. Ko. What I would like to say to you right now may have little to do with what you ask, but it is just that I would like to tell you for your information. In 1971, I was hospitalized in a hospital that was specifically designed for high-government officials, and there was a very well-known scientist, Dr. Li Seung-Gee, who also was hospitalized in that hospital at the same time. And he was boasting about the fact that he got a title, a hero title from Kim Il sung for developing chemical weapons--developing chemical weapons, and in return, as a reward, along with the hero title, he changed all his teeth covering with 18K gold. Senator Cochran. Well, let me ask you if you know whether North Korea has imported specialized materials that it needs for producing missiles and where those materials have come from. Mr. Ko. I heard from the people who are working in the Japan section of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the electronic chips that were used for these missiles were mostly imported through the Chosen Soren which is an organization of Japanese Koreans inside Japan. So they were imported from Japan from Chosen Soren. Mr. Kim. Mr. Choi does not have any information on that. Senator Cochran. There was a comment you made about getting an Exocet missile from France. How was that done, and what was the purpose for getting that missile? Mr. Ko. I do not have information on the process of importing Exocet missiles. I only heard it from my colleague. Exocet missiles, I was told it was smuggled from Afghanistan through Moscow and then imported to--transported to North Korea. Senator Cochran. You mentioned that North Korea had been used by China and paid a commission to sell certain cruise missiles to Iran and Syria. Do you know if China has also exported ballistic missiles or technology to other countries through North Korea? Mr. Ko. I heard at that time with regard to those missiles--when I heard that North Korea was acting as an intermediary for those silkworm missiles, I asked my superior why do we not do the reverse engineering and develop a missile, sort of like a silkworm, and I was told by my superior that we already have a missile that is better than silkworm, so there is no reason to. All we have to do is just--through those intermediary roles, but I do not have any other information about North Korea acting as intermediary for other Chinese arms. Senator Cochran. How was North Korea able to reverse- engineer missiles like the Scud missile while other countries like Libya and Egypt seem to have been unable to do so? Did North Korea have special assistance in the engineering to accomplish this? Mr. Choi. As far as I know, there was a significant number of students, military officials as students sent to North Korea to the Soviet Union to study in these rocket and missile institutes inside the Soviet Union. That was during the 1960's, and the number was significant. Therefore, considering the exchange programs and activities, I would presume such support from Soviet Union was, indeed, significant. Senator Cochran. To what extent are there present in North Korea or in the recent past have there been present in North Korea, technicians, engineers, scientists from China or Russia involved in a military defense institute or academies or universities that are involved in military weapons development and the like? Mr. Choi. I do not have any knowledge. Mr. Kim. Mr. Ko said he did not hear anything about Chinese engineers working for rocket development or missile development inside North Korea. He did not hear that. Senator Cochran. Or chemical and biological weapons. You mentioned the one person who was in the hospital with you who got a new set of gold teeth out of the deal. Are there any other examples like that, that you know of, or any people working in that area now from other countries? Mr. Kim. The person who got the gold teeth was a famous North Korean scientist, but I will ask. Senator Cochran. Oh, I see. I thought he was from Russia. Mr. Kim. His name was Dr. Li. Mr. Choi. I never heard of any foreigners working inside North Korea. Mr. Kim. Mr. Ko said that I believe probably North Koreans are better in developing such technology by themselves other than learning from others. Senator Cochran. Thank you. Has North Korea used the U.S. Global Positioning System, called GPS, to improve missile accuracy? Do you know? Mr. Choi. I have not heard anything having to do with GPS system, but while I was inside North Korea, I was told that there is a Space Research Institute inside the People's Armed Forces that study stars, and they were going to use their knowledge of a constellation to control and target those missiles when they launch those missiles. Senator Cochran. Do you know where this technology was coming from? Was it coming from China, or Russian sources? Mr. Choi. I believe there was close cooperation between the research institute and the Soviet Union. Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, the research institute was regularly receiving the satellite images of the Korean Peninsula from the Soviet Union through the Soviet satellites, but, however, after its collapse, I am not sure where North Korea would be getting such source. This kind of astronomical- or aerospace-related technology, North Korea also worked together with Romania. Senator Cochran. We talked about the military doctrine with respect to the use of chemical agents in warfare. What is the doctrine with respect to the use of nuclear weapons? You mentioned that in your opinion, North Korea had the capacity to develop--or has nuclear weapons now. I think you said that, Colonel Choi. What is the doctrine for the use of nuclear weapons? Mr. Choi. I have not seen any written military doctrine on this use of nuclear weapons, but it is general knowledge and consensus inside the People's Armed Forces that it is natural for North Korea to use nuclear weapons because the opponent, the enemy, meaning the United States, has the nuclear capability. North Korea believes in the time of attack, the United States will use a small nuclear weapon to destroy the North Korean brigade, and such small-sized nuclear weapon will be aimed to destroy about 30 to 40 percent of the one-brigade-unit forces of North Korea, and based on this belief, they have plans to resupply these forces that will be destroyed under the U.S. nuclear attacks on these brigade units. Senator Cochran. Would there be a plan to retaliate by using a nuclear weapon if the North Korean forces are attacked with nuclear weapons? Mr. Choi. Absolutely, yes. In that case, North Korea will respond to nuclear arms. Senator Cochran. Are there any specific plans that you know about for using nuclear weapons as a preemptive measure or to surprise and to annihilate opposition forces? Mr. Choi. Unfortunately, since I had little to do with nuclear strategy, unfortunately, I am not in the position to tell you anything. I do not have any knowledge about that. Senator Cochran. I think you or Mr. Ko may have mentioned that in the likelihood of a destruction of the regime in North Korea that they would be prepared to destroy everything, and that that is one reason why you think that there is a nuclear weapons capability in North Korea now. Are there any other reasons why you think that we should take the threat to use nuclear weapons seriously? Mr. Choi. When I was mentioning Kim Jong Il's words to his father, Kim Il Sung, I would like to make it clear that he did not specifically mention nuclear weapons, but everybody in North Korea, most people took his words as an indication that North Korea has a capability to ``destroy''--the words in quotes. Second is I would suppose that another important reason for North Korea seeking or in using nuclear capability is political purpose. It is a power and prestige question, and since all the powers surrounding the Korean Peninsula do have nuclear capability, China, Russia, and the United States, it seems to be critical for North Korea to have such capability in order to enhance its power position as well. Senator Cochran. Do you think the potential threat to use nuclear weapons against North Korea from the U.S. or anyone else would have the effect of deterring or keeping North Korea from using nuclear weapons in the first place? Mr. Choi. I cannot tell you about the detailed thinking about this deterrence question, North Korea thinking, they cannot use nuclear weapons because others have it. I am not sure what they are thinking, but I could presume that North Korea, since basically the Korean Peninsula itself is a homeland, it is reluctant in using nuclear capability in a not- so-careful manner. Therefore,I think they are more inclined in using the nuclear capability as a last resort. Officially, inside North Korea, it is being often said that Japan would not have lost the war to the United States if it had the nuclear capability at the end of World War II. Senator Cochran. Senator Levin asked you some questions about the negotiations that are underway and the framework agreement that involves North and South Korea, as well as the U.S. Do you think it is likely that negotiations and agreements of that kind will actually make any changes in the North Korean willingness to develop and continue to develop and possibly to use weapons of mass destruction? Mr. Ko. I do not believe the talks between the United States and North Korea will make any difference. As long as Kim Jong Il is in power, he is a person who likes to think about war all the time. As long as he is in power, I do not think that just the talks will make any difference in terms of developing and producing weapons of mass destruction. The only way to control or limit North Korea in doing so would be strengthening the force level of the United States, the forces inside South Korea, and also strengthening the South Korean missile capabilities as well as a deterrence measure. Mr. Choi. I firmly believe that North Korea will not make any change in their development efforts of weapons of mass destruction only because there is a pressure from the United States. Such kind of pressure from the United States will not work for this purpose. They will be using this question of developing and producing weapons of mass destruction in relation with the withdrawal of U.S. forces from the Korean Peninsula, meaning they will be using these issues as a bargaining chip. They may propose that they may think about giving up such developing and producing efforts of weapons of mass destruction if the U.S. agrees to withdraw U.S. forces from South Korea, but I do like to emphasize that North Korea is interested in talks with the United States. The purpose doing so is changing--through the talks, they want to change the current armistice to a peace treaty and would like to induce the withdrawal of 40,000 U.S. forces from South Korea. And as you may already know, on the 17th of this month, there was a kidnapping instance of civilians in the DMZ zone, a kidnapping by the North Korean armed forces. I believe such effort is an effort to have more chances to talk to the United States directly so that they can pursue the purpose of changing armistice--this is to a peace treaty, and then inducing a withdrawal of U.S. forces. North Koreans, for sure, will continue to use these questions of weapons of mass destruction and other related issues as a bargaining chip to seek their ultimate goal, which is seeing a withdrawal of 40,000 U.S. military forces from South Korea. Senator Cochran. Let me ask you this. There is obviously a serious economic problem in North Korea. I was a member of a delegation led by Senator Stevens, 6 months ago, which went to North Korea, and we had talks with a number of members of the government while we were there, and we were able to observe some of the difficulties caused by the food shortages. We were only in Pyongyang. We were not able to spend time out in the countryside, but my question is, if the economic problems continue to become worse and there is an imminent collapse in the country being faced by this regime, do you think there is a possibility or a likelihood that they might lash out with the military to provoke a war or confrontation, a military action, as an excuse for mobilizing and beginning a war with South Korea as a matter of just sheer desperation? Is that something that is possible or likely in your judgment? Mr. Ko. First of all, I do not believe the food situation in North Korea is as serious as what we used to observe in Somalia. I believe the process of collapse, the long-term collapse has already started inside North Korea. The collapse of the system has already started, but I do not believe there will be a complete collapse in the short run because of their strong political control of the people. So we will not see an authorizing of any kind in the short run. And I believe, as you mentioned, it is quite likely that they will resort to a war as a way to get out of desperation towards the end when they are approaching the complete collapse. It is more likely because when Kim Jung Il is looking at the situation, the political situation in South Korea, he observes that several former presidents go to jail after the completion of their term. So he will also believe that if his system collapses, he will not be left alone and safe. Therefore, there is also another reason for him to try a war at the end. Mr. Choi. I believe there are three likely scenarios of North Korea starting a war. The most likely one is following the withdraw of U.S. troops from South Korea. The second possibility is if there is a large-scale war, either regional or worldwide-scale war, sort of like the Gulf War, that could divert both the attention and capability of the U.S. military forces away from the Korean Peninsula, I think it is likely. The third scenario is if South Korea experiences political turmoil or chaos that resembles to the level of the April 19th movement during the 1960's that changed regime and also the May 18th movement that also changed the regime around the 1980's, when such political turmoil occurs inside South Korea, I think it is likely that North Korea will contemplate on the possibility of starting a war. As long as the 40,000 U.S. military forces stays inside South Korea, North Korea will be extremely careful and will be very calculating before thinking about the possibility of starting a war, but, of course, as the Chairman mentioned, towards the end, if Kim Jung Il sees no other choice, then he will just start--or he is likely to start a war under any circumstances. Some people believe here in the United States and in Korea that North Korea's complete collapse could come in 2 or 3 years. I do not agree with such prediction. I do not think such short-term collapse is likely. The collapse will come in the long term, and, also, I cannot set aside the possibility of North Korea being revised as well, based on my knowledge about the North Korean system. Senator Cochran. Thank you very much. I have no further questions, but I do wish to congratulate you and express our deep gratitude for your assistance in our effort to understand better the threats that exist around the world against the U.S. interest. This is a very interesting hearing, a very troubling hearing, but one that we can learn from, and I hope that we can use the information to help contribute to a new era of peace and stability in the world. Our next hearing is going to be on Monday, October 27, at 2 o'clock p.m. At that time, we will examine the safety and the reliability of the U.S. nuclear deterrent. Until then, the Committee stands in recess. [Whereupon, at 12:57 p.m., the Committee was adjourned, to reconvene at 2 p.m., Monday, October 27, 1997.] A P P E N D I X ---------- RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS FROM MR. ROBERT EINHORN SUBMITTED BY SENATOR COCHRAN (all) * Search the NYTr Archives at: http://olm.blythe-systems.com/pipermail/nytr/ To subscribe or unsubscribe or change your settings via the web, visit: http://olm.blythe-systems.com/mailman/listinfo/nytr ================================================================= NY Transfer News Collective * A Service of Blythe Systems Since 1985 - Information for the Rest of Us 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 http://www.blythe.org e-mail: nyt@blythe.org ================================================================= ***************************************************************** 5 Korea: Digital Chosunilbo: Ban and Rice to Discuss N. Korean Nuclear Declaration Updated Feb.14,2005 18:57 KST counterpart Condoleezza Rice on Monday (local time) to discuss a joint response to North KoreaˇŻs announcement that it already has atomic weapons and is boycotting six-party talks on its nuclear program. A senior Chinese official, Wang Jiarui, who heads the International Department of the Communist PartyˇŻs Central Committee, is expected to visit North Korea on Tuesday or Wednesday to persuade the Stalinist country back to the negotiation table. He is likely to reaffirm BeijingˇŻs commitment to a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula. In their meeting, Ban and Rice are expected to talk about the intentions behind PyongyangˇŻs shock announcement and assess how credible the declaration is. They will discuss their short-term and long-term response and announce the results at a press conference after the talks. The two chief diplomats are thought to agree on ChinaˇŻs crucial role in the process of persuading Pyongyang to give up its nuclear ambitions through six-way talks. They plan to remind North Korea of a joint declaration in 1992, when both South and North Korea agreed on making the Korean Peninsula nuclear-free. "We think that the United States has enough capability to deal with all these regional conflicts [even] while it is concentrating its military forces in Iraq," Ban told CNN on Sunday. "I think the United States and Koreans with their combined defense capabilities can maintain and can deal with any threats." But Ban did not commit himself on the credibility of North KoreaˇŻs announcement, saying only a ˇ°close review of information on North Korea's nuclear capabilityˇ± was under way. (englishnews@chosun.com ) ***************************************************************** 6 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: Markets shrug off nuclear fears February 15, 2005 KST 11:14 (GMT+9 February 15, 2005 ¤Ń Optimism about the global information technology industry and the domestic economy have offset concerns about the North Korean nuclear issue in Seoul's stock markets. The benchmark Korea Composite Stock Price Index climbed to a five-year record high yesterday. Also, the secondary Kosdaq composite index exceeded the 500-point level for the first time in 17 months. The impact of North Korea's official acknowledgement of its nuclear arms on Thursday faded rapidly in other Seoul financial markets. The Korean won resumed strengthening against the U.S. dollar, ending a sharp depreciation of one day. On the Seoul foreign exchange market, the American currency closed at 1,025.1 won yesterday, down 8.1 won from Friday. "Despite the North Korean nuclear issue, foreign investors continued to buy more than sell, both on the main board and the Kosdaq market on Friday," said Park Gyeong-il, of Mirae Asset Securities Co. "It has pushed out the worries of investors in the Seoul markets." Foreign investors are actively buying, especially technology stocks, because those stocks' counterparts on Wall Street began to perform well and capital flow into foreign funds that invest in Korean stocks recently grew, analysts said. The Philadelphia Semiconductor Index gained 3.6 percent, after Credit Suisse First Boston raised its rating on a maker of chip manufacturing equipment. "U.S. investment banks began to raise ratings on semiconductor-related stocks for the first time in nearly seven months since they downgraded the ratings," said Seo Jeong-kwang, at LG Investment &Securities Co. Analysts said increasing expectations of a recovery in domestic consumption have also stimulated investors. "Helped by improving economic fundamentals, Seoul stock markets are expanding tolerance to sudden bad factors such as the North Korean nuclear issue," Mr. Seo said. "The Kosdaq will have no problem reaching the 540-point level." by Moon So-young symoon@joongang.co.kr> [http://joongangdaily.joins.com/faq.html] Copyright by Joins.com, Inc. Terms of Use | ***************************************************************** 7 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: [EDITORIALS]A warning to the North February 15, 2005 KST 11:14 (GMT+9) North Korea's declaration that it has nuclear weapons came as a shock to our North Korea policy. The government anticipated that the North would come back to the six-party talks, taking as a condition that it would only accept a nuclear freeze as a prerequisite for the talks. But the North, contrary to such predictions, declared itself a nuclear weapons state. Of course, it is not the first time that Pyeongyang has talked of possessing nuclear weapons. There is no need to be panicked by the North's claim because there are many reservations about the statement. However, it will be a problem if we can't make any protests or warnings to the North's surprise action that created anxiety and heightened tension on the Korean Peninsula. It is natural to criticize and present counter-measures to the action. Some officials of the Ministries of Unification and Foreign Affairs, however, have openly made comments that "there is no change in the position of North Korea's inter-Korean cooperation," or "our economic cooperation with North Korea will continue." While the North takes stronger measures step by step, our government continues to talk about reconciliation. Up to now, we have managed to promote economic cooperation with North Korea continuously, even under difficult circumstances, but the North has been pursuing its own interests. It should be noted that the North declared its possession of nuclear weapons at a time when the Bush administration had made conciliatory gestures toward it. This shows that the North interprets national security and denuclearization of the peninsula only in its own way, according to its own need. Seoul response could be a tactic to induce the North back to the six-party talks. Even in that case, however, the government must criticize its declaration and take the measures against it that should be taken. At least, such low-profile comments as "inter-Korean economic cooperation will continue" should not be made. Words of appeasement like this can be made after we learn North Korea's real intention. It is more likely that remarks like that wlll only create misunderstanding among our neighboring countries. The government must refrain from making hasty comments until matters are cleared up. It must dissolve people's anxiety by demonstrating a firm South Korea-U.S. alliance and issue strong warnings to the North so that it would not mis-judge the situation. 2005.02.13 [http://joongangdaily.joins.com/faq.html] Copyright by Joins.com, Inc. Terms of Use | ***************************************************************** 8 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: [OUTLOOK]Few options for North's neighbors [http://www.joins.com] [http://news.joins.com] February 15, 2005 KST 11:14 (GMT+9) The declaration that North Korea has nuclear weapons and will boycott the six-party talks on its nuclear program indefinitely came a week after President George W. Bush's State of the Union address, which the North Koreans had told a U.S. Congress delegation they would listen to closely. It also came on the day when Iran celebrated the 26th anniversary of the Islamic revolution and President Mohammad Khatami threatened Washington with "a burning hell." Was there intrigue between the two members of the "axis of evil"? What are the goals the North aims to attain with this high-risk tactic? The North must have been fully aware that its nuclear declaration would irritate China, the initiator of the six-party talks and Pyeongyang's last guardian, on whom it relies for grain and oil supplies, and that it would embarrass South Korea's Roh Moo-hyun government, which has been advocating the North's causes even at the risk of sacrificing a half-century-old alliance with the United States. What North Korea wants is recognition of its status as a nuclear power and a direct deal with Washington. Thus, Pyeongyang has declared that its "weapons will remain [a] nuclear deterrent for self-defense under any circumstances." What prompted Pyeongyang to take a collision course at this odd time, when everyone else was looking forward to the resumption of the six-party talks? Judging from the fact that Thursday's statement quoted it three times, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's remark at her recent confirmation hearing that North Korea was an "outpost of tyranny" seems to be the direct reason for the North's revolt. Curt Weldon, a U.S. congressman who led a delegation to Pyeongyang in January, conveyed the North's response: "I don't think harsh rhetoric helps. It only inflames regimes that are already paranoid about what your ultimate intentions are." North Korea's paranoia about the Bush administration is stated in the declaration: "We cannot spend another four years as we did the past four years and there is no need for us to repeat what we did in those years." Another reason seems to be the sense of crisis North Korea has felt at the six-party talks; its traditional allies, China and Russia, have moved to Washington's side, pressing the North to give up its nuclear program. What are the options the United States and others at the talks can take? First, they may accept North Korea's demands, recognizing it as a nuclear power and accepting its request to deal directly with the United States. Second, they may continue to exert diplomatic efforts to engage in dialogue with the North, and ultimately resume the six-party talks by inducing it with incentives. Third, they may put pressure on the North, increasing the level of pressure gradually and threatening it with sanctions and a transfer of the issue to the UN Security Council. Of course, nobody will agree with the first option. The second option seems to be preferred by the United States and China, as well as South Korea, at the moment. They will, however, soon realize that it is not at all feasible. First of all, the possibility of North Korea returning to the six-party talks, whatever the incentives, is extremely low. Wang Jiarui, head of the Department of Liaison of the Chinese Communist Party, will visit Pyeongyang soon and try to induce it to return to the talks. Mr. Wang will hear a lot of apologies, but no obedience. On the other hand, it will be difficult for Washington to beg for the North's return to the talks, and that without punishment for declaring a violation of the non-proliferation treaty, not to mention incentives. The United States has to consider the international criticism that Washington applies different standards to the nuclear threats posed by North Korea, Iran and Iraq. The last option is putting pressure on the North, beginning with economic pressure, and increasing it gradually. Theoretically, this sounds reasonable. But a gradual increase of pressure will not work, because the North threatens that any kind of pressure will lead to military conflict. If the United States and its allies decide to exercise pressure on the North, then they should be ready to risk military confrontation. They should assess North Korea's military capabilities, including its nuclear potential. Despite its declaration, the nuclear devices in the North's possession are at a primitive stage. Its delivery system is not adequate in terms of range and accuracy, and its technology for mounting a warhead on the tip of a missile is questionable. What's more, the North has not yet passed the most important barrier: a nuclear test. The United States can give assurance to the world that its military can deter the North's threat, and can give warnings to the North by way of sanctions and a transfer of the case to the UN Security Council. This will create panic in South Korea and China because of the possibility of a second Korean War. China has to worry about the rush of North Korean refugees across its border. The third option is not recommendable. In retrospect, the nuclear crisis in the peninsula has been prolonged for 12 years since it began with North Korea's withdrawal from the non-proliferation treaty in 1993. Since then, its neighboring countries have suffered psychological and material losses from the nuclear gambit. Now, if there is no other choice for them but to recognize North Korea as a nuclear power, non-nuclear neighbors will be put in the position of either catering to the North's needs or joining in a nuclear domino effect. Now is the time for participants in the six-party talks to reflect on their past strategies, and to contemplate the future of nuclear non-proliferation. * The writer is the editorial page editor of the JoongAng Daily. by Park Sung-soo 2005.02.14 [http://joongangdaily.joins.com/faq.html] Copyright by Joins.com, Inc. Terms of Use | ***************************************************************** 9 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: Credit ratings stable despite nuclear issue February 15, 2005 KST 11:14 (GMT+9) February 15, 2005 ¤Ń International credit rating firms will leave South Korea's sovereign credit ratings unchanged, despite North Korea's announcement last week that it has nuclear weapons, the Asian Wall Street Journal reported yesterday. Tom Byrne, vice president of Moody's Investors Service, said that although last week's development was "disturbing," it did not cross the "red line" that would mean downgrading South Korea's rating, which remains at A3. In 2003, Moody's changed the outlook for South Korea's credit rating from positive to negative, citing the North Korean nuclear issue. John Chambers, managing director at Standard &Poor's, said that his agency would also maintain the current rating, which is an A-, on the grounds that there is still room for a diplomatic resolution to the nuclear issue. [http://joongangdaily.joins.com/faq.html] Copyright by Joins.com, Inc. Terms of Use ***************************************************************** 10 INSIDE JoongAng Daily: Too soon to call North a nuclear state: Chung February 15, 2005 KST 11:14 (GMT+9) February 15, 2005 ¤Ń Top Roh Moo-hyun administration officials yesterday downplayed the significance of North Korea's declaration that it has nuclear weapons, with the unification minister saying it would be premature to label the North a nuclear power. "Without a nuclear test [by Pyeongyang], it is too early to call North Korea a nuclear state," Unification Minister Chung Dong-young told lawmakers at the National Assembly. Mr. Chung said Pyeongyang's announcement last week was no reason to change the Roh administration's North Korea policy, which he characterized as trying to solve the nuclear crisis while nurturing the relationship between the two Koreas. He said the North has made more than 10 claims, both official and unofficial, to have nuclear capabilities since April 2003. Opposition lawmakers at the hearing branded the administration's Pyeongyang policy a failure. "As all rosy predictions regarding the six-party talks and others regarding North Korea have failed, is it not right for the unification minister to step down?" asked Grand National Party lawmaker Hong Jun-pyo. North Korea surprised many last Thursday with its first unambiguous public declaration that it had nuclear arms. Pyeongyang also said it would indefinitely abstain from the six-nation talks over its nuclear program. In materials released for a meeting between administration officials and members of the governing Uri Party, the Unification Ministry characterized Pyeongyang's declaration as a move to strengthen its bargaining position, an opinion shared by many analysts. The ministry predicted the North would engage in further brinkmanship, depending on how the United States reacts. Foreign Minister Ban Ki-moon, in Washington to meet with U.S. officials, told CNN that Seoul's intelligence sources estimate North Korea has one or two nuclear weapons. But he said he was confident that even if the North went so far as to test a nuclear weapon, in the end the regime would abide by its 1992 pact with Seoul to keep the Korean Peninsula free of nuclear arms. Mr. Ban was scheduled to meet with U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice on Monday, Washington time. President Roh Moo-hyun has yet to publicly comment on Pyeongyang's statement. Blue House spokesman Kim Jong-min said yesterday that he might do so next week, in his address marking the second anniversary of his inauguration. In Pyeongyang, there was defiant official rhetoric seemingly aimed at bolstering internal unity. An editorial in a Workers' Party magazine read, "The infiltration of imperialist ideological and cultural attempts to bring us down is becoming more and more evident," and warned of possible "traitors to the revolutionary cause." Some South Korean military experts said the annual April 25 military parade commemorating the founding of the North Korean army might offer a chance to gauge Pyeongyang's capabilities, if new types of missiles are displayed. Analysts say Pyeongyang couldn't deliver a nuclear warhead with its Taepodong and Rodong missiles without the technology required to reduce the weight of the payload. But some speculate that the North may have acquired that technology from Pakistan. by Park So-young, Brian Lee africanu@joongang.co.kr> [http://joongangdaily.joins.com/faq.html] Copyright by Joins.com, Inc. Terms of Use | ***************************************************************** 11 OhmyNews International: North Korea's Nuke Strategy: Negotiation and Confrontation [http://www.ohmynews.com/ [Analysis] U.S. and North Korean hard-line policies are morphing into an alarming vicious circle North Korea has made its first official explanation that it possesses nuclear weapons, and revealed its intention to stay away from the six-party talks as long as the United States refuses to change its hostile policies toward Pyongyang. The background and intention behind the statement is drawing much interest. In particular, the North's announcement of its hard-line position came at a time when many were forecasting an early reconvening of the six-party talks, and in this regard, the statement is causing quite the stir, both locally and abroad. North Korea's intentions can be analyzed on two levels. It can also be viewed as a two-pronged strategy with both negotiations and all-out confrontation in mind. This is significant in that through the statement, North Korea's consistent foreign policy line has been clearly revealed. Firstly, by officially explaining how it cannot hope for results from the six-party talks in a situation of continuing U.S. hostility and under the current conditions, it seeks to raise the level of pressure on the United States. As mentioned in its statement, the thing North Korea hoped for from U.S. President George W. Bush's second term is peaceful co-existence. Such sentiments, however, were lacking in Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's confirmation hearing and President Bush's inaugural and State of the Union addresses. To the contrary, the Bush administration has termed North Korea an outpost of tyranny and frankly stated its intention to make the spread of freedom and the end of tyranny the foreign policy keynotes of Bush's second term. North Korea interpreted this as a continuity of U.S. hostility towards North Korea. Even if the comments were less intense than the "Axis of Evil" speech, North Korea believed that U.S. policy toward it has not fundamentally changed. In this situation, North Korea's nuclear declaration and announcement that it was withdrawing from talks cannot help but place a fairly good-sized burden on the Bush administration. This is because North Korea's possession of nuclear weapons in and of itself is not only a symbol of the failure of President Bush's foreign policy, but the delay in the six-party talks will also present burdens of its own. Moreover, with the Bush administration focusing on Iraq and Iran, should the North Korean nuclear crisis deteriorate, the White House could be concerned of possible snags in its Middle East policies. North Korea seems to have focused on these points. At a time when U.S. military and diplomatic strength is dispersed, taking a hard line against North Korea would not be easy, and North Korea's statement could be seen as using the weakness of the Bush administration, which has said it would never permit a nuclear-armed North Korea, to try to bring about foreign policy changes and lead negotiations. That North Korea concluded its statement by saying its final goal of a denuclearized Korean Peninsula should come through dialogue and negotiations would support this analysis Another angle is that in a situation not to its liking, North Korea intends to bolster its position by becoming a nuclear power. This means that with North Korea giving up on the possibility of changes in U.S. foreign policy, the belief that nuclear weapons are a means of survival is growing stronger. The background to such a decision would be a judgment by North Korea that not only are there no signs of concrete change in President Bush's foreign policy, as mentioned above, but that Bush's basic intention is to use the nuclear issue as an excuse to overthrow the North Korean regime. This can be inferred through two concrete aspects of Bush's foreign policy. One is that the Bush Administration has revealed its position to stick to an offer made during the third round of the six-nation talks that North Korea has already rejected. The other is that the White House will stick to its position that even after the nuclear issue is resolved, it would not normalize its relationship with North Korea before other issues like missiles, biological and chemical weapons, conventional military forces, and human rights and economic problems are solved. In this situation, it is likely North Korea judged that there was nothing to be gained by joining the six-party talks. In particular, it appears North Korea paid attention to the examples of Iraq and Iran. As is well known, the Bush administration waywardly invaded Iraq even after manufacturing information about weapons of mass destruction, and nakedly complained about negotiations between Iran and the European Union while criticizing Iran's human rights situation and political system, brandishing the possibility of the use of force. Watching the Iraq and Iran policies of the Bush administration, it's likely North Korea judged that the fundamental U.S. intention was to replace existing regimes in those nations designated the "Axis of Evil" with pro-American regimes. If we believe that the example of Iraq raised North Korean distrust of the United States, the example of Iran is driving in the proverbial wedge of distrust. Naturally, this would lead to a strengthening of the belief within North Korea that it could only live through strength. How will the Bush administration respond? The focus of interest is how the Bush administration will respond to North Korea's strategy. This is because the resurgent North Korean nuclear issue will force the White House to place on the cutting block its policy intention to maintain the status quo on the Korean Peninsula while focusing its attention on the Middle East. While the Bush administration concentrates its diplomatic and military strength on the Middle East, it will be difficult for it to use force against North Korea or greatly raise the level of sanctions on Pyongyang. This is because while it is very unlikely that South Korea, China and Russia would agree to such a policy, it's becoming increasingly clear that a hard-line policy would only encourage North Korea to arm itself with nuclear weapons. It's also very unlikely that the United States would accept North Korea's demands in full and attempt to change its North Korea policy. This is because the Bush administration considers such a move "submitting to North Korean blackmail." Ultimately, it appears the Bush administration will "malignly neglect" North Korea's nuclear statement and observe the situation for the time being while officially repeating demands that North Korea return to the six-party talks. It will also stress that North Korea's nuclear declaration was a challenge to the international community while promoting an atmosphere of international pressure on Pyongyang. The worrying thing is that it is highly probably that extreme hard-liners within the United States might use North Korea's statement as an opportunity to gain power. This is because "neo-cons" claim that the North Korean statement proves their contention that North Korea's basic intention was to arm itself with nuclear weapons, and they are likely to demand extremely hard-line policies, including the bombing of North Korea. If such people once again gain in strength, one cannot exclude the possibility of the Korean Peninsula being caught in an uncontrollable vortex. This forecast means that in the end, North Korea's strategy of pressuring the United States into choosing between giving up its hostile policy or resigning itself to a nuclear-armed North Korea is unlikely to be successful. This is because the lesson of the last four years is that just as Bush's hard-line policies against North Korea have not blocked North Korea from arming itself with nuclear weapons, but to the contrary encouraged Pyongyang to do so, North Korea's hard-line policy will encourage even harder policies from the Bush administration. 2005-02-14 14:30 ©2005 OhmyNews ***************************************************************** 12 Guardian Unlimited: China to Push to Revive N. Korea Talks From the Associated Press [UP] Monday February 14, 2005 4:01 AM By SOO-JEONG LEE Associated Press Writer SEOUL, South Korea (AP) - China has pledged to try reviving talks aimed at ending North Korea's nuclear programs following the isolated, Stalinist state's declaration that it has atomic weapons and is boycotting disarmament negotiations. The United States and other countries involved in the six-party talks have urged China to use its influence over North Korea. Beijing is Pyongyang's last major ally and a key supplier of food and energy to the impoverished dictatorship. Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing told Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice that Beijing firmly supports a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula, the Chinese government said Sunday. Li told Rice by phone Saturday night that ``China will stay in touch with all relevant parties ... so that the six-party talks could be resumed as soon as possible,'' the Foreign Ministry said. The discussions also involve South Korea, Russia and Japan. South Korea's foreign minister also said he had discussed with U.S. officials ``views that China should strengthen efforts to persuade the North,'' South Korea's Yonhap news agency reported. Ban Ki-moon, in Washington on a previously scheduled trip, was to meet Rice on Monday. However, South Korea's point man on North Korea, Unification Minister Chung Dong-young, cautioned Monday it was too early to declare North Korea a ``nuclear state.'' He said it had still not been independently confirmed and the North had not yet conducted nuclear tests. North Korea announced Thursday that it has built nuclear weapons to defend itself from the alleged threat of a U.S. invasion - dramatically raising tensions in the two-year nuclear standoff. Washington denies it intends to attack. North Korea's claim could not be independently verified. North Korea also said it would stay away from the six-country negotiations. A North Korean diplomat reportedly has requested direct talks with Washington as a way out of the impasse. But the White House rejects such a move and insists that the North join the six-party talks. Three rounds of negotiations have been held in Beijing with no breakthrough. On Sunday, a North Korean district official in Pyongyang said the withdrawal of U.S. troops from the Korean Peninsula would help six-party talks. Han Song Nam, a deputy chairman for a district in Pyongyang of the country's communist party, said it ``would be a practical measure in the withdrawal of the United States' hostile policy,'' according to Yonhap, which monitored North Korea's Radio Pyongyang. Washington has been South Korea's key security ally since the 1950-1953 Korean war, and keeps thousands of troops based there and in neighboring Japan. Ban, in an interview aired Sunday on CNN's ``Late Edition,'' said he was confident in Washington's ability to react to any potential emergency on the Korean peninsula. Asked whether he was concerned that fighting in Iraq might leave U.S. forces stretched too thin to deal with such a case, Ban said: ``We think that the United States has enough capabilities to deal with all these regional conflicts while they are concentrating their military forces in Iraq.'' North Korea did not say how many nuclear bombs it has, but Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer said Sunday that his country suspected it had two or three. Downer also warned that North Korea's declaration could spur nuclear proliferation in Asia. ``There will be some people in South Korea, some people in Japan who will say, 'Well, if North Korea has nuclear weapons and can threaten us, why shouldn't we have nuclear weapons as well?''' Downer told Australia's Nine Network television. Delaware Sen. Joseph Biden, the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, voiced similar concerns, saying North Korea's move could push Japan to ``go nuclear.'' ``And then China's got a real problem,'' Biden said in an interview on the U.S. current affairs television program ``Fox News Sunday.'' Biden also said that, in dealing with the North, the United States' ``partners'' in the North Korea situation - China, South Korea and Japan - ``have got to be ready to use sticks, and we have to be willing to use a few more carrots.'' Meanwhile, Ban said the South had no plans to halt aid to the North, noting it provides its longtime rival with fertilizer and rice due to ``humanitarian concerns.'' He also dismissed an American newspaper report that Vice President Dick Cheney asked Seoul to stop providing fertilizer. The North has also repeatedly accused South Korean warships of crossing the countries' disputed sea border in recent weeks. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 13 Korea Times: [Letters to The President] US, NK Must Discard Ideological Rigidity Hankooki.com > The Korea Times > Special The following is the second in a series of commentaries and analyses on President RohˇŻs performance to date, and suggestions on how he should approach his third year in office. - ED. By Leon V. Sigal Dear Mr. President, By announcing it is suspending its participation in the six-party talks and publicly claiming what U.S. intelligence has long suspected, that it has been making nuclear weapons, North Korea intends to drive home the point that if the United States remains its foe, it feels threatened and will seek nuclear arms to counter that threat, but if the United States takes steps to end enmity, it says it will not. In response, critics may say that engagement with the North has failed but you are correct to stay the course. Your belief that a community of prosperity will help foster a community of peace in Northeast Asia is well founded. Sustained engagement is essential to reassure North Korea and encourage it to change over time. At the same time you are right to hold up more comprehensive cooperation until the nuclear issue is resolved. North Korean policy limits the influence you can exert directly on that issue, however. Pyongyang sees its nuclear programs as a dowry for better relations with Washington. Unless and until the Bush administration moves decisively to end enmity with North Korea, the current nuclear crisis is likely to intensify, slowing North-South reconciliation. It is time for a concerted effort by you and the other three parties to convince Washington to tell Pyongyang directly and authoritatively the steps it is prepared to take to end enmity if the North eliminates its nuclear weapons programs. Japan can help make the stakes of not negotiating clear to the Bush administration. Only by working closely with Tokyo can Seoul exert influence on Washington. Prime Minister Koizumi has his own good reasons for going along with you. He is under intense political pressure at home to impose sanctions on the North over the fate of the Japanese kidnapped by the North, but he knows that to resolve that issue he has to get Washington to engage with Pyongyang. As Kim Jong-il told him at their second summit, ``Progress in improving the bilateral relationship will largely depend on what attitude and stand the ally of Japan takes.ˇŻˇŻ He also knows that the kidnap issue and a nuclear-armed North Korea would ultimately play into the hands of his right-wing opponents at home who insist ``Japan can say noˇŻˇŻ to the United States and who want Tokyo to look after its own security unbound by the U.S. alliance. Koizumi agrees with you that recent developments make it all the more imperative to get Washington and Pyongyang to negotiate. A recent U.S. assessment that North Korea sold uranium in gaseous form to Libya in 2002 does little to change the basic outlook that the North is still years away from mass-producing highly enriched uranium for bombs. That allows the time it will take to negotiate a detailed agreement to eliminate the North's enrichment program verifiably. Much more urgently, a North Korean reactor is now generating plutonium for nuclear weapons. Pyongyang also says it completed reprocessing plutonium removed from that reactor in 1994. While the administration has been dithering, North Korea could be making five or six more nuclear weapons out of that plutonium. What makes Washington's delay in dealing with the issue difficult to fathom is that in the latest round of six-party talks, Pyongyang said it was ready to halt its plutonium program as a first step to dismantling it. As part of its freeze, it would place the 1994 plutonium under international inspection. But it is unlikely to turn over any weapons it may have until after the United States improves relations fundamentally. Does Pyongyang mean what it says? The surest way to find out is sustained diplomatic give-and-take. Pyongyang isn't asking for much. It wants to exchange ``words for wordsˇŻˇŻ and ``action for action.ˇŻˇŻ It wants Washington to commit now to normalizing relations and give it written assurances it will not attack, impede its economic development, or overthrow its government. It also wants the United States to join Japan and South Korea in resuming shipments of heavy fuel oil promised under the 1994 Agreed Framework, take it off the list of state sponsors of terrorism, and relax related sanctions. It makes sense for Washington to agree now to normalize relations and provide written security assurances to Pyongyang as it eliminates any nuclear programs it has. That means not only plutonium reprocessing but also uranium enrichment, something the North has not yet agreed to do. The details of a verifiable elimination of enrichment could be worked out in the future. You can't afford to let ideological rigidity in Washington or Pyongyang impede a deal that enhances your security and America's. ** Leon V. Sigal is the director of the Northeast Cooperative Security Project at the Social Science Research Council in New York and author of Disarming Strangers: Nuclear Diplomacy With North Korea published by Princeton University Press. 02-14-2005 19:03 ***************************************************************** 14 LAT: The Nuclear Threat in N. Korea and Elsewhere [Los Angeles Times - latimes.com] February 14, 2005 E-mail story Print Most E-Mailed Re "North Korea Escalates Its Nuclear Threat," Feb. 11: As reprehensible as it is, it shouldn't be hard to understand the North Korean drive to obtain nuclear weapons. The U.S. isn't about to reduce the numbers of nuclear weapons in its arsenal, or even consider a nuclear-free world. Instead, the administration labels North Korea as part of an "axis of evil" and then has the audacity to talk of building nuclear theater weapons, such as the nuclear "bunker buster." As long as the U.S. is committed to preemptive strikes, the North Koreans are going to pursue nuclear weapons as defensive weapons. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said the other day that "Bush never takes his options off the table." We pay the price for our saber rattling by enduring the possibility that these weapons can fall into the hands of terrorists. However, Pakistan and India acquired nuclear weapons, creating a pathological peace, but a peace nonetheless. It's easy to label Kim Jong Il crazy and then attribute all kinds of things to him. This crisis is a result of our arrogance and self-righteousness. Ralph Mitchell Monterey Park * The Bush administration's downplaying of North Korea's admission that it possesses atomic weapons makes it difficult to escape the conclusion that, despite rhetoric to the contrary, the initial concept behind the Iraq war was nothing more daunting than our insatiable appetite for Middle Eastern oil. Joan Evans Altadena * It seems obvious to me that within a few short years almost every country in the world will have developed atomic arsenals and other types of weapons of mass destruction. Perhaps only then will we be able to live in a world in which large, ruthless nations cannot invade and destroy the small ones without serious consequences. Robert Sorteberg West Covina Copyright 2005 Los Angeles Times ***************************************************************** 15 Guardian Unlimited: South Korea: N. Korea Not a Nuclear State From the Associated Press [UP] Monday February 14, 2005 12:31 PM AP Photo SEL801 By SOO-JEONG LEE Associated Press Writer SEOUL, South Korea (AP) - South Korea's point man on the North cautioned Monday that it would be premature to declare North Korea a nuclear power despite its claim to having atomic weapons. Unification Minister Chung Dong-young noted North Korea has yet to conduct a nuclear test, unlike other nuclear powers such as India and Pakistan. ``I believe it is early for us to call the North a nuclear state,'' when it has not been independently confirmed, Chung said in a speech to parliament. The secretive communist nation announced Thursday that it has built nuclear weapons and was staying away from international disarmament talks. The claim dramatically raised tensions in the two-year standoff over the North's nuclear ambitions. He said even senior U.S. officials who have pushed for a hard line on North Korea have said it's not clear if North Korea really has such arms. Chung, the South's point man on Pyongyang, noted Korea has said it has atomic weapons at least 10 times since 2003. ``It's definite that North Korea possesses 10 to 14 kilograms of plutonium that can make one or two nuclear weapons,'' he said. However, he said there was no ``conclusive evidence that North Korea made plutonium bombs'' with the material, but that other countries suspect North Korea has one or two nuclear bombs. Chung urged North Korea to embrace the spirit of denuclearization, saying it will ``be difficult for North Korea to become a trusted member of the international community if it holds and develops nuclear weapons.'' Also Monday, South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun received a report from his top security aides about the North's latest statement on its nuclear program, and ordered them to ``carefully handle'' the issue, Roh's office said without giving further details. Opposition lawmakers were skeptical about Chung's optimism over the nuclear situation and charged that the government was not pushing the North hard enough to return to the negotiating table. ``When a father wants his son to quit smoking ... shouldn't he stop giving his son money to buy cigarettes?'' said Hong Joon-pyo of the main opposition Grand National Party. ``Peaceful resolution is good, but the government lacks concrete measures.'' South Korean Foreign Minister Ban Ki-moon was scheduled to meet Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice on Monday in Washington amid U.S efforts to coax North Korea back to six-nation talks on ending the North's nuclear program. North Korea accuses the United States of planning to invade and says it needs nuclear weapons to defend itself. Washington denies it intends to attack and insists that the communist North return to the talks, which also involve South Korea, China, Russia and Japan. The parties have also urged Beijing - Pyongyang's last major ally and a key supplier of food and energy to the impoverished country - to use its influence over North Korea. China pledged over the weekend to try to revive the talks and on Monday said it was reaching out to Russia for help. ``The Chinese side will make the utmost effort to work with the related parties, including Russia, to promote the process of the six-party talks,'' Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing told his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov in a telephone call, the Chinese government said. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 16 Guardian Unlimited: U.S. Rules Out Incentives for N. Korea From the Associated Press [UP] Monday February 14, 2005 9:46 PM AP Photo WX101 By BARRY SCHWEID AP Diplomatic Writer WASHINGTON (AP) - The Bush administration on Monday ruled out economic concessions to woo North Korea back into negotiations to halt its nuclear weapons program and said it was keeping a close watch on illegal activities by the Pyongyang government. As Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice continued consultations with negotiating partners, State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said all the partners agreed ``the North Koreans should not be rewarded for causing difficulties in the reconvening of the talks.'' At the same time, he said U.S. law enforcement agencies were working with other governments to try to counter illicit international activities by North Korea. The pressure tactic, he said, includes tracking narcotics and smuggling activities, counterfeiting and proliferation of weapons technology. ``We have been aware for some time of North Korea's illicit activities,'' he said. ``They have been a concern to the United States and other nations for decades.'' White House spokesman Scott McClellan said, ``We have an obligation to help protect our allies. We have an obligation to protect our respective economies.'' The latest ally to consult with Rice, South Korean Foreign Minister Ban Ki-Moon, asserted North Korea may be bluffing in claiming to have nuclear weapons. He urged North Korea to resume negotiations ``as a responsible member of the international community.'' After meeting with Rice, the South Korean minister toldks indefinitely and announced it had produced nuclear weapons. The last round was held in June and ended with a decision to meet again in September. But there have been no further negotiations. ``We agreed to intensify our efforts among the parties concerned,'' Ban said. Rice made no statement. South Korea and Japan have been inclined to try conciliation toward the Pyongyang regime, but the Bush administration is holding out for a decision to halt nuclear weapons production before Asian allies begin giving North Korea civilian electric power and other economic benefits. As they sat on opposite sides of a working fireplace in Rice's State Department office, having their pictures taken, Ban remarked on Seoul's close relationship with the United States. Similarly, Rice said the two sides have a ``very, very strong friendship and alliance.'' There was no hint of differences below the surface on how to approach North Korea. With talks in suspension since last June, and North Korea now saying the break will last indefinitely, South Korea and Japan, which sends a delegation here on Saturday, are hoping for agreement with the United States on a productive way to proceed. Both South Korea and Japan said last year the United States should be more flexible in its approach to North Korea. The Bush administration has offered one major concession: a promise not to attack the nation that President Bush called part of an ``axis of evil,'' along with Iraq and Iran. In addition, food has been sent to the North Korean people, although this year's quota has not been decided. On the Net: State Department: http://www.state.gov Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 17 [du-list] Bush budget pumps up defense, slashes funding to Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:11:37 -0800 Bush budget pumps up defense, slashes funding to other programs MALIA RULON Posted on Mon, Feb. 07, 2005 Associated Press http://www.ohio.com/mld/beaconjournal/news/state/10841074.htm?1c WASHINGTON - President Bush's $2.57 trillion proposed budget released Monday boosts spending on the Great Lakes and military construction projects in Ohio but cuts money for programs important to the state's manufacturers and steelmakers. The budget, which reflects a record deficit and costs of the war in Iraq, was praised by Republicans: Columbus Rep. Pat Tiberi called it "strong medicine." But Democrats, such as Rep. Dennis Kucinich of Cleveland, denounced it as being "lean and mean." "Is this the thanks Ohio gets for putting the president over the top: Cuts in high tech jobs and the elimination of programs to help manufacturing?" Kucinich said. President Bush defeated John Kerry by about 118,000 votes in Ohio, and the state's 20 electoral votes gave the Republican the 270 he needed to win re-election. Bush's budget plan is only a proposal and still must be approved by Congress, which was bracing Monday for a fight to save more than 150 programs that the president wants to eliminate or vastly scale back. Among the programs on the chopping block is the Manufacturing Extension Partnership, which provides consulting services to small to medium-sized manufacturing businesses. The president proposes spending $47 million on this program, down from its current allotment of $109 million. The president's budget eliminates completely a $12 million Trade Adjustment Assistance program that helps manufacturing companies that have been hurt by foreign imports improve their competitiveness. It also reduces the amount of money available to retrain dislocated workers who lose their jobs due plant closings, from $1.5 billion to $1.35 billion. The president's budget also eliminates $50 million from a program Congress created to help strapped steel companies get private loans by providing guarantees of 85 to 95 percent. The president has tried to eliminate some of these programs before, citing waste and inefficiency. Rep. Deborah Pryce, the No. 4-ranked Republican in the House, praised Bush's approach. "Many Ohio families understand the constraints of a budget and the tough decisions that sometimes have to be made to meet priorities," said Pryce, of Upper Arlington. Bush's plan also has includes funding increases: Money to clean up the Great Lakes would be doubled from $22.5 million this year to $50 million next year. Also under Bush's plan, money for projects at Ohio's Army National Guard installations and the Wright-Patterson Air Force Base would increase from nearly $50 million to $68 million, good news for the state as it braces for this year's base closure recommendations. Meanwhile, Ohio defense companies stand to gain in the Bush budget, which would spend nearly $84 million more on the F-16 Falcon multi-mission fighter. Engines for the aircraft are being built by General Electric in Evendale. Some funding was included for the M1 Abrams tank and light-armored Stryker vehicles, which are built at the Lima Army Tank Plant. Since the budget doesn't include money to pay for the Iraq war, these programs should get more funding through a supplemental budget plan. Money to process depleted uranium at the shuttered Portsmouth Gaseous Diffusion Plant in Piketon was to double from $91 million to $192 million, mostly to pay for a new facility to do the work. But funds to keep the plant on cold-standby were to end at the end of 2006. Bush's budget includes money to clean up radioactive contamination and hazardous waste at the Battelle Laboratory in Columbus, Mound plant in Miamisburg, Fernald plant near Cincinnati and Ashtabula site. Funding for these sites was down a combined 7 percent, as cleanup continued toward a deadline of 2006. Funding for the Appalachian Regional Commission would remain about the same at $65 million. -- Posted for educational and research purposes only, ~ in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107 ~ NucNews Links and Expanded Archives - http://nucnews.net ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Need a home for your web domain? We recommend our provider, Hosting Direct https://support.hostingdirect.net/cgi-bin/affiliates/clickthru.cgi?id=nucnews ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> In low income neighborhoods, 84% do not own computers. At Network for Good, help bridge the Digital Divide! http://us.click.yahoo.com/EA3HyD/3MnJAA/79vVAA/FGYolB/TM --------------------------------------------------------------------~-> To unsubscribe from this groups send a message to du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com. In the body of the message type unsubscribe and send. Yahoo! Groups Links <*> To visit your group on the web, go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/du-list/ <*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com <*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to: http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ ***************************************************************** 18 [du-list] Uranium Enrichment Plant Is Proposed for New Mexico Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:13:18 -0800 1- Uranium Enrichment Plant Is Proposed for New Mexico 2- New Mexico weighs reactor-fuel plant -- Uranium Enrichment Plant Is Proposed for New Mexico By MATTHEW L. WALD February 10, 2005 NY Times http://www.nytimes.com/2005/02/10/national/10nuke.html?pagewanted=print&position= http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/02/10/news/nuke.html HOBBS, N.M., Feb. 9 - The uranium enrichment centrifuge plant that gets the most attention these days is in Iran, but a larger one, carefully watched by the civilian nuclear power industry and its opponents, is taking shape here, in the desert just west of the Texas border. If built, it would be the largest commercial nuclear project ordered in this country in more than three decades. To supporters, the proposed $1.3 billion plant is a sign of faith in the nuclear power industry's perseverance and revival, and a way to make reactor fuel with far less energy, replacing an enrichment technology invented for the Manhattan Project. To opponents, it is a risky new industry that could release clouds of chemical poisons. Even if it operates accident-free, opponents say, it would produce radioactive waste that nobody knows what to do with. New Mexico's governor, Bill Richardson, said in an interview he would support the project if there were "an ironclad guarantee" that the waste would leave the state. But Mr. Richardson, who was energy secretary in the Clinton administration, has expressed skepticism that the Energy Department would take the waste away, as the law requires. The waste would leave the state - barely, says the company that wants to build here, Louisiana Energy Services. The company's preferred disposal site is a landfill several hundred yards over the Texas border that has applied for permission to take low-level nuclear waste. The site itself, a mile square, was determined to be well suited by Louisiana Energy's rival, which faces challenges in surviving the technology developed by Louisiana Energy. The rival, USEC, which used to stand for the United States Enrichment Corporation, uses gaseous diffusion technology, invented for the Manhattan Project. The company, which was part of the Energy Department until it began operation as a private corporation in 1998, tried to build an enrichment system here that used lasers, but it gave up because of technical problems. Now it, too, wants to build a centrifuge plant, near a former gaseous diffusion plant in Ohio. It has a license to build a pilot plant, which it needs to persuade bankers to finance the project, but its application to license a full-scale plant is about a year behind that of Louisiana Energy Services. The Louisiana Energy plant would duplicate centrifuge technology in use in Europe. Uranium, mixed with fluorine and heated to a gas, is spun in a metal tube at more than 1,000 revolutions per second. Uranium 235, the kind that splits easily in a reactor, flows to the center, as uranium 238, which is heavier, flows to the outside. In natural uranium, the proportion of U 235 is about 0.7 percent; for reactors it is raised to 3 percent to 5 percent. For weapons it is commonly pushed above 90 percent. The plant here, which would not begin to produce enriched uranium until late 2008, would be open to inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency, the builders say. A critical issue in hearings here this week before the Nuclear Regulatory Commission is what would happen to the depleted uranium, from which the U 235 had been removed. Louisiana Energy says it has a preliminary agreement with a nuclear services company to take the fluorine out of the mixture. The remaining uranium oxide, which is chemically nonreactive, could be buried in the Texas landfill. It could also be turned over to the Energy Department, which already has about 700,000 tons of depleted uranium, still mixed with fluorine and much of it in decaying metal canisters, in Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee. Two antinuclear groups - the Nuclear Information and Resource Service, and Public Citizen - hired a consultant, Arjun Makhijani, who asserted at the hearings that the depleted uranium had emissions similar to plutonium and that there was no proven means for safe disposal. A Louisiana Energy Services spokesman, Marshall Cohen, said the depleted uranium was "less radioactive than when it came out of the ground." Opponents say that may be so, but it is no longer in the ground, and thus a problem. Hearings in the fall will examine whether the technology is safe and whether the company will set aside enough money for cleanup. Two commercial fuel processing plants have become federal liabilities. Supporters say the plant would modernize nuclear fuel production and cut its costs. Mr. Cohen said that 70 percent of the plant's first 10 years of production had been sold and that the plant would be viable whether or not any new reactors were built. The last time a reactor was ordered in this country and not canceled was 1973. The plant would enrich enough uranium to make about 5 percent of the electricity used in the country. Although Governor Richardson has said that the waste problem is central, local sentiment seems favorable. The plant would run for 30 years and according to Louisiana Energy would provide 210 permanent jobs with an annual payroll of $10 million, including benefits, a substantial sum amid the region's fields of peanuts and cotton, interspersed with oil and gas wells. Harry Teague, who is chairman of the Lea County Commission and whose business is oilfield services, said the oil and gas business was strong but added, "Hobbs has always been a boom-and-bust town." Existing local industry is dangerous, Mr. Teague said, citing the hydrogen sulfide gas that rises with methane out of most natural gas wells here. Nuclear fuel is not risk free, he said, but "it's not near as bad as hydrogen sulfide." ---- New Mexico weighs reactor-fuel plant Nuclear project would be biggest in U.S. By Matthew L. Wald The New York Times Friday, February 11, 2005 http://www.iht.com/bin/print_ipub.php?file=/articles/2005/02/10/news/nuke.html HOBBS, New Mexico The uranium enrichment centrifuge plant that gets the most attention these days is in Iran, but a larger one, carefully watched by the civilian nuclear power industry and its opponents, is taking shape here, in the desert just west of Texas. If built, it would be the largest commercial nuclear project ordered in this country in more than three decades. To supporters, the proposed $1.3 billion plant is a sign of faith in the U.S. nuclear power industry's perseverance and revival, and a way to make reactor fuel with far less energy, replacing an enrichment technology invented for the Manhattan Project. To opponents, it is a risky new industry that could release clouds of chemical poisons. Even if it operates accident-free, opponents say, it would produce radioactive waste that nobody knows what to do with. New Mexico's governor, Bill Richardson, said in an interview that he would support the project if there were "an ironclad guarantee" that the waste would leave the state. But Richardson, who was energy secretary in the Clinton administration, has expressed skepticism that the Energy Department would take the waste away, as the law requires. The waste would indeed leave the state, says the company that wants to build here, Louisiana Energy Services, but only barely. The company's preferred disposal site is just over the state line, in Texas. The plant would duplicate centrifuge technology in use in Europe. Uranium, mixed with fluorine and heated to a gas, is spun in a metal tube at more than 1,000 revolutions per second. Uranium-235, the kind that splits easily in a reactor, flows to the center, as uranium-238, which is heavier, flows to the outside. In natural uranium, the proportion of U-235 is about 0.7 percent; for reactors it is raised to 3 percent to 5 percent. For weapons it is commonly pushed above 90 percent. The plant here, which would not begin to produce enriched uranium until late 2008, would be open to inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency, the builders said. A critical issue in hearings here this week before the federal Nuclear Regulatory Commission is what would happen to the depleted uranium. Louisiana Energy says it has a preliminary agreement with a nuclear services company to take the fluorine out of the mixture. The remaining uranium oxide, which is chemically nonreactive, could be buried in the Texas landfill. It could also be turned over to the Energy Department, which already has about 700,000 tons of depleted uranium, still mixed with fluorine and much of it in decaying metal canisters, in Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee. Two antinuclear groups - the Nuclear Information and Resource Service, and Public Citizen - hired a consultant, Arjun Makhijani, who asserted at the hearings that the depleted uranium had emissions similar to plutonium and that there was no proven means for safe disposal. A Louisiana Energy Services spokesman, Marshall Cohen, said the depleted uranium was "less radioactive than when it came out of the ground." Opponents say that may be so, but it is no longer in the ground, and thus poses a problem. Hearings in the fall will examine whether the technology is safe and whether the company will set aside enough money for cleanup. Two commercial fuel processing plants have become federal liabilities. Supporters say the plant would modernize nuclear fuel production and cut its costs. Cohen said that 70 percent of the plant's first 10 years of production had been sold and that the plant would be viable whether or not any new reactors were built. The last time a reactor was ordered in the United States and not canceled was 1973. The plant would enrich enough uranium to make about 5 percent of the electricity used in the country. Although Richardson has said that the waste problem is central, local sentiment seems favorable. The plant would run for 30 years and would provide 210 permanent jobs with an annual payroll of $10 million, including benefits, according to Louisiana Energy. That is a substantial sum amid the region's fields of peanuts and cotton, interspersed with oil and gas wells. Harry Teague, who is chairman of the Lea County Commission and whose business is oil-field services, said the oil and gas business was strong but added, "Hobbs has always been a boom-and-bust town." Existing local industry is dangerous, Teague said, citing the hydrogen sulfide gas that rises with methane out of most natural gas wells here. Nuclear fuel is not risk free, he said, but "it's not near as bad as hydrogen sulfide." -- Posted for educational and research purposes only, ~ in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107 ~ NucNews Links and Expanded Archives - http://nucnews.net ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Need a home for your web domain? We recommend our provider, Hosting Direct https://support.hostingdirect.net/cgi-bin/affiliates/clickthru.cgi?id=nucnews ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> In low income neighborhoods, 84% do not own computers. At Network for Good, help bridge the Digital Divide! http://us.click.yahoo.com/EA3HyD/3MnJAA/79vVAA/FGYolB/TM --------------------------------------------------------------------~-> To unsubscribe from this groups send a message to du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com. In the body of the message type unsubscribe and send. Yahoo! Groups Links <*> To visit your group on the web, go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/du-list/ <*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com <*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to: http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ ***************************************************************** 19 Washington Times: Fissile-material treaty urged Briefings - February 14, 2005 Special correspondent John Zaracostas interviewed Patricia Lewis, director of the U.N. Institute for Disarmament Research, in Geneva on Friday about the prospects for breaking the near decade-long logjam in the Conference on Disarmament to open talks on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT). The 66-nation conference is linked to and funded by the United Nations, and negotiates disarmament accords. Mrs. Lewis, a dual Irish-British national, has a doctorate in nuclear physics. Question: Mrs. Lewis, how would you sum up the issues that have put the brakes on progress by the Conference on Disarmament in recent years? Answer: In a nutshell ... it's competing priorities. For some states, achieving a cutoff of fissile material production for nuclear weapons is the priority. For other states, the main issue is preventing an arms race in outer space, and for other states, it's nuclear disarmament. ... I think these are the three competing priorities ... but some countries are linking their issues to other issues, and blocking progress on one issue unless they get what they want in their priority. Q: Can you give an example? A: For example, we did have agreement in 1998 to begin negotiations on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty, and late in the year of the Conference on Disarmament, it was decided to hold it over to 1999. Then, unfortunately, in 1999, one country  mainly China  said they were not happy in terms of the relative status of preventing an arms race in outer space, and wanted that to have equal [priority] with FMCT. That has now changed. China no longer demands [equal priority], but other countries have pushed up their issues on the agenda. Q: Is this the traditional nonaligned countries? A: Not altogether. I wouldn't say altogether they're traditional nonaligned, but I'd say they're countries that have traditionally put a great deal of effort in trying to promote nuclear disarmament. I think what the problem now is, is the issue of verification of the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty. I think we got a long way in solving this relative balance and relative priorities, and a proposal was put down for a work program. But then the United States announced that they were doing a review of the FMCT. Last year, the U.S. announced it could accept a FMCT, but it didn't believe that the verification of such a treaty could be feasible. Q: A lot of countries are insisting that any verification of a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty must not only be on future production, but also on stockpiles. A: Yes, not only is that a very political issue ... but it is also a very important technical issue for verification. If you want a treaty that has a high degree of certainty in its verification regime, the inclusion of previous production stockpiles is something that can increase the verification regime. The U.S. is one of the countries that are on record as saying it doesn't want past production and its stockpiles to be included in any treaty. It would only want a cutoff of production, if you like, from Day Zero of the treaty on future production. It might be one of the technical reasons it feels that a verification regime would not be so feasible. Q: Might that complicate things in terms of knowing who's done what? A: That's right. I think one of the things that you can increase confidence in such treaties is to know past production, how much is being produced, to know how much an enrichment facility can produce, how much a reprocessing facility can produce, and to know then, for the future, what it had stopped producing. It's not impossible to verify the treaty without stocks, but certainly it would increase the confidence of the verification regime if stocks were included. But it's always been known that, politically, the issue of stocks is very big because the issue of stocks gets into the whole issue of nuclear disarmament. And if stocks are included in the treaty, then the issue of what's called "surplus stocks"  surplus to requirements  becomes a very big issue. Some of the nuclear-weapons countries, such as the United Kingdom, the United States, have dealt to a large extent with "surplus stocks," and they have been very transparent. Q: They got rid of them? A: They've been trying to get rid of them. It's a very big job, but yes, they have done that. Other states have been much less transparent about that. Clearly this is a very political issue. It's not only technical. Q: What do the experts think? Can you verify a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty? A: A lot of the technology already exists. And you have inspections. And fissile material has a very clear signal. It's made only in certain places; it can be detected far more easily than chemical or biological weapons. Tiny, tiny materials of nuclear weapons can be detected. That's how the activities of Iran that had not been declared were picked up. Q: Some experts say no one has a clue what the stocks of China are. A: You're right. Outside China it's very hard to work out estimates. China itself has given some rough values in deployed fissile materials, but what it has in stock, I'm afraid, is very hard to know. Q: If there was some breakthrough and the conference hammered out a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty agreement, that would mean countries like Iran and North Korea would also be obliged to go along, right? A: Well, indeed, if you take the issue of Iran, which is somewhat different from the issue of the DPRK [Democratic People's Republic of (North) Korea], Iran is inside the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The NPT already prohibits Iran from making fissile material for weapons purposes. Iran is covered legally by that treaty. Now, in the case of the DPRK, that's in a different stage of development of all of this, as it was announced [by Pyongyang last week that it has nuclear weapons]. The DPRK was in the NPT [but] announced its withdrawal. Other states party to the NPT do not accept that the DPRK has withdrawn. Legally speaking, parties to the NPT believe the DPRK is covered by the treaty as well, like Iran. However, the DPRK itself does not consider itself bound by the treaty because it has announced its withdrawal. ... Q: The Chinese and the Russians are still making a lot of noise about the equal importance of PAROS  the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space. Are they backtracking in the Conference on Disarmament? A: No, I don't think so. Russia and China have for the last few years been developing a framework for PAROS. Certainly for China, it's a major issue, and for Russia it's also a very big issue. They link it to the missile-defense issue in terms of in the future placing weapons in space, and that's one of their biggest fears. Q: Why is it important to get a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty deal here? A: Well, I think one of the reasons it's important is, it is seen as an essential step on the route to nuclear disarmament. There's debate about when, but obviously the earlier the better. It's the analogy of a bath overflowing: The first thing you've got to do is turn off the tap, and then you can worry about mopping up the water and pulling up the plug. So the FMCT is the equivalent of turning off the tap for fissile materials to make nuclear weapons. ... Now some countries, such as China, argue they are way behind the development of nuclear weapons  compared with the United States, for example  and need to catch up and, therefore, need to produce more fissile material. Whereas, the U.S. has such a surplus of fissile material that they don't really need to produce any, and indeed have stopped production. And, in fact, there is a statement from the United States, from the UK, Russia and France that they don't need to produce any fissile material and have stopped production of fissile material for the production of nuclear weapons. So, four out of the five nuclear-weapons states have indeed stopped production. Now, those outside the NPT are India, Pakistan and Israel [which has never admitted any production]. India and Pakistan have admitted that they have developed nuclear weapons  they have tested  and they are producing fissile material for weapons purposes. And they both argue that they need more time to build up their stocks. This argument, of course, is not accepted by other states, because they don't think [India and Pakistan] should have nuclear weapons at all. North Korea has not talked about its production. It has only talked about what it possesses. The way in which North Korea has behaved over the NPT, one can imagine that they will say that they are not bound by the treaty. So even if the political problems between the United States and its allies over verification get sorted out in the Conference on Disarmament, what would be the role of North Korea? ... How will it go with India and Pakistan and Israel in the conference? Q: What if nothing happens on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty? Is it time, as some have suggested, to look at other issues rather than waste another year? A: There's a strong argument that the Conference on Disarmament as a forum for negotiations needs to exist, and if it didn't exist, you would have to find another forum  you would have to reinvent it. I think that is a strong argument. There is also a strong argument that where a process is not working, you need to find another one. The problems that we have within the conference is that every decision has to be made by consensus. That's fine when everyone is looking to find ways to agree, but when people are looking to find ways to block, it's basically giving every state a veto  and that happened at the end of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty negotiations and ever since on the Conference on Disarmament. ***************************************************************** 20 Guardian Unlimited: Missile Defense System Fails Another Test From the Associated Press [UP] Monday February 14, 2005 11:16 PM By JOHN J. LUMPKIN Associated Press Writer WASHINGTON (AP) - A test of the national ballistic missile defense system failed Monday when an interceptor missile didn't get out of its silo, the second failure in as many months. The failed test came less than a week after North Korea declared it had nuclear weapons, giving new attention to a possible threat from that nation. An initial test evaluation blamed equipment at a Pacific island site rather than the interceptor itself. If that assessment bears out, it would come as a relief to defense officials because it would mean no new problems had been discovered with the missile. Still, the failure drew new fire from critics who say the technology is too expensive and unproven. It was unclear how the latest failure would affect the experimental interceptor bases in Alaska and California, which are located to defend against missiles launched from North Korea across the Pacific Ocean. In Monday's test, the interceptor missile launched from Kwajalein Island in the Pacific was to target a mock ICBM fired from Kodiak Island, Alaska. The target missile launched at 1:22 a.m. EST without any problems, but the interceptor did not launch, the Missile Defense Agency said in a statement. The previous test, on Dec. 15, failed under similar circumstances. The target missile launched, but the interceptor did not. Military officials later blamed that failure on fault-tolerance software that was oversensitive to small errors in the flow of data between the missile and a flight computer, and shut down the launch. The Dec. 15 test was the first in two years. Before that, the program had gone five-for-eight in attempts to intercept a target. Missile defense officials say each test costs $85 million. The two interceptor bases, at Fort Greely, Alaska, and Vandenberg Air Force Base, Calif., are still classified as experimental but officials say they could fire interceptors in an emergency. Six interceptors are at the Alaska site, with two more in California as backups. Up to 10 more will go into silos in Alaska this year, officials say. The Bush administration had hoped to declare those bases operational by the end of 2004, but the Pentagon has not done so. But officials say they fire once certain mechanical blocks are removed from the interceptors themselves. ``In the event of an attack, the system could launch. Just nobody knows what the result would be,'' said Loren Thompson, an analyst with the Lexington Institute in Arlington, Va. The most common scenario Pentagon planners envision for such an attack would be one or more nuclear missiles launched from North Korea, targeting Hawaii, Alaska or West Coast cities. ``North Korea says it has a nuclear weapon, but it doesn't say it has a means of delivery,'' Thompson said. ``We don't really know the North Koreans have a bomb that can be fitted on any missile they currently operate.'' Critics say it is irresponsible to claim the system can protect the United States. ``Given the system's track record, an 'emergency alert' capability provides no comfort to anyone,'' Stephen Young, senior analyst at the Union of Concerned Scientists, said in a statement after Monday's test. ``Congress should not spend another dime of the public's money until it can show this system would have some capability against a real attack.'' Missile defense programs face cuts in President Bush's proposed budget, but officials say they will not affect the interceptor bases. Instead, they would reduce spending on some long-range programs, delaying plans for a second-generation interceptor missile and a third interceptor base in Europe. Bush proposes to spend $8.8 billion on ballistic missile defense programs in his 2006 plan, down from $9.9 billion authorized for 2005. The administration is trying to trim $5 billion from missile defense spending over the next six years, officials said. Other pieces of ballistic missile defense architecture remain in development. The airborne laser program, which proposes to mount a laser cannon on a Boeing 747 that shoot down missiles as they launch, will have a live-fire test in 2008, officials said. On the Net: Defense Department: http://www.defense.gov Missile Defense Agency: http://www.acq.osd.mil/mda/mdalink/html/mdalink.html Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 21 BBC: Straw in Pakistan for key talks Last Updated: Monday, 14 February, 2005 [Foreign Secretary Jack Straw] Mr Straw is expected to discuss the progress of talks with India UK Foreign Secretary Jack Straw has met President Pervez Musharraf at the start of a three-day visit to Pakistan. Counter-terrorism, nuclear arms, trade and peace with India featured in talks with the president, PM Shaukat Aziz and Foreign Minister Khurshid Kasuri. Correspondents say soaring Afghan opium production is also likely to have been discussed. The UK says 70% of Britain's heroin is smuggled through Pakistan. Mr Straw's Islamabad visit precedes talks in Afghanistan and India. 'Confidence' The BBC's Paul Anderson in Islamabad says that at the centre of the foreign secretary's packed agenda are what officials describe as the three Cs - counter-terrorism, counter-proliferation and counter-narcotics. It is a very good sign Pakistan's maturing as a democracy UK Foreign Secretary Jack Straw Mr Straw told a news conference he had "very substantial confidence" in the way Pakistan had handled the aftermath of the scandal involving disgraced scientist AQ Khan. Dr Khan was pardoned last year after admitting transferring nuclear secrets to Iran, Libya and North Korea and is under virtual house arrest. Pakistan says he will not be questioned by outsiders - including the UN nuclear watchdog. The foreign secretary's talks in Pakistan came a day after Commonwealth ministers sharply criticised Gen Musharraf for breaking a promise to step down as army chief. Mr Straw, however, said Britain was "delighted" that Pakistan had been fully readmitted to the Commonwealth. "It is a very good sign of Pakistan's maturing as a democracy and the recognition of the great leadership which President Musharraf has shown during a difficult time for the world," he told state-run television. Kashmir On the war on terror, Mr Straw spoke warmly of Gen Musharraf's efforts - hundreds of al-Qaeda suspects have been arrested in Pakistan. The Pakistani military has been hunting suspected al-Qaeda-linked militants in the unruly tribal region of South Waziristan bordering Afghanistan. Osama Bin Laden is widely believed to be hiding in the area. Mr Straw's Islamabad visit came a day before Indian Foreign Minister Natwar Singh is due to arrive for more peace talks. The UK is a major foreign sponsor of the process, working behind the scenes to promote talks. Our correspondent says India and Pakistan have precious little to show for more than a year of negotiations. But Mr Straw said Britain welcomed continued progress in the peace process, at the heart of which lies the dispute over the mountainous territory of Kashmir. He said he saw a "good future" to the dialogue, adding: "What I look forward to ... is the border breaking down and so once again families which have been separated by that border being able to live in peace and harmony and security." ***************************************************************** 22 Guardian Unlimited: Annan Seeks Overhaul of Security Measures From the Associated Press [UP] Monday February 14, 2005 12:31 AM AP Photo JF103 By PAUL AMES Associated Press Writer MUNICH, Germany (AP) - U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan appealed Sunday for Europe and the United States to back a major overhaul of global security measures to combat terrorism, keep weapons of mass destruction from spreading and quell regional conflicts. The U.N. plans call for tougher inspection rules for nuclear installations, a trust fund to help poorer nations fight terrorism, a drive to strengthen public health defenses against germ warfare and quicker action against potential threats. ``We must strengthen our collective defenses,'' Annan told an international conference of top security officials as he lobbied for approval of the new steps following the deep divisions that plagued the United Nations over the Iraq war in 2003. ``If New York or London or Paris or Berlin were hit by a nuclear terrorist attack, it might not only kill hundreds of thousands in an instant,'' he said. ``It could also devastate the global economy, thereby plunging millions into poverty in developing nations.'' Annan suggested incentives for nations to stop uranium enrichment that could be used to make nuclear bombs. He also said U.N. nations should adopt a common definition of terrorism and draft an anti-terrorism convention, which should include financial help for nations to meet counterterrorism commitments. ``The United Nations must show zero tolerance of terrorism of any kind, for any reason,'' Annan said. Annan has invited world leaders to a summit at U.N. headquarters in September to approve the plans. German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer broadly backed Annan's security reform plans and urged the United States, as the world's most powerful nation, to play a leading role. But Fischer, whose government vehemently opposed the Iraq war, rejected calls for NATO to play a security role in Iraq by offering to protect U.N. operations there. ``I don't see any added value for NATO in Iraq,'' he said, replying to a suggestion by Sen. Joseph Lieberman, D-Conn., who was at the conference. Fischer also called on Washington to play a more active role in European-led diplomatic efforts to ensure Iran does not develop nuclear weapons. ``If the United States were to engage positively, and I'm aware of how difficult that is, it would substantially strengthen the European drive,'' he said. Annan's call for greater collective security came after Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld acknowledged Saturday that even the United States cannot battle terrorism and other world threats on its own. ``One nation cannot defeat the extremists alone,'' Rumsfeld said. ``It will take the cooperation of many nations to stop the proliferation of dangerous weapons.'' --- Associated Press writer David Rising in Munich contributed to this report. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 23 Independent: Blair set to press nuclear button [http://www.independent.co.uk] By Michael Harrison 15 February 2005 Tony Blair is preparing to commit the country to the biggest nuclear power programme since the 1960s if he wins the forthcoming general election. The Prime Minister is expected to use a third term in office to pave the way for the construction of up to 10 new nuclear stations in an attempt to ensure that Britain plays its full part in tackling global warming by cutting carbon emissions. A White Paper backing the nuclear option is widely expected to be published soon after the election, provided Labour is victorious. The document is likely to set out the case for nuclear power but stop short of spelling out how a new generation of reactors would be financed and built. Support for a new nuclear programme would represent a major about-turn in government policy - which has so far been for Britain to meet its environmental targets through an expansion of renewable energy such as wind, wave and solar power. Such a seismic shift in policy would almost certainly also require a Cabinet reshuffle to bring supporters of nuclear power into the key posts of Secretary of State for Trade and Industry, and Secretary of State for Environment. The present incumbents, Patricia Hewitt and Margaret Beckett, are both anti-nuclear. Britain's 12 nuclear power stations provide 23 per cent of the nation's electricity. But unless they are replaced with new ones as they reach retirement, then there will only be three nuclear stations left in operation by 2020 producing just 7 per cent of the country's requirements. As things stand, the plan is to replace nuclear with renewable, even though the latter is more expensive than the former, so that by 2020, green energy accounts for 20 per cent of UK electricity consumption - the so-called 20-20 target. But there are grave doubts about whether that target will be met and serious cost implications if it is achieved. A National Audit Office report last week estimated that electricity bills would need to rise by 5 per cent, adding Ł1bn a year to household bills, just to meet the interim target of generating 10 per cent of the country's electricity from renewables by 2010. Even if the 20-20 target becomes a reality, many commentators find it difficult to see how Britain's longer-term goal of cutting carbon emissions by 60 per cent by 2050 can be achieved unless nuclear is somewhere in the energy mix. Despite the near-death experience of the country's main nuclear generator British Energy, which has only survived thanks to a Ł5bn government bail-out, there have been sufficient straws in the wind of late to give proponents of atomic power fresh heart. First, there was Mr Blair's testimony to the Commons liaison committee last year in which he spelled out the case for nuclear in a more graphic way than before. Then there was the government chief scientific adviser Professor David King's acknowledgement that Britain should be prepared to build new nuclear capacity, even as it looked for ways of maximising the potential of renewables. Martin O'Neil, the influential and well-connected Labour chairman of the Commons Trade and Industry Select Committee, says: "There is a sense in which the issue has moved further up the agenda. The impression I have is that within government it is becoming less of a no-go area. While there are obviously individuals within the Cabinet who are opposed to nuclear power, if one assumes a post-election reshuffle, it may be that people better disposed to a nuclear replacement build programme could be put in positions of responsibility. "Cost and safety will be the two main considerations but if you can win the argument on those two grounds, then the environmental upside kicks in. At the moment, mature renewable technology is not producing enough energy at reasonable cost, Britain cannot rely on gas and it is unlikely we will have the kind of clean-coal technology we need." Even if the political will is there to usher in a new nuclear era, the practical obstacles remain daunting. Mike Alexander, British Energy's chief executive, spelled out the hurdles yesterday. First, he said, Britain needs an agreed waste policy for the environment; second it needs an agreed technology approved by UK regulatory authorities, third it needs a planning system which deals with planning issues rather than technical and safety ones; and finally it needs a market structure which supports investment in new plant. By way of a postscript he added that the country also needed a "competent operator" - a role which he volunteered British Energy could fill once all the other issues had been addressed. The company's latest set of performance figures (see story on right) is not the best of advertisements. Nuclear stations provide baseload electricity and therefore need to operate for the maximum amount of time to achieve maximum efficiency. In the first nine months of this year, that has not happened because of what are termed "unplanned outages" at two of them. Mr Alexander insists that the problems which shut Heysham 1 and Hartlepool occurred in conventional and not nuclear areas and were the result of the plants "being starved on remedial investment for years". He adds that it is "at best tenuous" to argue that problems with British Energy's current fleet of reactors will in some way undermine the chances of gaining support to build a new generation. The meltdown in nuclear's contribution to the energy mix could be mitigated partly by keeping older stations open for longer. Dungeness B, for instance, one of British Energy's seven advanced gas cooled (AGR) reactors, is due to close in 2008 but the company is now working on a proposal to extend its life by five or perhaps even 10 years. Most of its other AGRs have, however, already had extensions to their lives. The Government's last energy White Paper in 2003 acknowledged that "current economics" made nuclear power "an unattractive option" as a source of carbon-free energy and the same will hold true after the election. It also noted that the issue of what to do with nuclear waste needed to be resolved. There is also the debate over which technology to use. British Nuclear Fuels backs the Westinghouse AP1000 while British Energy supports the Canadian Kandu design - both light water reactors. But the Chinese have recently opted for a South African design known as the pebble bed - a high-temperature, gas-cooled reactor which is said to be small and safe but also expensive. Financeability, design and the waste legacy are but three of the big questions which need answers. Mr Blair's White Paper is unlikely to provide them but at least it may allow proponents of atomic power to declare: The future's bright, the future's nuclear. ©2005 Independent News &Media (UK) Ltd. ***************************************************************** 24 Mos News: Russia Readies New Generation of Nuclear Weapons - MOSNEWS.COM Created: 14.02.2005 11:02 MSK (GMT +3), Updated: 11:02 MSK MosNews [http://c4.maxserving.com/adclick/site=7085/area=side_ros/aamfmt= normal/aamsz=sideunit/PageID=1234567] Russia will soon be ready with a “unique” new generation of nuclear weapons that is currently under development, Defence Minister Sergei Ivanov was quoted as saying by Reuters. He said on Sunday the upgrade was part of a modernisation of Russia’s strategic arsenal in which it was aiming for quality, not quantity. “We already see, we have every reason to believe it will be a unique system, not possessed by any country in the world,” Ivanov told journalists at the Munich Security Conference in Germany. “Even these systems, which I hope will quite soon come to the inventories of the armed forces, will not be aimed against any individual country,” he added. “They will simply allow us to guarantee our security and sovereignty against any threat, absolutely any threat that exists ... or could arise in the future.” President Vladimir Putin first spoke of the new generation of nuclear weaponry last November but gave no details. Ivanov refused to say in what respect it would be unique. Russia prides itself on being the sole inheritor of the vast nuclear arsenal which gave the Soviet Union its superpower status and military parity with the United States. “Russia was, is and will be a major nuclear power,” said Ivanov, while adding that it did not need as many missiles and warheads as in Soviet times. Moscow was not looking to “frighten anyone”, he said. Ivanov said Russia’s improving economy was now enabling its armed forces —- 1.2 million servicemen and 876,000 civilian staff —- to move from a “struggle for survival in their own homeland” to a fully-fledged reform. Without detailing future numbers, he said Moscow could not afford to keep garrisons everywhere across its vast territory and was shifting the emphasis away from a huge army towards “small units which may be sent quickly to any part of Russia”. Moscow would press ahead this year with transforming more units to a fully professional basis and reducing reliance on conscripts. The draft is widely hated in Russia and young conscripts frequently suffer vicious bullying. Within three years, 70 percent of personnel would be serving on a professional contract basis and conscription would be reduced to one year from two, Ivanov said. Write us: [info@mosnews.com] Copyright © 2004 MOSNEWS.COM Designed by [http://design.gazeta.ru/] ***************************************************************** 25 Guardian Unlimited: IAEA: Egypt Up Front About Atomic Arms From the Associated Press [UP] Monday February 14, 2005 9:01 PM AP Photo JBM101 By GEORGE JAHN Associated Press Writer VIENNA, Austria (AP) - Egypt's nuclear experiments were small, basic and do not appear part of an attempt to make weapons, the U.N. atomic monitoring agency said Monday, praising Cairo's cooperation with an investigation of the country's now mothballed clandestine activities. The report, compiled by the International Atomic Energy Agency, made clear that investigations will continue into the atomic research that stretched back four decades and ended as recently as five years ago. Still, the summary, released to diplomats accredited to the agency and leaked to The Associated Press, went some way in dispelling concerns that, faced with potential threats from Israel and Iran, Egypt had explored developing nuclear arms. The Vienna-based agency suggested that it has not found anything so far to challenge Cairo's assertions that its activities did not go beyond the laboratory and did not include enriching uranium or separating plutonium - two processes used to make the fissile core of nuclear arms, And the agency said Egypt appeared to be telling the truth when it said that the activities were not divulged to the agency because the country assumed it did not have an obligation to do so. The report said investigations since September have not come up with a smoking gun. ``The nuclear material and facilities seen by the agency to date are consistent with the activities described by Egypt,'' it said. It also welcomed Cairo's cooperation with the agency inquiry. Still, ``irrespective of the ... small amounts of nuclear material involved, the repeated failures by Egypt to report nuclear material and facilities to the agency in a timely manner are a matter of concern,'' said the report. A senior diplomat close to the IAEA suggested that agency officials were not expecting further investigations to raise concerns that Egypt - which has expressed concern both about a nuclear-armed Israel and Iran's potential to develop such arms - was actively working to create a weapons program. Asked about minute traces of plutonium found by agency inspectors, he said there appeared to be no reason to question official explanations that they were instances of contamination from fuel in one of the country's small research reactors. The focus of the IAEA investigation were the country's two research reactors, along with a partially assembled laboratory meant to separate small quantities of plutonium, all located at the Inshas center, northeast of Cairo. The diplomat, who demanded anonymity, suggested the Egyptian program was less a cause for concern than other secret activities recently investigated by the agency, including those of Iran and South Korea. ``The big difference is that there is no enrichment involved here,'' he said, alluding to South Korean uranium-enrichment experiments. He also suggested the Egyptians were more forthcoming with information than the South Koreans. In the report, Egypt was faulted for failing to tell the agency about imports of small amounts of uranium compounds and other substances that can be used both for peaceful or weapons-related nuclear programs, and about testing of facilities that can be used as part of such programs. It also should have reported about small-scale laboratory experiments linked to preliminary stages of enrichment and separation, and neglected to provide the agency with original or updated plans of facilities used in such research. Most of the activities took place before 1982, when Egypt signed an agreement with the IAEA committing it to transparency about its nuclear activities. Still, under the agreement, the country had an obligation to retroactively report on pre-agreement activities as well, said the report. Throughout the inquiry, Cairo has claimed that its scientists were involved in small-scale activities generated by interest in the nuclear fuel cycle for creating energy and characterized lack of reporting as sloppiness. In extreme cases of concern and widespread suspicions of an attempt to make nuclear arms, the agency's 35-nation board can report countries that don't adhere to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty to the U.N. Security Council. --- On the Net: http://www.iaea.org Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 ***************************************************************** 26 The Australian: Ferguson backs uranium for China [February 15, 2005] Katharine Murphy and John Kerin LABOR'S resources spokesman Martin Ferguson has backed the Howard Government's efforts to export uranium to China in a move that could spark concern in the ALP's left wing. Mr Ferguson told The Australian the Government was "obligated" to explore negotiations with China that could result in Australia exporting uranium to the world's most populous nation. "The Chinese Government has raised this issue and the Government is obligated to explore a bilateral with China," Mr Ferguson said yesterday. He said Australia maintained several controls to ensure Canberra remained in command of the uranium supply chain -- an argument Peter Costello has used to make the case to develop new export markets. "We have a number of safeguards," Mr Ferguson said. He also argued that the only significant barriers to expanding Australia's resources exports were the "infrastructure blockages and skills shortages" that had emerged under the Howard Government. The exploitation of Australia's uranium deposits has been an important issue in Labor politics. Mr Ferguson is a member of the Soft Left faction of the party, which is more likely to side with jobs than conservation, unlike the Socialist Left faction, of which environment spokesman Anthony Albanese is a member. The party fought bitterly over the issue in the late 1970s and 1980s, and resolved the tensions controversially by creating the three mines uranium policy. The export of uranium remains a sensitive issue for politicians around the world, with concerns from right and left-wingers that the uranium could be exploited by nuclear states and lead to greater proliferation. But with resources exports languishing, the Government announced last year it would pursue a bilateral agreement with China that could pave the way for Australia's uranium exports. The move followed extensive lobbying by WMC Resources, which has become the target of a hostile takeover by the Swiss miner Xstrata. Talks are under way with a view to securing a bilateral agreement, which the Government hopes to conclude over the next 12 months. Australia has some of the largest deposits of low-cost uranium in the world. The spot price for uranium has spiked dramatically in recent years, with analysts predicting this trend will continue. But despite the economic incentives to export uranium, Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Downer has said any exports to China would need to be predicated on a nuclear safeguards agreement. The Xstrata takeover bid has sparked a new round of political sensitivity about uranium mining and Australia's export prospects with resource-hungry economies in the region, such as China and India. The Treasurer's decision to give the green light to Xstrata troubled some in his partyroom, with West Australian MPs arguing there was a national interest case that Australia keep control of its uranium assets. Mr Costello has defended his decision on Xstrata and argued the Coalition wanted to see uranium resources exploited in line with Australia's economic interests. terms © The Australian ***************************************************************** 27 [NukeNet] Basic Facts Re Nuclear Power And Chernobyl Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 10:40:07 -0800 -------- Original Message --------
Subject: [NukeNet] Basic Facts Re Nuclear Power And Chernobyl
Date: Tue, 15 Feb 2005 01:04:19 -0500
From: Bill Smirnow <smirnowb@ix.netcom.com>
To: Bill Smirnow <smirnowb@ix.netcom.com>


NukeNet Anti-Nuclear Network (nukenet@energyjustice.net)



   Nineteen months after the
disaster, in Nov. 1987, the U.S. government
officially doubled its estimate of the
"background" radiation to which we are exposed
every year.11 [New York Times, November 20, 1987]


   Nature has also reported that in Greece, 2,800
kilometers from Chernobyl, where radiation
exposures were far lower than in areas close to
the reactor, leukemia has been diagnosed at rates
2.6 times the norm in young people who were in the
womb when the reactor exploded. The British
epidemiologist Dr. Alice Stewart found long ago
that only one diagnostic X-ray to the pregnant
abdomen increases the risk of leukemia in the
offspring by 40 percent.19 However, the report
from Greece is the first to link Chernobyl's
wreckage to increased leukemia incidence in
children exposed in utero.20 The report has moved
some experts to again warn that the low levels of
radiation to which people are exposed every day
"could contribute to cancer."

> Let's not also forget some of the testimont
claiming the damage could reach
> as much as 1,000 miles.

   Minnesota's radiation laced milk about 5,000 to
6,000 miles from Chernobyl and Oregon's  radiation
laced
drinking water and rainfall used for other
purposes such as agriculture derived from rainfall
about 7,000 miles from Chernobyl put a new spin on
10 mile, 17.5 mile and even 1,000 mile evacuation
zones and affected areas from a nuclear power
catastrophe. And:
The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, May 1996:
"radiation contamination was detectable over the
entire Northern Hemisphere."

AP, May 15, 1986: "Airborne radioactivity from the
Chernobyl nuclear accident is now so widespread
that it is likely to fall to the ground wherever
it rains in the United States, the EPA said."

AP, April 4, 1996: "Plutonium and other dangerous
particles released in the accident . . . have now
found their way to Ukraine's major waterways . . .
. 'We have billions of tons of radiated earth that
can't be dumped anywhere, and which will pour
plutonium, cesium and strontium into Europe for
decades,' the chief consultant to the Ukrainian
Parliament's Chernobyl commission said."




   See below for massive media distortions of
Chernobyl effects:


  The following is the work of John Laforge of
Nukewatch:


YOU SHOULD ASK FOR AN EMAIL COPY OF MY ARTICLE ON
CHERNOBYL FROM EARTH ISLAND JOURNAL, VOL. 12, NO.
3, SUMMER 1997, P. 28 TOO.

SINCERELY, JOHN LaFORGE
___________
Nukewatch
P.O. Box 649
Luck, WI 54853
Phone (715) 472-4185
Fax (715) 472-4184
Web http://www.nukewatch.com

MINNEAPOLIS STAR TRIBUNE

Published Sunday, May 7, 2000

Chernobyl: For 14 years, the industry has
downplayed the damage to humans and the planet
John M. LaForge

With a heavy dose of half-truth, the commercial
press works overtime to reduce the results of the
April 26, 1986, Chernobyl catastrophe to a
"nervous disorder" confined to the former Soviet
Union and Europe. Understated anniversary reports
of the worldwide radiation disaster help the
nuclear industry hold on against overwhelming
opposition, in spite of what should have been the
final insult from nuclear power.

Efforts at psychological "cleanup" often sound
like Peter Crane, a lawyer at the U.S. Nuclear
Regulatory Commission (NRC), who says that "the
explosion . . . sent a radioactive cloud into the
atmosphere of Eastern Europe." This is a true
statement. It merely neglects to mention the rest
of planet Earth.

Journalist Michael Specter reports, "The fire,
which burned out of control for five days, spewed
more than 50 tons of radioactive fallout across
Belarus, Ukraine and Western Russia." This loaded
sentence is true, in a limited sense. That the
fire burned uncontrolled for two weeks after a
series of three explosions; that perhaps 190 tons
of reactor fuel was catapulted into the
atmosphere; or that the radioactive fallout spread
worldwide, reaching Minnesota's milk, for example,
doesn't make Specter a liar, only a miser with the
truth.

The Associated Press' Dave Carpenter's description
that "deadly reactor fuel shot into the
atmosphere, contaminating some 10,000 square miles
and reaching as far as Western Europe" is likewise
"correct," but Reuters reported on Nov. 28, 1995,
that the contaminated areas include about 61,780
square miles. What is it to understate the total
of irradiated territory by a factor of six? It
isn't the pot calling the kettle black; it's the
cesium calling the strontium a cancer agent.

Carpenter's AP lullaby was published widely and
included the comment that "those living in the
shadow of Chernobyl will be living with its deadly
health and environmental legacy for years."

For years? The word "centuries" would have been
more accurate, if conservative, since radiation's
health effects are multigenerational and not
limited in time. Indeed, some genetic effects
appear to be increasing with each successive
generation.

The AP's Angela Charlson reported that the
explosions sent "a radioactive cloud across parts
of Europe." Understatement was practiced as well
by the New York Times, which said the disaster
"spewed radiation across much of Europe" and that
"a plume of toxic gases and dust . . . spread
across the western Soviet Union, Eastern Europe
and Scandinavia." While this uncomfortable fact is
nowadays passe, the contamination of the whole
world was hinted at when the Times reported that
the radiation spread across western Russia "and
beyond."

'Irrational fears'?

While Chernobyl's long-lived carcinogens --
primarily cesium, plutonium, strontium and
iodine -- are well known to be deadly for decades
or centuries, Soviet officials, the United
Nations' International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)
and U.S. editors have all ridiculed the
common-sense fear of Chernobyl's radioactive
fallout.

The official Soviet paper Izvestia said in 1988
that doctors in the Ukraine were "spending more
time on trying to dispel irrational fears than on
treating the effects of radiation."

The IAEA, which at first refused to conduct a
post-Chernobyl health study, claiming that all the
accident's effects were confined within Soviet
borders, dared to say in a 1991 study that
Chernobyl's health effects were mainly
"psychological." The heavily criticized report did
not consider the health of the emergency-response
workers or of the evacuees from the 18-mile
exclusion zone, 8,000 of whom are now known to
have died from radiation-related diseases.

The IAEA study failed to mention the lengthy
latency period for observed cancer incidence. This
cavalier whitewash of the disaster's inevitable
results came from a nominal nuclear watchdog.
"After all, the IAEA is in the business of
promoting nuclear energy, not discouraging it. For
10 years the agency has attempted to downplay the
consequences of the accident," wrote Alexander R.
Sich in a cover story for the Bulletin of Atomic
Scientists. The IAEA, still downplaying in 1995,
said any increase in cancer caused by Chernobyl
would be "undetectable."

Editors across the country have embraced the
IAEA's dismissive attitude, distracting readers
with headlines like "Citizens still suffering
radiation phobia" and "The legacy of Chernobyl:
Fear is the deeper wound." A dread of radiation
doesn't appear irrational in view of 1995's report
that "A second catastrophic explosion at the
Chernobyl nuclear plant in Ukraine could happen
'at any time,' Western scientists have warned."

A short review of Chernobyl's fallout pattern
shows how irresponsible the reporting has become.

AP, May 15, 1986: "Airborne radioactivity from the
Chernobyl nuclear accident is now so widespread
that it is likely to fall to the ground wherever
it rains in the United States, the EPA said."

AP, May 14, 1986: "An invisible cloud of
radioactivity spewed over the Soviet Union and
Europe, and has worked its way gradually around
the world."

AP, May 15, 1986: "State authorities in Oregon
have warned residents dependent solely on
rainwater for drinking that they should arrange
other supplies for the time being."

Star Tribune, May 17, 1986: "Since radiation from
the Chernobyl nuclear accident began floating over
Minnesota last week, low levels of radiation have
been discovered in . . . the raw milk from a
Minnesota dairy."

AP, April 4, 1996: "Plutonium and other dangerous
particles released in the accident . . . have now
found their way to Ukraine's major waterways . . .
. 'We have billions of tons of radiated earth that
can't be dumped anywhere, and which will pour
plutonium, cesium and strontium into Europe for
decades,' the chief consultant to the Ukrainian
Parliament's Chernobyl commission said."

The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, May 1996:
"radiation contamination was detectable over the
entire Northern Hemisphere."

Well beyond "Belarus, Ukraine and Western Russia,"
and further than "parts of Europe," Chernobyl's
contamination doused at least half the world. But
with so much disparity among estimates, we may
never know the true biological, ecological,
psychological and economic dimensions of
Chernobyl's radiation bomb.

-- John M. LaForge is codirector of Nukewatch, a
peace group based in Wisconsin, and editor of its
quarterly newsletter, the Pathfinder.

© Copyright 2000 Star Tribune. All rights reserved

_______________________________

Chernobyl at Ten:

Half-lives and Half Truths

(Part one of two)


By John M. LaForgeã


With a heavy dose of half-truth, the commercial
press worked over-time to reduce the results of
the Chernobyl catastrophe to a "nervous disorder"
confined to the C.I.S. and Europe. Understated
reports on the 10th anniversary of the world-wide
radiation disaster help the nuclear reactor
industry hold on against overwhelming opposition,
in spite of what should have been the final insult
from nuclear power.

The latest psychological "clean up" often went
like this. Peter Crane, a lawyer at the U. S.
Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), said that
"...the explosion... sent a radioactive cloud into
the atmosphere of Eastern Europe." (1) This is a
true statement. It merely neglects to mention the
rest of planet Earth.

Reporter Michael Specter wrote that, "The fire
which burned out of control for five days, spewed
more than 50 tons of radioactive fallout across
Belarus, Ukraine and Western Russia." (2) This
loaded sentence is also literally true. The fact
that the fire burned uncontrolled for two weeks,
after a series of three explosions; that perhaps
190 tons of reactor fuel was catapulted into the
atmosphere; or that the radioactive fallout spread
world-wide ¾ reaching Minnesota's milk for example
¾ doesn't make of Mr. Specter a liar, only a miser
with the truth.

Associated Press (AP) correspondent Dave Carpenter
's description ¾ that "deadly reactor fuel shot
into the atmosphere, contaminating some 10,000
square miles and reaching as far as Western
Europe" (3) is likewise "correct," but Reuters
News Service reported on 28 Nov. 1995 that the
contaminated areas include about 61,780 square
miles.

Carpenter practiced perfect obfuscation in his
dispatch, saying of the reckless nuclearists over
there: "In a big lie, Soviet officials. . . first
hushed up the disaster then played down its
severity." What is it to understate the sum of
irradiated territory by a factor of six? It isn't
the pot calling the kettle black; it's the cesium
calling the strontium a cancer agent.

Carpenter's AP lullaby was published widely and
included the comment that, ". . .those living in
the shadow of Chernobyl will be living with its
deadly health and environmental legacy for years."
(4)

For years? The word centuries would have been more
accurate, if conservative, since radiation's
health affects are multi-generational and not
limited in time. Indeed, some genetic effects
appear to be increasing with each successive
generation.

The AP's Angela Charlson went so far as to say the
reactor sent "a radioactive cloud across parts of
Europe ..." (5) Understatement of the overwhelming
facts was practiced as well by the editors of The
New York Times, who said on April 21 that the
disaster "spewed radiation across much or Europe"
(6) and on the anniversary, that "...a plume of
toxic gases & dust...spread across the western
Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and Scandinavia." (7)
Although the contamination of the rest of the
world was hinted at as lately as 6 Oct. 1995, when
the Times reported that the radiation spread
across western Russia "and beyond," this
uncomfortable fact is nowadays passé.


The Disaster's in Your Head

While the explosions' long-lived carcinogens ¾
primarily cesium, plutonium, strontium and iodine
¾ are well known to be deadly for decades and even
centuries, Soviet officials, the U. N's
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and
U.S. editors have all ridiculed the common sense
fear of Chernobyl's radioactive fallout.

The official Soviet paper Izvestia said in 1988
that doctors in the Ukraine were, ". . .spending
more time on trying to dispel irrational fears
than on treating the effects of radiation." (8)

The IAEA which at first refused to conduct a
post-Chernobyl health study, claiming that all the
accident's effects were confined within Soviet
borders (9), dared to say in a 1991 study that
Chernobyl's health effects were mainly
"psychological." This heavily criticized report
didn't even consider the health of the
"liquidators," or the evacuees from the 18-mile
exclusion zone, 8,000 of whom are now known to
have died from radiation related diseases. (10)

The IAEA study failed to mention the lengthy
latency period for observed cancer incidence. This
cavalier white-wash of the disaster's inevitable
results came from a nominal nuclear watchdog,
which in fact is only the most prestigious booster
of nuclear power. "After all the IAEA is in the
business of promoting nuclear energy not
discouraging it. For ten years the agency has
attempted to downplay the consequences of the
accident," wrote Dr. Alexander R. Sich in a cover

story for the May/June Bulletin of Atomic
Scientists. (11) The IAEA, still sticking in its
vacuum, said in 1995 that any increase in cancer
caused by Chernobyl would be "undetectable."
(11.1)

Editors across the country have embraced the IAEA'
s dismissive attitude, distracting readers with
headlines like, "Area Frozen In Fear," "Citizens
Still Suffering Radiation Phobia," and "The Legacy
of Chernobyl: Fear is the Deeper Wound." A dread
of radiation doesn't appear irrational in view of
last year's report that "A second catastrophic
explosion at the Chernobyl nuclear plant in
Ukraine could happen "at any time," Western
scientists have warned." (12)


Reality Officially Forgotten

A short review of Chernobyl's fallout pattern
shows how irresponsible the late reporting has
become. AP, 15 May 1986: "Airborne radioactivity
from the Chernobyl nuclear accident is now so
widespread that it is likely to fall to the ground
wherever it rains in the United States, the EPA
said." AP, 14 May 1986: "An invisible cloud of
radioactivity spewed over the Soviet Union and
Europe, and has worked its way gradually around
the world." AP, 15 May 1986: "State authorities in
Oregon have warned residents dependent solely on
rainwater for drinking that they should arrange
other supplies for the time being." Minneapolis
Star Tribune, 17 May 1986: "Since radiation from
the Chernobyl nuclear accident began floating over
Minnesota last week, low levels of radiation have
been discovered in... the raw milk from a
Minnesota dairy." AP, 4 April 1996: "Plutonium and
other dangerous particles released in the
accident...have now found their way to Ukraine's
major waterways. ... 'We have billions of tons of
radiated earth that can't be dumped anywhere, and
which will pour plutonium, cesium and strontium
into Europe for decades,' [the chief consultant to
the Ukrainian parliament's Chernobyl commission]
said." Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, May 1996, p.
38: "...radiation contamination was detectable
over the entire northern hemisphere."

With so much disparity among so many figures, we
may never know the true dimensions of Chernobyl's
radiation bomb.


Notes:

(1) NYT, Op-Ed, 5 April 1996.

(2) International Herald Tribune, 2 April 1996.

(3) Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel, 14 April 1996.


(4) Minneapolis Star Tribune, 21 April 1996.

(5) St. Paul Pioneer, 27 April 1996.

(6) NYT, 21 April 1996, The Week In Review.

(7) NYT, 26 April 1996, signed editorial by Philip
Taubman

(8) Los Angeles Times, 11 Feb. 1988.

(9) In These Times, 22 April 1987.

(10) AP, 23 April 1992; WISE News Communiqué,
(Amsterdam) No. 449, 10 April 1996.

(11) Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, May 1996, p.
38.

(11.1) Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, May/June
1996, p. 8.

(12) The London Observer, 26 March 1995; Milwaukee
Journal, 27 March 1995.


Half Lives and Half Truths: Chernobyl Ten Years On


By John M. LaForge ã

(Second of two parts)


The 10th anniversary was no party.

"I have seen the beginning of the end of the
world," is how Michael Mariotte, editor of The
Nuclear Monitor, put it after visiting Chernobyl's
doomed landscape, everything dead or dying for
miles around. "The end of the world begins in
Pripyat, Ukraine, a once-thriving city of 45,000.
Now it sits crumbling, abandoned, a mute but
overwhelming testament to technological arrogance
gone amok."1

Pripyat was the city nearest Chernobyl's Unit 4,
the reactor that exploded on April 26, 1986 and
burned dangerously until October, spewing tons of
cancer-causing isotopes around the world.2

Mr. Mariotte is not known for emotional writing in
The Monitor, but anyone who can stand to
investigate the unfolding human consequences of
the world's worst industrial catastrophe can
understand his choice of words. Izvestia called it
"the greatest technological catastrophe in world
history."3

Cancers and other disease caused by Chernobyl's
radioactive poisons are being recorded thousands
of kilometers from the reactor site. The ninety
million people who lived in the path of the very
worst fallout are learning the hard way that
damage done by ionizing radiation is unrelenting,
cumulative and irreversible.

In the first part of this article (Spring 1996
Pathfinder) I compared the recent trivialization
of Chernobyl's consequences to news accounts that
appeared soon after the explosions and fire. For
example, while the commercial press now tell us
that the disaster "spread radiation across parts
of Europe," the fact is that the federal EPA
announced in mid-May 1986 that, "Airborne
radioactivity from the Chernobyl nuclear accident
is now so widespread that it is likely to fall to
the ground wherever it rains in the United
States."4

In this part I look at how much radiation
Chernobyl evidently dumped added to the
"background," at official skewing of the its
inevitable long-term effects, and at recent
reports of its human health consequences.


Answers are Blowin' in the Wind

How much radiation was released? What percentage
of which isotopes were thrown into the atmosphere.
Was it mostly iodine-131? How much of the total
was made up of the far more dangerous cesium-137,
strontium-90 and plutonium?

Piecing together the truth is a dizzying job of
ferreting out bias and vested interest. The
pro-nuclear Time magazine reported in 1989 that
perhaps "one billion or more" curies were
released, rather than the 50 to 80 million
estimated by Russian authorities.5 One curie is
the amount of radiation equal to the
disintegration of 37 billion atoms ¾ 37 billion
becquerels ¾ per second. It is a very large amount
of radiation.

The U.S. government's Argonne Nat. Lab has said
that 30 percent of the reactor's total
radioactivity ¾ 3 billion of an estimated 9
billion curies ¾ was released.6 And scientists at
the U.S. Lawrence Livermore Nat. Lab suggested
that one-half of the core's radioactivity was
spewed ¾ 4.5 billion curies, according the World
Information Service on Energy, quoting Science,
6-13-86.

Vladimir Chernousenko, the chief scientific
supervisor of the "clean up" team responsible for
a 10-kilometer zone around the exploded reactor,
says that 80 percent of the reactor's
radioactivity escaped, something like seven
billion curies.7 At the Union of Concerned
Scientists, senior energy analyst Kennedy Maize,
concluded that "the core vaporized" ¾ all 190 tons
of fuel, and all 9 billion curies.8

Former Chair of the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory
Commission, Joseph Hendrie, concluded likewise,
saying "They have dumped the full inventory of
volatile fission products from a large power
reactor into the environment. You can't do any
worse than that."9

The Russians and the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) claimed in a 1986 report, that 50
million curies of radioactive debris, plus another
50 million curies of rare and inert gasses were
discharged. However, the rocketing incidence of
cancers, leukemias and other radiation-induced
illnesses, leads scientists to suspect that the
higher radioactive fallout estimates are likely.
Pandemic numbers of thyroid cancers led even the
cautious Dr. Alexander Sich, in his Chernobyl
cover story for the May 1996 Bulletin of Atomic
Scientists to conclude that the "higher
[radiation] release estimates support the
conclusions drawn by medical experts."

Geneticist Valery N. Soyfer, founder of the former
Soviet Union's first molecular biology laboratory,
analyzed the 1986 report to the IAEA, which has
since been condemned as a cover-up. Dr. Soyfer
says that if only 100 million curies were vented,
then world "background radiation doubled at
once."10 This claim was unsupported by
accompanying evidence, but if "background" was
doubled by 100 million curies, then it was
multiplied 180 times by the release of Chernobyl's
"full inventory." Nineteen months after the
disaster, in Nov. 1987, the U.S. government
officially doubled its estimate of the
"background" radiation to which we are exposed
every year.11


Thyroid Cancers: More, Sooner, Untreatable

Dr. Soyfer further discovered that the Soviets
focused on and publicized the fallout's
radioactive iodine content, but understated the
amounts of other far more dangerous isotopes.
While 10 to 15 percent of the fallout was
iodine-131, the long-lived radionuclides
strontium-90 and cesium-137 made up more than two
thirds of the total contamination.12

Furthermore, the Soviet's 1986 estimate of future
cancer deaths was based only on the impact of
iodine-131, and then only on external doses. As a
result, the IAEA misled the world about Chernobyl'
s cancer threat. People contaminated with
iodine-131 ingested it, first by breathing, then
by drinking contaminated milk for six weeks.
Thyroid cancer is caused by the iodine-131. Its
rates are today ten times higher than the increase
any scientist had anticipated. The U. N. has said
that the number of thyroid cancers among children
in Belarus ¾ where 70 percent of the fallout
landed ¾ are 285 times pre-Chernobyl levels.13

The British Medical Journal reported in 1995 that
the rate of thyroid cancer in the region north of
Chernobyl¾ Ukraine and Belarus¾ is 200 times
higher than normal, and the (British) Imperial
Cancer Research Fund found a 500 percent increase
in thyroid cancers among Ukrainian children
between 1986 and 1993.14

Fear is growing among physicians treating the
young radiation victims, because the thyroid
cancers are appearing sooner than expected and
growing quicker than usual. Dr. Andrei Butenko, at
Kiev Hospital No. 1 in Ukraine, says of his
patients, "Routine chemotherapy seems to have lost
its effectiveness; something has changed in the
immune system."15


Cesium's Genetic Assault: the 300 Years War

Cesium-137 contamination is probably Chernobyl's
most devastating and ominous consequence. The body
can't distinguish cesium from potassium, so it's
taken up by our cells and becomes an internal
source of radiation. Cesium-137 is a gamma emitter
and its half-life of 30 years means that it stays
in the soil, to concentrate in the food chain, for
over 300 years. While iodine-131 remains
radioactive for six weeks, cesium-137 stays in the
body for decades, concentrating in muscle where it
irradiates muscle cells and nearby organs.16

Strontium-90 is also long-lived and, because it
resembles calcium, is permanently incorporated
into bone tissue where it may lead to leukemia.

The Soviet's acknowledged in 1986 that the
influence of cesium-137 on cancer death rates
would be nine times that of iodine-131. They said
that the effects of strontium-90 would "perhaps
have, along with cesium-137, the most important
meaning."17


Early Findings Go from Bad to Worse

Exposure to radiation more often results in
genetic and reproductive damage than cancer. These
hereditary disorders are unlimited in time, since
they pass from generation to generation in the
sperm and ovum. So, as geneticist Soyfer points
out, Chernobyl's enduring biological legacy will
be that of inherited diseases, deformities,
developmental abnormalities, spontaneous abortions
and premature births.

Some recent epidemiological studies confirm the
worst of these inevitable effects. The June 25,
1995 Washington Post reported that birth defects
in the areas most heavily poisoned have doubled
since 1986.

In a long page one story, the Aug. 2, 1995 New
York Times reported that life expectancy has
plummeted in Russia, making it the first nation in
history to ever experience such a public health
status reversal. Male life expectancy is now the
lowest in the world (below even India or Bolivia)
and, at the same time, infant mortality rose 15
percent in both 1993 and 1994, and there are now
epidemic rates of heart disease and cancer. dr.
David Hoel, an epidemiologist at the Medical
University of S. Carolina, is studying whether
Chernobyl's radiation is a major factor in the
spread in cancers and birth defects. "Everyone
assumes the connection," he said.

The journal Nature has published a study of
children born in 1994 to mothers exposed to
Chernobyl's fallout in 1986. Researchers studied
79 families 186 miles from Chernobyl and found
never-before-observed "germ-line" mutations:
changes in DNA of the sperm and ovum. Such
mutations are passed on from generation to
generation.18

Nature has also reported that in Greece, 2,800
kilometers from Chernobyl, where radiation
exposures were far lower than in areas close to
the reactor, leukemia has been diagnosed at rates
2.6 times the norm in young people who were in the
womb when the reactor exploded. The British
epidemiologist Dr. Alice Stewart found long ago
that only one diagnostic X-ray to the pregnant
abdomen increases the risk of leukemia in the
offspring by 40 percent.19 However, the report
from Greece is the first to link Chernobyl's
wreckage to increased leukemia incidence in
children exposed in utero.20 The report has moved
some experts to again warn that the low levels of
radiation to which people are exposed every day
"could contribute to cancer."

Even the stodgy New York Times has reported that
"cancers are now believed to be the result of
smaller [radiation] doses, and the amount of
damage inflicted by a given dose is now believed
to be larger."21

In a related study, two U.S. geneticists analyzing
animals inside Chernobyl's 6-mile radius found
that small rodents known as voles "sustain an
extraordinary amount of genetic damage." The study
found that "the mutation rate in these animals
is...probably thousands of times greater than
normal." Two findings called "ominous" were,
first, that one-third of the mutations that the
scientists expected to see were not even detected
¾ probably because they were lethal. "It could be
that the animals were never born," said Dr. Robert
Becker of Texas Technical Univ. Second, "the vole
mutations were cumulative, increasing with each
succeeding generation." Both researchers doubted
that any species could sustain such a mutation
rate indefinitely.22


Acceptable Whole-Earth Poisoning

The extent of Chernobyl's radioactive, biological
and ecological damage, and the depth its
psychological and economic devastation are
incalculable.

What everyone does know about nuclear reactors is
that they have a record of whole-earth poisoning,
and that their potential for more of the same is
considered acceptable ¾ authorized in advance.
This potential, for unlimited and uncontrollable
radiation "accidents," has been deliberately
developed, promoted, protected, ignored and then
denied, or forgotten.

Sadly, denial and forgetfulness only make another
Chernobyl inevitable.

Notes:

1 The Nuclear Monitor, newsletter of Nuclear
Information Resource Service (NIRS), April 1996.

2 St. Louis Post Dispatch (SLPD), 7-23-90.

3 SLPD, 4-26-90.

4 Associated Press, 5-15-86.

5 Time, 11-13-89.

6 The Chicago Tribune, 6-22-86.

7 "The Truth About Chernobyl," Critical Mass:
Voices for a Nuclear-Free Future, Ruggiero and
Sahulka, Eds., 1996 by Open Media, p. 127.

8 Not Man Apart, the journal of Friends of the
Earth, March 1987.

9 The Minneapolis Star Tribune, 5-19-86.

10 SLPD, 4-24-87.

11 The New York Times, 11-20-87.

12 SLPD, 4-24-87.

13 The New York Times, 11-29-96.

14 The Washington Post, 3-25-95.

15 Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel, 12-12-94.

16 Caldicott, H., Nuclear Madness, 1994, Norton,
p. 137.

17 SLPD, 4-24-87.

18 The New York Times, 4-25-96.

19 Caldicott, Ibid., p. 43.

20 St. Paul Pioneer, 7-25-96.

21 The New York Times, 6-23-96.

22 The New York Times, 5-7-96, B6. --end--

(Part One ran in NUKEWATCH The Pathfinder, Summer
1996, part Two in Winter 1996/1997 EDITION; an
edited compilation of both parts is published in
Earth Island Journal, Summer 1997, EIJ, 300
Broadway, No. 28, San Francisco, CA 94133.)



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***************************************************************** 28 Security Lapse at TMI Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:13:44 -0800 Security Lapse Reported at Three Mile Island* February 13, 2005 Attached is an License Event Report (LER) that the NRC recently placed in ADAMS relating to a security lapse at Three Mile Island. (1) Last November, 2004, AmerGen-Exelon terminated the access authorization for a badged individual. Per their procedures, access authorization is suspended for all individuals who have no used their badges at least once in the past 30 days. Only the individual did indeed use their badge to enter the plantąs łprotected area˛ even though the badge had been deactivated. The mistake was noted when the individual attempted to leave the site, i.e., their deactivated badge would not open the turnstile at the security fence. The LER says that the guard who gave the individual the deactivated badge and allowed entry was "distracted" while performing this task and that contributed to the error. ______ 1 The Union of Concerned Scientists conducted the research on this matter. www.ucsusa.org * For more information contact: Eric Epstein at 717-541-1101 or ericepstein@comcast.net TMI-Alert is a safe-energy organization based in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania and founded in 1977. TMIA monitors Peach Bottom, Susquehanna, and Three Mile Island nuclear generating stations. tmia.com Attachment Converted: "c:\program files\eudora\attach\TMILER.pdf" ***************************************************************** 29 UK The Times: Downtime leaves British Energy in the red February 14, 2005 British Energy today reported losses of Ł87 million in the first set of quarterly results since it completed a life-saving debt restructuring. The nuclear generator’s third-quarter deficit compares with Ł10 million a year earlier but covers the three month period prior to January’s completion of a Ł1.3 billion financial overhaul. Forward-selling of contracts meant British Energy did not see the full benefit of rising electricity prices, although it added today that half its output for the coming financial year had been sold at a higher average price of Ł25 per megawatt hours (MWh). That compared with Ł20.8 MWh in the third quarter. Output during the three month period was 15.8 terrawatt hours (TWh), following unplanned outages and structural inspections. Average output over the next three years is likely to be in the region of 61.8 TWh, with analysts expecting an annual figure in the region of 68 TWh by 2008. Lower output, a fixed cost base and the impact of increases for fuel and pensions meant operating costs were Ł21.5 MWh for the third quarter, up from Ł17.2 MWh for the same period a year earlier. In a Government-based scheme drawn up in October 2003, banks and bondholders wrote off around Ł1.3 billion in debt in return for control of the group - leaving shareholders with just 2.5 per cent of a newly created company. Without the debt-for-equity swap, which also required the support of the European Commission, British Energy would have faced insolvency. It was plunged into financial difficulties by a sharp fall in wholesale electricity prices. At the time of its restructuring, Mike Alexander, the British Energy chief executive, warned that it would take time for the company to address "past under-investment and unacceptable output". Working capital movements pushed losses for the first nine months of the year to Ł349 million, from Ł81 million a year earlier. Underlying earnings from continuing activities were Ł11 million, down from Ł26 million a year earlier. The group’s sites are at Hartlepool; Heysham in Lancashire; Hinkley Point, Somerset; Hunterston, Ayrshire; Dungeness, Kent; Sizewell, Suffolk; and Torness, East Lothian. British Energy shares stood 7p lower at 248p in afternoon trade. Copyright The Times - timesonline.co.uk ***************************************************************** 30 NRC: FPL Energy Seabrook, LLC, Seabrook Station, Unit No. 1; FR Doc 05-2783 [Federal Register: February 14, 2005 (Volume 70, Number 29)] [Notices] [Page 7525-7527] From the Federal Register Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov] [DOCID:fr14fe05-73] [[Page 7525]] Environmental Assessment and Finding of No Significant Impact The U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) is considering issuance of an amendment to Title 10 of the Code of Federal Regulations (10 CFR) Section 50.90 for Facility Operating License No. NPF-86, issued to FPL Energy Seabrook, LLC (FPLE Seabrook or the licensee), for operation of the Seabrook Station, Unit No. 1 (Seabrook), located in Seabrook Township, Rockingham County, New Hampshire. Therefore, as required by 10 CFR 51.21, the NRC is issuing this environmental assessment and finding of no significant impact. Environmental Assessment Identification of the Proposed Action The proposed action would allow FPLE Seabrook to increase the maximum reactor core power level from 3411 megawatts thermal (MWt) to 3587 MWt, which is an increase of approximately 5.2 percent of the rated core thermal power for Seabrook. The proposed action is in accordance with the licensee's application dated March 17, 2004, as supplemented by a second letter dated March 17, 2004, and letters dated April 1, May 26, September 13 (two letters), and October 12, 2004. The Need for the Proposed Action The proposed action permits an increase in the licensed core thermal power from 3411 MWt to 3587 MWt for Seabrook and provides the flexibility to increase the potential electrical output of Seabrook. Environmental Impacts of the Proposed Action This assessment summarizes the non-radiological and radiological impacts on the environment that may result from the proposed action. The NRC staff based its conclusions on an analyzed core power level of 3659 MWt (3678 MWt Nuclear Steam Supply System (NSSS) power level). A power level of 3659 MWt is used based on the guaranteed core thermal output of 3587 MWt plus a 2-percent uncertainty allowance for calorimetric measurements. Radiological Environmental Assessment Radwaste Systems Seabrook uses waste treatment systems designed to maintain normal operation offsite releases and doses within the requirements of 10 CFR Part 20 and 10 CFR Part 50, Appendix I. Regulatory guidance relative to the methodology used to determine if the radwaste effluent releases from a pressurized-water reactor meet the requirements of 10 CFR Part 20 and 10 CFR Part 50, Appendix I is provided in NUREG-0017, Revision 1, ``Calculation of Releases of Radioactive Materials in Gaseous and Liquid Effluents from Pressurized Water Reactors (PWR-GALE Code).'' The proposed power uprate will not change existing radioactive waste system design, plant operating procedures, or waste inputs as defined by NUREG-0017. As a result, the impact of the proposed power uprate on radwaste releases and Appendix I doses can be estimated using the methodology and equations found in NUREG-0017, Revision 1. The reactor coolant contains activated corrosion products, which are the result of metallic materials entering the water and being activated in the reactor region. Under power uprate conditions, the feedwater flow increases with power and the activation rate in the reactor region increases with power. Additionally, non-condensible radioactive gas from the main condenser, along with air in-leakage, normally contains activation gases (principally N-16, O-19 and N-13) and fission product radioactive noble gases. This is the major source of radioactive gas. The proposed power uprate will increase the activity level of radioactive isotopes in the primary and secondary coolant. Due to leakage or process operations, fractions of these fluids are transported to the liquid and gaseous waste systems where they are processed prior to discharge. As the activity levels in the primary and secondary coolant are increased, the activity level of inputs into the waste systems are proportionately increased. The methodology used for the processing of radioactive waste at Seabrook will not be impacted by operation at the proposed uprated power level, and the slight increase in activity discharged would continue to meet the requirements of 10 CFR part 20, 10 CFR part 50, Appendix I, and the annual doses projected in the Seabrook Final Environmental Statement (FES), NUREG-0895, dated December 1982. The NRC staff concludes that the proposed power uprate will not affect the ability to process liquid or gaseous radioactive effluents and the environmental impacts of the proposed power uprate are bounded by the impacts previously evaluated in the FES. Occupational Dose Occupational exposure from in-plant radiation primarily occurs during routine maintenance, special maintenance, and refueling operations. An increase in power at Seabrook will increase the activity inventory of fission products in the core by approximately the percentage of the power uprate. As a result, the radioactivity levels in the primary coolant, secondary coolant, and other radioactive process systems and components will also be impacted. Based on an uprate from the current licensed core power of 3411 MWt to the analyzed core power level of 3659 MWt (3678 MWt NSSS power level), normal operation radiation levels in areas near the reactor vessel are expected to increase but the annual average collective occupational dose after the power uprate is implemented would still be well below the value expected when the FES was published and as set in 10 CFR Part 20. In addition, plant programs and administrative controls such as shielding, plant chemistry, and the radiation protection program will help compensate for the potential increase in occupational dose. The proposed actions does not involve significant increases in the offsite doses to the public from noble gases, airborne particulates, iodine, tritium, or liquid effluents. The NRC staff concludes that doses offsite will continue to be within the limits of 10 CFR Part 20, and the slight potential increase in occupational exposure are bounded by the impacts previously evaluated in the FES. Postulated Accident Doses The licensee's uprate analysis program included a reanalysis or evaluation of all aspects of large-break loss-of-coolant accident (LOCA), small-break LOCA, non-LOCA accidents, and NSSS and balance-of- plant (BOP) structures, systems, and components. Major NSSS components (e.g., reactor pressure vessel, pressurizer, reactor coolant pumps, and steam generators); BOP components (e.g., turbine, generator, and condensate and feedwater pumps); and major systems and sub-systems (e.g., safety injection, auxiliary feedwater, residual heat removal, electrical distribution, emergency diesel generators, containment cooling, and the ultimate heat sink) have been assessed with respect to the bounding conditions [[Page 7526]] expected for operation at the uprated power level. Control systems (e.g., rod control, pressurizer pressure and level, turbine overspeed, steam generator level, and steam dump) have been evaluated for operation at uprated power conditions. The results of all of the above analyses and evaluations have yielded acceptable results and demonstrate that all design basis acceptance criteria will continue to be met during uprated power operations. For post-accident conditions, the existing post-accident dose rate maps are adequate for power uprate conditions. The resulting radiation levels were determined to be within current regulatory limits, and there would be no effect on the plant equipment, access to vital areas, or habitability of the control room. The licensee has determined that access to areas requiring post-accident occupancy will not be significantly affected by the power uprate. The calculated whole body and thyroid doses at the exclusion area boundary that might result from a postulated design-basis LOCA at uprated power conditions were determined to remain below established regulatory limits. Therefore, the NRC staff concludes that, for the proposed action, potential increased doses from postulated accidents are not significant. Non-Radiological Environmental Assessment In support of the proposed action, the licensee reviewed the non- radiological environmental impacts of the power uprate based on information submitted in the Seabrook Environmental Report--Operating License Stage (ER-OL), dated June 29, 1981, the Seabrook FES, and the requirements of the Environmental Protection Plan. Based on this review, the licensee concluded that the proposed power uprate has no significant effect on the non-radiological elements of concern and the plant will be operated within the bounds of impacts previously evaluated in the FES. In addition, the licensee states that existing Federal, State, and local regulatory permits presently in effect accommodate the power uprate without modification. Water Use Impacts The Atlantic Ocean serves as the normal supply of cooling water and as the ultimate heat sink for Seabrook. The cooling water is withdrawn from the Atlantic Ocean via a 17,000-foot long intake tunnel in the underlying bedrock, and is returned to the ocean through a similar discharge tunnel, approximately 16,500 feet long. The Circulating Water System (CWS) delivers cooling water from the Atlantic Ocean to the main condenser to remove the heat rejected by the turbine cycle and auxiliary systems and conveys the heated discharge water back to the Atlantic Ocean. CWS flow rate does not change for the power uprate. Additionally, groundwater is not used in current plant operations; therefore, there will be no additional impacts to onsite groundwater use as a result of the proposed action. The NRC staff concludes that the power uprate will not have a significant impact on water usage at Seabrook. Thermal Discharge The licensee indicates that, at uprated power conditions, with normal CWS flow, the circulating water outlet temperature will increase approximately 2.2 degrees Fahrenheit from the temperature associated with the current power level. However, the maximum CWS outlet temperature associated with the proposed action will continue to be within system design parameters. The licensee evaluated the thermal impact associated with the power uprate relative to the Seabrook National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System (NPDES) permit. The New Hampshire Office of Ecosystem Protection issued NPDES Permit No. NH0020338 to the licensee for operation of Seabrook. The permit was last renewed on April 1, 2002. The NPDES permit specifies that Seabrook shall not cause a monthly mean temperature rise of more than 5 degrees Fahrenheit within 300 feet of the submerged diffuser in the direction of discharge. Historical data indicates that maximum monthly mean temperatures have been within all NPDES permit parameters. Projected maximum monthly mean temperatures predicted to occur in uprated conditions will continue to be below specified permit limits and bounded by the impacts previously evaluated in the FES. Therefore, the NRC staff concludes that there are no significant impacts from the increased thermal discharge to the Atlantic Ocean as a result of the proposed action. Noise Evaluation The noise effects due to operation of Seabrook at uprated power conditions were reviewed. The power uprate does not require any new motors or pumps. In addition, the turbine and the reactor building supply and exhaust fans will continue to operate at current speeds, and the associated noise levels will also be unaffected by uprated power operations. Consideration of other features affected by the power uprate did not reveal any new and significant sources of noise that would be expected to be noticeable at the site boundary. Therefore, the NRC staff concludes that the noise impacts of the proposed action are bounded by the impacts previously analyzed in the FES. The non-radiological environmental impacts related to the proposed power uprate at Seabrook have been reviewed and there are no adverse impacts or significant changes required to the current NPDES Permit or other plant administrative limits. No changes to land use would result from the proposed action, and the proposed action does not involve any historic sites. Therefore, no new or different types of non- radiological environmental impacts are expected than those previously considered in the FES. Summary The NRC has completed its evaluation of the proposed action and concludes that there are no significant environmental impacts associated with the proposed action. The details of the staff's safety evaluation will be provided in the license amendment that will be issued as part of the letter to the licensee approving the license amendment. The proposed action will not significantly increase the probability or consequences of accidents. No changes are being made in the types of effluents that may be released off site. There is no significant increase in occupational or public radiation exposure. Therefore, there are no significant radiological environmental impacts associated with the proposed action. With regard to potential non-radiological impacts, the proposed action does not have a potential to affect any historic sites. It has a small affect on non-radiological plant effluents and has no other environmental impact. Therefore, there are no significant non- radiological environmental impacts associated with the proposed action. Accordingly, the NRC concludes that there are no significant environmental impacts associated with the proposed action. Environmental Impacts of the Alternatives to the Proposed Action As an alternative to the proposed action, the staff considered denial of the proposed action (i.e., the ``no-action'' alternative). Denial of the application would result in no change in current environmental impacts. The environmental impacts of the proposed action and the alternative action are similar. [[Page 7527]] Alternative Use of Resources The action does not involve the use of any different resource than those previously considered in the FES for Seabrook, NUREG-0895, dated December 1982. Agencies and Persons Consulted On October 18, 2004, the staff consulted with the New Hampshire State official, Michael Nawoj of the New Hampshire Office of Emergency Management, and with the Massachusetts State official, James Muckerheide of the Massachusetts Emergency Management Agency, regarding the environmental impact of the proposed action. The State officials had no comments. Finding of No Significant Impact On the basis of the environmental assessment, the NRC concludes that the proposed action will not have a significant effect on the quality of the human environment. Accordingly, the NRC has determined not to prepare an environmental impact statement for the proposed action. For further details with respect to the proposed action, see the licensee's letter dated March 17, 2004, as supplemented by a second letter dated March 17, 2004, and letters dated April 1, May 26, September 13 (two letters), and October 12, 2004. Documents may be examined, and/or copied for a fee, at the NRC's Public Document Room (PDR), located at One White Flint North, Public File Area O1 F21, 11555 Rockville Pike (first floor), Rockville, Maryland. Publicly available records will be accessible electronically from the Agencywide Documents Access and Management System (ADAMS) Public Electronic Reading Room on the Internet at the NRC Web site, [http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/leaving.cgi?from=leaving FR.html&log=linklog&to=http://www.nrc.gov/reading-rm/adams.html] . Persons who do not have access to ADAMS or who encounter problems in accessing the documents located in ADAMS, should contact the NRC PDR Reference staff by telephone at 1-800-397-4209 or 301-415- 4737, or by e-mail to [pdr@nrc.gov] . (Note: Public access to ADAMS has been temporarily suspended so that security reviews of publicly available documents may be performed and potentially sensitive information removed. Please check the NRC Web site for updates on the resumption of ADAMS access.) Dated in Rockville, Maryland, this 8th day of December 2004. For the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. Darrell J. Roberts, Chief, Section 2, Project Directorate I, Division of Licensing Project Management, Office of Nuclear Reactor Regulation. [FR Doc. 05-2783 Filed 2-11-05; 8:45 am] BILLING CODE 7590-01-P ***************************************************************** 31 NRC: Dominion Nuclear Connecticut, Inc., Millstone Power Station, FR Doc 05-2786 [Federal Register: February 14, 2005 (Volume 70, Number 29)] [Notices] [Page 7527-7528] From the Federal Register Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov] [DOCID:fr14fe05-74] Unit No. 2; Environmental Assessment and Finding of No Significant Impact The U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC or the Commission) is considering issuance of an exemption from Title 10 of the Code of Federal Regulations (10 CFR) part 50, section 68, ``Criticality Accident Requirements,'' subsection (b)(1) for Facility Operating License No. DPR-65, issued to Dominion Nuclear Connecticut, Inc. (the licensee), for operation of the Millstone Power Station, Unit No. 2 (MP2), located in New London County, Connecticut. Therefore, as required by 10 CFR 51.21, the NRC is issuing this environmental assessment and finding of no significant impact. Environmental Assessment Identification of the Proposed Action The proposed action would exempt the licensee from the requirements of 10 CFR 50.68, ``Criticality Accident Requirements,'' subsection (b)(1) during the handling and storage of spent nuclear fuel in a 10 CFR part 72 licensed spent fuel storage container that is in the MP2 spent fuel pool. The proposed action is in accordance with the licensee's application dated November 5, 2004. The Need for the Proposed Action Under 10 CFR 50.68(b)(1), the Commission sets forth the following requirement that must be met, in lieu of a monitoring system capable of detecting criticality events: Plant procedures shall prohibit the handling and storage at any one time of more fuel assemblies than have been determined to be safely subcritical under the most adverse moderation conditions feasible by unborated water. Section 50.12(a) allows licensees to apply for an exemption from the requirements of 10 CFR Part 50 if the regulation is not necessary to achieve the underlying purpose of the rule and other conditions are met. The licensee stated that compliance with 10 CFR 50.68(b)(1) is not necessary for handling the 10 CFR Part 72 licensed contents of the cask system, which is designed to preclude conditions for accidental criticality events, to achieve the underlying purpose of the rule. Environmental Impacts of the Proposed Action The NRC has completed its evaluation of the proposed action and concludes that the exemption described above would continue to satisfy the underlying purpose of 10 CFR 50.68(b)(1). The details of the NRC staff's safety evaluation will be provided in the exemption that will be issued as part of the letter to the licensee approving the exemption to the regulation. The proposed action will not significantly increase the probability or consequences of accidents. No changes are being made in the types of effluents that may be released offsite. There is no significant increase in the amount of any effluent release off site. There is no significant increase in occupational or public radiation exposure. Therefore, there are no significant radiological environmental impacts associated with the proposed action. With regard to potential non-radiological impacts, the proposed action does not have a potential to affect any historic sites. It does not affect non-radiological plant effluents and has no other environmental impact. Therefore, there are no significant non- radiological environmental impacts associated with the proposed action. Accordingly, the NRC concludes that there are no significant environmental impacts associated with the proposed action. Environmental Impacts of the Alternatives to the Proposed Action As an alternative to the proposed action, the staff considered denial of the proposed action (i.e., the ``no-action'' alternative). Denial of the application would result in no change in current environmental impacts. The environmental impacts of the proposed action and the alternative action are similar. Alternative Use of Resources The action does not involve the use of any different resources than those previously considered in the Final Environmental Statement for the MP2 dated June 1973. Agencies and Persons Consulted On December 23, 2004, the staff consulted with the Connecticut State official, Michael Firsick, of the [[Page 7528]] Department of Environmental Protection, regarding the environmental impact of the proposed action. The State official had no comments. Finding of No Significant Impact On the basis of the environmental assessment, the NRC concludes that the proposed action will not have a significant effect on the quality of the human environment. Accordingly, the NRC has determined not to prepare an environmental impact statement for the proposed action. For further details with respect to the proposed action, see the licensee's letter dated November 5, 2004. Documents may be examined, and/or copied for a fee, at the NRC's Public Document Room (PDR), located at One White Flint North, 11555 Rockville Pike (first floor), Rockville, Maryland. Publicly available records will be accessible electronically from the Agencywide Documents Access and Management System (ADAMS) Public Electronic Reading Room on the NRC Web site, http://www.nrc.gov/reading-rm/adams.html [http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/leaving.cgi?from=leaving FR.html&log=linklog&to=http://www.nrc.gov/reading-rm/adams.html] . Persons who do not have access to ADAMS or who encounter problems in accessing the documents located in ADAMS, should contact the NRC PDR Reference staff at 1-800- 397-4209 or 301-415-4737, or send an e-mail to pdr@nrc.gov [pdr@nrc.gov] . (Note: As of the date of issuance of this letter, public access to ADAMS has been temporarily suspended so that security reviews of publicly available documents may be performed and potentially sensitive information removed. Please check the NRC Web site for updates on the resumption of ADAMS access.) Dated in Rockville, Maryland, this 8th day of February 2005. For the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. Darrell J. Roberts, Chief, Section 2, Project Directorate I, Division of Licensing Project Management, Office of Nuclear Reactor Regulation. [FR Doc. 05-2786 Filed 2-11-05; 8:45 am] BILLING CODE 7590-01-P ***************************************************************** 32 NRC: Carolina Power & Light Company; Biweekly Notice; Applications FR Doc 05-2787 [Federal Register: February 14, 2005 (Volume 70, Number 29)] [Notices] [Page 7528] From the Federal Register Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov] [DOCID:fr14fe05-75] and Amendments to Facility Operating Licenses Involving No Significant Hazards Considerations; Correction AGENCY: Nuclear Regulatory Commission. ACTION: Notice of Issuance; Correction. SUMMARY: This document corrects a notice appearing in the Federal Register on February 1, 2005 (70 FR 5233), that incorrectly listed H. B. Robinson Steam Electric Plant, Unit No. 2 in addition to Brunswick Steam Electric Plant, Units 1 and 2 in the title, and garbled the description of the amendments. This action is necessary to correct the erroneous notice in its entirety. FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Brenda L. Mozafari, Office of Nuclear Reactor Regulation, U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission, Washington, DC 20555-0001; telephone (301) 415-2020, e-mail: blm@nrc.gov [blm@nrc.gov] . SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: On page 5251, in the first column, the notice for Carolina Power & Light Company is changed in its entirety to read as follows: Carolina Power & Light Company, Docket Nos. 50-325 and 50-324, Brunswick Steam Electric Plant, Units 1 and 2, Brunswick County, North Carolina Date of application for amendments: December 19, 2003, as supplemented January 14, 2004. Brief Description of amendments: The amendments modify Technical Specification requirements to adopt the provisions of Industry/ Technical Specification Task Force (TSTF) change 359, ``Increase Flexibility in Mode Restraints.'' Date of issuance: January 11, 2005. Effective date: January 11, 2005. Amendment Nos.: 233 and 260. Facility Operating License Nos. DPR-71 and DPR-62: Amendments change the Technical Specifications. Date of initial notice in Federal Register: February 17, 2004 (69 FR 7519). The Commission's related evaluation of the amendments is contained in a Safety Evaluation dated January 11, 2005. No significant hazards consideration comments received: No. Dated in Rockville, Maryland, this 2nd day of February 2005. For the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. Ledyard B. Marsh, Director, Division of Licensing Project Management, Office of Nuclear Reactor Regulation. [FR Doc. 05-2787 Filed 2-11-05; 8:45 am] BILLING CODE 7590-01-P ***************************************************************** 33 Mid-Day: Flawed ducts at Tarapur N-plant By: Ram Parmar February 14, 2005 Palghar: Concrete ventilation ducts in a unit of the new Tarapur Atomic Power Station (TAPS) 3 and 4 had to be reconstructed using steel after technical flaws were detected in the concrete structure. Fortunately, the problem was detected — and solved — in time. Senior TAPS officials, however, maintain that the steel structure was used in order to “strengthen the ducts” and also to bring down costs. According to reports, the ducts were first constructed using concrete, but, after around 100 feet had been constructed, technical problems emerged. After consulting the Atomic Energy Regulatory Board (AERB), the concrete ducts were converted to steel, said project director V C Agrawal. He said the ducts were not immediately required, but were to be utilised during nuclear experiments in the long run, when steam would be run into the turbines, he added. But as a corrective measure, the steel structure was made. The new plant would be using natural uranium, and the fuel loading process has been completed on 1 February, which is a major milestone in the history of nuclear power in the country. The first unit will generate around 540 MW power daily, which would be purchased by the Maharashtra State Electricity Board (MSEB) at around Rs 2.70 per unit. With this, the state’s power shortage would be overcome gradually, said Agrawal. TAPS 4 will attain criticality at the end of February, and should start generating power soon after. © 2004 Mid-Day Multimedia Ltd. [http://www.middaymultimedia.com/] All rights reserved site [http://www.middaymultimedia.com/] | ***************************************************************** 34 Bellona: UK helping Russia to close plutonium reactors The Great Britain joined the US assistance to Russia in the project on closing three weapons-grade plutonium production reactors, ITAR-TASS reported. 2005-02-14 13:18 The United States National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) and the United Kingdom's Trade and Industry Ministry signed on January 27 a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to assist the permanent shutdown of the final operating weapons grade plutonium production reactor in the closed nuclear city of Zheleznogorsk, Russia, US Newswire reported. Under this MOU the United Kingdom will contribute $20M to NNSA's Elimination of Weapons Grade Plutonium Production Program (EWGPP). NNSA Assistant Deputy Administrator for Defense Nuclear Nonproliferation James Turner signed the MOU with the United Kingdom's Minister of Trade and Industry Nigel Griffiths. The governments of the United Kingdom and the United States are supporting the shutdown of the Zheleznogorsk plutonium production reactor as part of their commitment to the G8 Global Partnership. The EWGPP will result in the permanent shutdown of three Russian nuclear reactors, which currently produce weapons-grade plutonium. These reactors, which are the last three reactors in Russia that produce plutonium that could be used for military purposes, also provide necessary heat and electricity to two regions in Siberia. In order to meet these energy requirements, the EWGPP will provide support to the Russian Federation for provision of replacement fossil energy plants. The Russians have agreed to permanently shut down the reactors once replacement energy is provided. Publisher: Bellona Foundation [bellona@bellona.no] , President: Frederic Hauge [frederic@bellona.no] Information: info@bellona.no [info@bellona.no] , Technical contact: webmaster@bellona.no [webmaster@bellona.no] Telephone: +47 23 23 46 00 Telefax: +47 22 38 38 62 * P.O.Box 2141 Grunerlokka, 0505 Oslo, Norway ***************************************************************** 35 Bellona: Nigeria seeks IAEA help for nuclear power plants Nigeria has asked the world's nuclear watchdog for help in building two atomic power plants to supply electricity to the energy-starved oil exporting nation. 2005-02-14 18:10 Nigerian Science and Technology Minister Turner Isoun made the request during a four-day visit of the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency to the West African nation. "We would like to seek the assistance and support of the IAEA for the development of two full scale 1,000 megawatt nuclear power plants for the generation of electricity," Isoun was quoted as saying at a dinner on January21, Reuters reported. Nigeria commissioned its first nuclear reactor, a small academic research reactor at the Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, last year. Nigeria is Africa's most populous country and has huge oil and gas resources, but corruption by successive governments and inefficiency in the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) have led to massive shortfalls in power supply. Investors cite constant blackouts as one of the country's top economic hurdles, and they spend millions of dollars every year on diesel-fuelled generators to keep industry running. NEPA, which currently supplies about 2,600 megawatts, has been split into seven generating companies, 11 distribution firms and one transmission company ahead of its planned privatisation later this year. Nigerian officials insisted that they were seeking nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, and pointed to the country's ratification of the non-proliferation treaty and additional protocols as evidence of that. Formally IAEA cannot reject Nigeria’s request as the world’s nuclear watchdog was established to promote peaceful nuclear energy. Publisher: [bellona@bellona.no] , President: [frederic@bellona.no] Information: [info@bellona.no] , Technical contact: [webmaster@bellona.no] Telephone: +47 23 23 46 00 Telefax: +47 22 38 38 62 * P.O.Box 2141 Grunerlokka, 0505 Oslo, Norway ***************************************************************** 36 BBC: Losses increase at British Energy Last Updated: Monday, 14 February, 2005 [British Energy plant] The company expects to meet its output targets for the year The UK's largest power firm, British Energy, has suffered losses of Ł87m in its first quarterly results since it relisted on the London Stock Exchange. Forward-selling of contracts meant the nuclear power generator did not see the full benefit of a rise in electricity prices in the three months to December. The pre-tax figures, which compare to a loss of Ł10m a year earlier, were also hit by decommissioning costs. A slump in wholesale prices pushed the firm towards insolvency in 2002. British Energy's shares - which were relisted last month - fell 2.4% to 248.75p on news of the increased loss. Rescue deal The company negotiated a rescue deal with the government and major creditors, finally completed last year. This gave creditors new bonds and 97.5% of the firm's shares in exchange for cancelling Ł1bn of its debt. Output is not great but least they have reiterated their full-year target Jason Steed, Lehman Brothers Last month the firm suffered a shutdown at its Heysham plant in Lancashire, but said it expects the affected unit to return to service in March. Chief executive Mike Alexander said the company was set to meet its full-year output targets, which were revised in November after a series of other outages. "Output is not great, but at least they've reiterated their full-year target," said analyst Jason Steed, at Lehman Brothers. ***************************************************************** 37 Energy Business Review: French utilities: going, going, gone? - French utilities: going, going, gone? France has announced its timetable for energy sector privatizations. 14 Feb 2005, 09:53 GMT - Shares in three of France's major energy companies will soon be up for sale. GDF and Areva should not be hard to sell, but EDF poses more problems, with concerns over the funding of nuclear decommissioning a major worry. However, there are clear benefits to be had from the move in terms of bolstering competition, even if EDF is some way from losing its established dominance. The French government is trying to repair its budget deficit, and selling a stake in the state-owned energy companies would certainly help. France has already had to turn EDF and GDF into limited companies, and it could sell a stake in them without relinquishing state control over national energy strategy. Looking at the timetable announced by Finance Minister Herve Gaymard, the government has decided to tackle the easiest jobs first. GDF, although it has assets across the world, has a relatively healthy set of accounts. Areva, a world leader in nuclear fuel reprocessing, is more sensitive, but is a well-run company with good prospects in an optimistic world market for nuclear power equipment and services. EDF is more of a challenge. The real worries revolve around its pension fund and nuclear decommissioning liabilities. The cost of decommissioning the French nuclear fleet is uncertain, and, although EDF has set some money aside, it has not had to ring-fence it. Instead, it has been allowed to invest some of it in numerous asset acquisitions, not all of which have paid off. Hence, the nuclear decommissioning funds are sitting on the balance sheet, and prospective shareholders should be worried about what will happen when the funds are actually required. The partial privatization will bring benefits though. The share placement process would force EDF to make its notoriously opaque accounts more transparent, making accusations of anti-competitive behavior less likely. Partial privatization should also put pressure on its credit rating, affecting the price it must pay for capital. This would then squeeze its margins, and force it to raise prices, helping its competitors. But EDF will still dominate the generation and I retail markets, and retain its monopoly in the residential sector. It will take more than a partial privatization to change that. Source: Datamonitor Commentwire Companies mentioned Areva When company names are not hyperlinked, this signifies that a company profile is available, but not as part of this Business Review Site. To access 10,000 company profiles under one service, subscribe to Datamonitor's Business Information Center. Related research The Future of Competition in B2B Energy Supply: Competitive Forces in Europe's I Markets 1 Dec 2004 Strategies for Small and Regional Utilities: The challenges of scale in energy markets 15 Jul 2004 Product Structure Strategies: Profiles 2 Dec 2004 Product Structure Strategies 14 Dec 2004 Energy Market Analysis and Classification Model: Introducing the Market Competitive Intensity Index 17 Nov 2004 ***************************************************************** 38 Times Argus: Vt. Legislature faces busy week ahead February 14, 2005 By Ross Sneyd Associated Press MONTPELIER — Senators expect to debate the fate of the Department of Employment and Training's regional offices this week as they consider midyear adjustments to the state budget. State energy policy will also be on the agenda in the Senate this week. And in the House a bill designed to protect consumers from fraudulent telemarketing practices is likely to be debated. In a Senate committee a perennial issue that always it politically touchy is scheduled for a hearing: whether the Abenaki Indians should be recognized by state government. Also this week, Gov. James Douglas is likely to be presented with a bill that has been at the top of the Democrats' list of priorities. Senate leaders said they expected to concur with changes made by the House in a prescription drug importation bill. The Senate is scheduled to vote Tuesday on the House changes. Douglas has said he would sign the bill when it reaches him, which is expected to be the end of the week. Senators will be moving on by then to the budget adjustment bill. The Appropriations Committee supported most of the decisions made by the House in the more than $30 million in adjustments. But the Employment and Training Department issue was not resolved. The Douglas administration proposed reorganizing the department, sharply cutting back on its presence in six of the 12 communities where it has offices. A number of lawmakers opposed the plan, fearing that the offices slated to be closed or scaled back would end up offering fewer services to some of the state's areas of highest unemployment. Sen. Vincent Illuzzi, R-Essex-Orleans, has been one of the most vocal critics and he wants to address the issue as part of the adjustment of the state budget. He has been particularly concerned about the offices in Newport and St. Albans, which he says are areas of persistent unemployment that need easy access to state resources. He has prepared an amendment to the budget bill that would guarantee "delivery of services to employers seeking workers and the unemployed seeking work. You can't effectively deliver those services operating out of the trunk of your car." Senate Finance Committee Chairwoman Ann Cummings, D-Washington, said her panel would be looking into a couple of energy issues. It is scheduled to review a bill that would require the state's utilities to maintain a minimum portfolio of renewable energy in its mix of sources of electricity. Representatives of the Vermont Yankee nuclear power plant also are due before the committee as they seek permission to store nuclear fuel waste in so-called dry casks. The reactor is quickly running out of room in its current spent fuel storage area, which is a large pool of water. House Commerce Committee Kathy Keenan, D-St. Albans, said she expected a bill that would prohibit telemarketing companies from misrepresenting themselves in order to obtain consumers' bank account routing codes and then deducting money. Keenan said the practice had cropped up among companies operating outside the state. Indian affairs will be the topic of the Senate Economic Development Committee. It plans a hearing Tuesday on a proposed resolution by Sen. Julius Canns, R-Caledonia, that states the Legislature "recognizes the existence of the Abenaki people." That has been a politically touchy topic for years because the attorney general and others have feared that it could lead to federal recognition of the tribe, touching off potential land claims and a bid to operate gambling businesses. The resolution seeks to blunt such criticism. "While this recognition is not intended to confer any special rights upon the Abenaki people, such as claims to Vermont lands or privileges not extended to other minority groups, it is intended to ensure the Abenaki people receive the same recognition and privileges extended by the state of Vermont to any other minority group," the resolution says. © 2005 [http://www.timesargus.com/] ***************************************************************** 39 NRC: Regulatory Information Conference Registration on [http://register.nei.org/Public/RIC05RegistrationForm.asp] closing on March 1st. The Nuclear Regulatory Commission staff will hold its 17th annual Regulatory Information Conference (RIC) Tuesday, March 8, Wednesday, March 9, and Thursday, March 10, 2005, at the Bethesda North Marriott Hotel and Conference Center. Construction on the new Marriott was just completed in November 2004. The hotel [PDF ICON] , at 5701 Marinelli Road, North Bethesda Maryland, is conveniently located just off Route 355 (Rockville Pike) opposite the Red Line's White Flint Metro Station, and diagonally across from NRC Headquarters. The conference will be open to the public and there is no conference fee. The RIC program will include presentations by the NRC Chairman, the NRC Commissioners, the Executive Director for Operations, and a number of dynamic breakout sessions. The breakout sessions will address a variety of challenging technical and regulatory topics, including several typically discussed at the Office of Nuclear Regulatory Research's (RES's) " [http://www.nrc.gov/what-we-do/regulatory/research/meetings.html] ". See the following for detailed conference information: + Conference Program + Keynote Speakers + Conference Registration + On-Line Registrant List + [http://register.nei.org/Public/RIC05RegistrationForm.asp] closing on March 1st + Sponsored Events + Hotel Reservations and Area Information + Travel Information + Past RIC Information + Frequently Asked Questions + Contact Us About RIC Throughout the RIC pages, you will see icons. The Exit icon is placed directly after an external link to let you know that the link is going to take you away from the NRC pages. For more information, refer to the Site Disclaimer. Last revised Thursday, February 10, 2005 ***************************************************************** 40 [EMMAS] ***The Greatest Crime of Historic Time Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:06:22 -0600 (CST) Date: Sun, 13 Feb 2005 13:44:31 -1000 From: Viviane Lerner Reply-To: Viviane Lerner Subject: ***The Greatest Crime of Historic Time To: NucNews , SUNSHINE PROJECT A Must-Read. Let's not forget that, if indeed the Iraqis and the Afghanis and their descendants are bearing the brunt of this colossal infamy, DU knows no borders and is affecting the whole planet, US included. Courtesy of a bunch of criminally insane and their followers. Viviane ============== http://www.warfolly.vzz.net/thegreatestcrime.html The Greatest Crime of Historic Time by Victor Connor V.Connor@insightbb.com The greatest crime against humanity in all historic time has now been committed by the United States government. It dwarfs Joseph Stalin's killing of 7,000,000 Ukrainians in the 1930s and Adolph Hitler's killing of 6,000,000 Jewish people in the 1940s. This crime will cause the premature deaths of TENS of MILLIONS of people and will give a horribly debilitating disease to TENS of MILLIONS more. It is indiscriminate mass murder - genocide. My statements may be dramatic, but they are absolutely true. Since October of 2001, the United States military has used approximately 3,000 tons of depleted uranium munitions against people in Afghanistan and Iraq. This will soon cause the serious health problems to include respiratory disease, kidney problems, rashes, birth defects, and the number of cancers of those people to jump to over 500,000 people each year. How do I know this? Because the United States military used 375 tons of depleted uranium munitions against Iraq in 1991 and the cancer rate in children measured in Iraqi hospitals rose from 32,000 per year in 1990 to 130,000 in 1997. According to U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs official reports, U.S. casualties from Gulf War 1 now exceed 180,000 and already over 30,000 are now disabled from Gulf War 2. We've now used eight times what we did in 1991 and radiation has long been known to cause cancer. This is well known by our federal government. In a document dated October 30, 1943 and declassified June 5, 1974, three major scientists (Drs. James Conant, A. H. Compton, and H. C. Urey) wrote to Brigadier General Leslie R. Groves, who was the head of the atom bomb project, concerning "Radioactive materials as a military weapon." In that document they stated: "As a gas warfare instrument the material would be ground into particles of microscopic size to form dust and smoke and distributed by a ground-fired projectile, land vehicles, or aerial bombs. In this form it would be inhaled by personnel. The amount necessary to cause death to a person inhaling the material is extremely small. It has been estimated that one millionth of a gram accumulating in a person's body would be fatal. There are no known methods of treatment for such a casualty" Proponents of depleted uranium weaponry will state that depleted uranium is only half as radioactive as normal uranium, which is true. This would mean that it would take TWO millionths of a gram accumulating in a person's body to be fatal according to Conant, Compton and Urey. Unfortunately, it isn't known exactly how much uranium ore would be sufficient to cause death over a short period of time, but we do know it caused the cancer deaths of workers during the two years the Manhattan Project existed in making our first three atomic bombs. Since then, scientists have learned a lot more about the debilitating effects to animals exposed to higher than normal radiation levels. In fact, increased cancer rates downwind of American nuclear power plants are well documented, even though not well reported. Nuclear power plants in the United States release small amounts of radioactive gases on a daily or weekly basis. Compared to the depleted uranium usage in Iraq and Afghanistan, these are extremely small amounts, but the communities that live within fifty miles of the normal downwind area from these nuclear power plants have higher rates of cancer. One particularly telling fact is where nuclear reactors have been shut down for a few years and then restarted. The cancer rate among infants and young children who were born after the shutdown quickly fell to national averages, before rising again after the reactors were restarted. It takes about eight tons of regular uranium ore to make one ton of enriched uranium to be used in nuclear power plants. This leaves seven tons of depleted uranium. Depleted uranium is composed primarily of three isotopes of uranium; it is 99.8% of U-238, 0.2% of U-235 and 0.0008% of U-234; collectively one microgram of it will constantly emit about 120 alpha particles every day for millions of years. One alpha particle has enough energy to disrupt the genetic information in the nucleus of a cell, but when this happens hundreds of local cells are affected by the instability of the zapped cell. To get a better understanding how radiation affects a human body, think of it this way. We live in a dynamic universe. We are constantly bombarded with radiation from outer space, even though we are far from the sun and other stars. There are trace amounts of uranium and radon among other naturally decaying elements throughout the surface of the Earth. Collectively, these sources affect all of the cells in our body, but it is a question of the rate of impact on our cells. On average each cell in a body is hit about one to two times a year from a natural source of radiation. Compare that with one millionth of a gram of depleted uranium ingested into a body - this will hit thousands of cells every day. In terms of the rate of increase, this means that many of the cells that are nearby depleted uranium particles are being zapped at a rate that is 100,000 times more than normal. This will either kill the cells or cause massive genetic defects. The mechanism for this crime against humanity is as follows. A depleted uranium projectile smashes into a vehicle or building. For example, each Abrams tank round contains about 10 pounds of solid depleted uranium while each 30 mm round fired by the A10 Warthog has about 3/4 pound of solid depleted uranium. After the collision, about half of the projectile is turned into powder 10 microns (ten one millionths of a meter) or smaller. A human hair is normally between 60 and 100 microns thick and that proverbial millionth of a gram of depleted uranium would fill a cube 37 microns on each side. This dust now blows wherever the wind takes it. We have already found depleted uranium in Iraq twenty five miles from an impact site. This radioactive dust blows in cities, in parks, on crops, in the rivers, and everywhere. They can be breathed in or ingested from food and drink. Particles on the order of 2.5 microns are perfect for implanting themselves in our lungs. A small number of these would be like smoking over ten packs of cigarettes every day forever and children one, two and five years old are getting this into their lungs. If we used 375 tons of depleted uranium in the first Gulf War, think how the people of Iraq and Afghanistan will feel and be affected now that we used 3,000 tons of depleted uranium against them. And its terrible effects will be there forever. Although many Americans believe that we are making life better for Iraqis because we removed a brutal dictator and are giving them democracy, Hussein averaged a few thousand tortures and murders per year (and they were highly directed at his political dissidents), whereas we will soon be causing the deaths and terribly debilitating diseases of hundreds of thousands of people per year and these deaths will include babies and infants (Hussein seldom purposefully ever hurt the very young). What we are doing is indiscriminate genocide of the Muslim people in the Middle East. The wind blows in all directions and Iran, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Pakistan, Syria and Turkmenistan are all Muslim countries and are on Iraq's and Afghanistan's borders. Does it make sense to destroy Iraq in order to save it? Is this the will of the compassionate Christian or the politically responsible Republican or Democrat? Is our federal government doing a good thing? Not being a Christian or a Republican or a Democrat, I don't understand it. Even though I'm not a Christian, Muslim or Jew, I still believe that you are good people, but as terribly uninformed as I was a few months ago. You may ask: why are we doing this. The answer seems clear to me. Corporations are the driving force behind our federal government. They have taken control of the executive branch of the federal government which has eclipsed the legislative and judicial branches. The executive branch is no longer responsive or accountable to the will of the people, and is out of control. They are highly affected by corporate lobbyists and take their direction from corporations because money talks. The defense industry lobbyists want the federal government's supply of depleted uranium. Since the nuclear power industry has found no acceptable way to safely dispose of the leftover radioactive materials they produce, there are over 900,000 tons of depleted uranium still lying around waiting to be made into military weapons because it has no other commercial use and it makes big profits for the defense industries in not having to produce it themselves. These big profits can then be used to make large donations to federal politicians who follow corporate directives. It's a vicious and deadly cycle. Now I know many people are caught up in the eternal debate of who's better, Democrat or Republican, when in fact they are just two sides of the same coin. The reality is that both parties are controlled at higher levels and many things that are problems to society are huge money-makers to the above partisan forces. Depleted uranium is one such problem. While many Americans are misdirected, people in the Middle East are dying and will soon start to die unnecessarily by the hundreds of thousands each year and for as long as they live in those regions. And what's even worse is that as long as we keep using depleted uranium weapons, we will be permanently polluting more and more of the Earth. Don't think that this depleted uranium won't affect us here in the United States. 30,000 returning soldiers have depleted uranium in their urine. This means that many of them will have it in their semen and genetic damage and birth defects will start to skyrocket here at home. This is a Pandora's Box that is still open. Do you have the personal integrity and humanity to shut it? It is still not too late. U.S. Army and the Department of Defense have regulations and orders in place that mandate medical care for all DU casualties and require thorough environmental clean up of all DU contamination (http://www.traprockpeace.org/rokke_du_3_ques.html ), but our nation's military leaders and President Bush simply refuse to comply with these legal requirements. This makes sense from a business point of view, because ultimately corporations would lose too many profits. Christians, would Jesus want us to keep polluting the Middle East with deadly radioactive waste? Abraham Lincoln said, "To sin by silence when they should protest makes cowards of men." In the case of being silent about depleted uranium, we would also be accomplices to murder. Criticism of the government is not incompatible with good citizenship; it is a prerequisite. For some reason, many people believe that criticism of the government is unpatriotic, when in fact it is the most important responsibility of a patriotic citizen and is the very first change that our founding fathers made when amending our Constitution. -------------- Note: This article has been reviewed and approved by Dr. Doug Rokke. Doug is the former head of the Pentagon's Depleted Uranium Project, who replied the following: Vic: This is excellent~! I did some minor editing. thank you doug rokke Vic Connor has a B.S. in Physics, M.S. in Electrical and Computer Engineering, and was accepted to do doctoral work in three different subjects: physics, computer science and mathematics. Professionally, he worked at the Endicott, NY IBM engineering lab as a design engineer and software programmer and later as a systems engineer at a sales branch. He also worked as an assistant professor of Applied Computer Science at Illinois State University. ============== ***NOTICE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes.*** ################################################################# " Social and economic well-being will become a reality only through the zeal, courage, the non-compromising determination of intelligent minorities, and not through the mass." Emma Goldman To SUBSCRIBE/UNSUBSCRIBE to the emmasdance list send email to with the message subscribe/unsubscribe emmasdance. [No subject is needed.] "If I can not dance, I want no part in your revolution." Emma Goldman ################################################################# ***************************************************************** 41 [du-list] Gulf War vet testifies on radiation Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:11:34 -0800 By Gregory B. Hladky ghladky@nhregister.com http://www.nhregister.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=13937502&BRD=1281&PAG=461&dept_id=517515&rfi=6 HARTFORD - Gulf War veteran Melissa Sterry's voice shook as she told state lawmakers Thursday about the devastating illnesses she blames on her contact with depleted uranium ammunition and armor in Kuwait. "On the outside, I look perfectly normal," said Sterry, a 42-year-old New Haven resident. "On the inside, my body is destroying itself." Sterry told lawmakers about her chronic headaches, the pneumonia she suffers through three or four times a year, muscle spasms, chronic diarrhea, blood in her urine and stool and the three recorded heart attacks she has survived. "Eight of us served together," she said about her buddies in the National Guard. "There are two of us left alive. ... I'd like to live to see 45 - most of my friends didn't make it to 30." Sterry said she is now "in combat" with the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs over medical coverage because the government insists that its studies show depleted uranium "won't cause any long-term health risks." Sterry was testifying in support of a bill to require that Connecticut National Guard troops now serving in Iraq and Afghanistan be properly screened and treated for depleted uranium contamination. The bill is still in committee. She warned that the potential for exposure to depleted uranium is far higher in this war because more of it is being used in ammunition and armored vehicles and troops are being exposed for far longer periods. Officials from the Department of Veterans Affairs failed to respond to requests for comment on Sterry's claims about her medical problems. State Rep. Patricia Dillon, D-New Haven, testified that she introduced the legislation because she has heard from military people all over the United States that "the people at desk jobs in Washington, D.C., are discounting the danger" of depleted uranium contamination. Dillon said the Army already requires that soldiers who come in contact with depleted uranium ammunition and armored vehicles be routinely screened and treated for contamination. "Unfortunately, many people throughout the country who are in the military believe that this isn't happening," Dillon said. Last year, the New York Daily News reported that it paid for tests on nine New York National Guardsmen who had just returned from Iraq, all of whom were suffering from various illnesses. Four of the soldiers tested positive for exposure to depleted uranium. In response to the news articles, Army officials tested 600 additional soldiers and reported that none had tested positive. "They don't want to hear about us," insisted Sterry, predicting that the government will respond only "when enough of us die." Depleted uranium results when enriched uranium is separated from natural uranium when fuel is made for nuclear reactors. The United States uses depleted uranium, or "DU," to increase the effectiveness of anti-tank shells and armor-piercing ammunition and bombs. DU is also used in armor plating in tanks and other fighting vehicles. It has been in common use since the Persian Gulf War and some veterans groups blame DU for "Persian Gulf Syndrome." "The DU we're using in Iraq is much greater than we used in Gulf War one," Dillon said. "I don't want us to repeat the mistakes we made back then." The Department of Defense released a study last October that found that "the health risks from inhaling airborne particles of depleted uranium are very low." A five-year study by an independent research institute paid for by the DOD reported that even "in extreme cases, exposure to 'aerosolized' depleted uranium did not pose a health risk." Dillon, however, said there are other studies that indicate DU depletes calcium, affects the kidneys and bones and can have an impact on a person's DNA. During her testimony before the legislature's Committee on Veterans' Affairs, Sterry reminded lawmakers that the federal government for years also denied that the use of the defoliant Agent Orange during the Vietnam War was a serious health risk. Later studies proved it was. Sterry said she served for six months at a supply base in Kuwait during the winter of 1991-92. Part of her job with the National Guard's Combat Equipment Company A was to clean out tanks and other armored vehicles that had been used during the war, preparing them for storage. She said she swept out the armored vehicles, cleaning up dust, sand and debris, sometimes being ordered to help bury contaminated parts. She said that when the M-8 chemical alarms her unit used were triggered, the word would come down "to take off our chemical gear, that the M-8s were malfunctioning." "According to the government, I was never exposed to DU because I never drove a tank," Sterry testified. "There is this perpetual denial that is occurring." -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Gregory B. Hladky can be contacted at ghladky@nhregister.com or (860) 524-0719. ---------- No virus found in this outgoing message. Checked by AVG Anti-Virus. Version: 7.0.300 / Virus Database: 265.8.7 - Release Date: 2/10/05 [Non-text portions of this message have been removed] ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> Has someone you know been affected by illness or disease? Network for Good is THE place to support health awareness efforts! http://us.click.yahoo.com/RzSHvD/UOnJAA/79vVAA/FGYolB/TM --------------------------------------------------------------------~-> To unsubscribe from this groups send a message to du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com. In the body of the message type unsubscribe and send. Yahoo! Groups Links <*> To visit your group on the web, go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/du-list/ <*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com <*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to: http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ ***************************************************************** 42 Nuclear Security tests/evaluations not comprehensive or Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:14:05 -0800 Good Day: In what may not be the stupidest thing the nuclear industry has ever done but what must surely rank in the top five dumb ideas, the industry hired Wackenhut last summer to provide the adversary force to be used in force-on-force security tests conducted at U.S. nuclear power plants. Wackenhut provides the security force at roughly half of the plants, so the force-on-force tests would become marketing trips for Wackenhut to show how wonderful security was at the sites it defends and how bad security is at the sites defended by its competitors. The industry and the NRC downplayed this blatant conflict-of-interest, arguing that it didn't matter if Wackehut "attackers" went up against Wackenhut defenders because the NRC would be monitoring the whole thing and doing the evaluations. For insights into the value of these NRC evaluations, check out the attached report by the NRC Inspector General on how well the NRC is complying itself with post 09/11 federal security regulations. The OIG audited the NRC's compliance with the Federal Information Security Management Act and concluded: 1) Security test and evaluation was not comprehensive and was not independent. [SECURITY TEST AND EVALUATION WAS NOT COMPREHENSIVE AND WAS NOT INDEPENDENT]. 2) Security documentation is not always consistent with National Institute of Standards and Technology guidelines. 3) Security protection requirements are inconsistent within security documentation. Among the TWO pages of recommendations on things to fix, the OIG recommended that NRC conduct: * A complete risk assessment of actual threats and vulnerabilities to IPSS. Thus, the agency that cannot itself comply with federal security regulations will be the one ensuring that Wackenhut's tests of Wackenhut's security prowess are valid. Unbelievable! The candidate for stupidest idea of all nuclear time moves closer to the top. Thanks, Dave Lochbaum Nuclear Safety Engineer Union of Concerned Scientists 1707 H Street NW Suite 600 Washington, DC 20006-3962 (202) 223-6133 (office) (202) 331-5430 (direct line) (202) 223-6162 (fax) Attachment Converted: "c:\program files\eudora\attach\1-14-05.pdf" ***************************************************************** 43 [du-list] 1- Arsenal of Hypocrisy 2- Is The U.S. Military Guilty Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:11:40 -0800 1- Arsenal of Hypocrisy 2- Is The U.S. Military Guilty Of War Crimes In Iraq? -- Arsenal of Hypocrisy Randy Atkins February 7, 2005 Uruknet.info http://www.uruknet.info/?p=m9529&l=i&size=1&hd=0 Now that it's safe to bet that world military expenditures in 2005 will exceed one trillion dollars (that's one with 12 zeros or $1,000,000,000,000) and possibly even more with Black Budgets, the world is sure to grow increasingly more chaotic . Small poor countries feel more threatened than ever by neighboring countries with bigger weapons. Some of these smaller countries spend more on military and weapons than on health care, education, and other social services combined. The United States government's military spending accounts for almost 50% of the world's total military spending, more than all other countries combined. The United States' largest national export is weapons, and the weapons corporations sell to anyone anywhere that has cash. Weapons Corporations, like International Money Lenders, have no allegiance to their own countries. Eighty percent of their weapons are sold to non-democratic regimes around the world. In many cases these US-made weapons are used on American soldiers in subsequent conflicts. The United States is not the only one in the weapons game. Russia, China, Europe and other countries are also selling weapons to the highest bidder and in many cases sell to both sides of a conflict. The U.S. government is exporting what the Pentagon calls "security" around the World and is, at any given time, training soldiers in over 70 countries. One of the best known of these training programs is the Pentagon's International Military Education and Training Program (IMET). Soldiers in these US training programs come from warring countries and countries with the most horrific human rights abuses on record, including Indonesia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Congo, Columbia, Iraq, Afghanistan and many other countries inside what Thomas Barnett, author of "The Pentagon's New Map" calls THE GAP. Thomas Barnett goes on to say that the US is selling security in the "GAP" and the "GAP" is measured in" billable hours." "Security" is the new buzz word for the "military industrial complex" and has increased 80% since the fall of the Soviet Union, making war a big money-maker for the multi-national corporations. This has been dubbed "a permanent war economy." Barnett says that if you give him any pissed-off 18-, or 19-year-old American kid who likes to play video games, he will show you the soldier of tomorrow. In 2002 James Glaser stumbled across the VFW web page section for eligibility and, to his surprise, found 67 places on the globe where America has been at war in some way since after WW II. Antiwar.com and Lew Rockwell state that we have engaged the enemy 23 times since 1945, but the Congress of the United States put that number at 67. Here is the list as written in the VFW site: Quemoy & Matsu Island , Taiwan Straits, Congo, Laos, Vietnam, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Korea, Cambodia, Thailand (in direct support of Cambodia Operation), Operation Eagle Pull-Evacuation of Cambodia, Operation Frequent Wind-Evacuation of Vietnam, Mayaguez Operation, Operation Urgent Fury-Grenada, Lebanon, Germany (West Berlin), Austria, Korea, Japan, Italy, Trieste, Germany (except West Berlin), Austria, Asiatic Pacific, Korean Service Medal (Army, Navy, Air Force), Berlin, Lebanon, Libyan Operation El Dorado Canyon, Persian Gulf Operation Earnest Will, Panama Operation Just Cause, Somalia-United Shield-Operation Restore Hope, Haiti-Operation Uphold Democracy , Operation Southern Watch (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Iraq, Oman, Gulf of Omen W. Of 62' E. Long, Yemen, Egypt, Jordan), El Salvador, Bosnia-Operation Joint Endeavor, Operation Joint Guard, Operation Vigilant Sentinel, Operation Northern Watch, Operation Maritime Intercept, Operation Joint Forge (Bosnia-Herzegovina), Operation Desert Thunder, Operation Desert Fox, Thailand Military Operation, Cuban Military Operation, Iranian, Yemen & Indian Ocean Operation, Lebanon, Libyan Expedition, Panama - (pre and post invasion), Liberia (Operation Sharp Edge), Rwanda (Operation Distant Runner). Vietnam Service Medal, Iraq Operation Desert Storm/Operation Desert Shield, Combat Action Ribbon, Korean Service, Kosovo Campaign Medal (Allied Force), Joint Guardian, Allied Harbor Sustain Hope/Shining Hope, Nobel Anvil, Kosovo Task Force Hawk, Kosovo Task Force Saber, Kosovo Task Force Falcon, Kosovo Task force Hunter, Kosovo Air Campaign, Kosovo Defense Campaign. Some of these countries are repeated, but the dates of action are different. That means that we have repeatedly returned to some countries for new engagements much like we are now doing in Iraq. As you can see by this list, America has been very busy in the last 50 years and our "Military Might" (Military Industrial Complex) has been in the forefront of U.S. Foreign Policy. The USAF had dropped 1.5 million tons of bombs on Laos and 150,000 tons of bombs on Viet Nam. More recently, the U.S. bombings, military invasions of forgiven countries, and the U.N. sanctions (mainly maintained by the U.S.) are responsible for the high level of deaths and violence due to sanctions. Such actions caused the deaths of over 1.5 million Iraqis; about 50% of these deaths were Iraqi children less than 5 years old. Of course, this number will continue to grow because of the use of Depleted Uranium munitions. DU was also used in Yugoslavia and Afghanistan. Over 10,000 tons of bombs were dropped on Afghanistan. The United States reports that it flew over 110,000 air sorties against Iraq, dropping to date over 100,000 tons of conventional bombs, nearly seven times the equivalent of the atomic bomb that destroyed Hiroshima. Of this bombardment, 93% consists of free-falling bombs, most dropped from over 30,000 feet and indiscriminately killing millions of civilians. At least 7% of the bombs in Iraq had electronically guided systems; more than 25% missed their targets. Most of the targets were civilian facilities. In 2004, it's been estimated that the United States fired 2,500 tons of depleted uranium munitions on Iraq with the radio-active equivalent of thousands of Nagasaki bombs with a half-life of 4.5 BILLION years. Data from William Blum's book Rogue State, supplemented by casualty data from various sources, estimates that between 10 million to 16 million 10,000,000 deaths were directly or indirectly related to United States' hegemony Researchers estimate that since 1945 at least 50 US and Russian nuclear weapons have been lost and remain at bottom of the sea, called broken arrows from subs, ships and planes. The US alone officially lists 11 nuclear bombs lost and never recovered in accidents. Thousands of incidents mar the safety record of nuclear plants, nuclear facilities, bombers, subs and ships. Due to government and business secrecy, it is difficult to determine with certainty the extent of some events documented by government and non-government sources. Due to nuclear testing starting from 1945, 1,025 nuclear detonations, including five upper-atmosphere tests called 'operation starfish,' I believe have added to today's global warming problem. Currently, the total U.S. nuclear stockpile is estimated to consist of almost 20,000 nuclear warheads, including almost 3,000 reserve strategic and tactical warheads, which are not attached to delivery vehicles. The United States is also deploying space based weapons systems for world domination that has moved the arms race into the heavens. The current Russian nuclear stockpile is estimated at 19,500 nuclear warheads. Unlike the United States, Russia possesses these reserves at least in part because dismantling the warheads has proven prohibitively expensive. And unlike the United States, Russia continues to produce limited numbers of new nuclear warheads, largely because its warheads are designed to have a far shorter operational lifespan and, therefore, must be replaced more frequently. China at present has 2,350 nuclear warheads. Thousands of these US, Russian, and Chinese nuclear warheads remain on hair-trigger alert. Many of these weapons systems are outdated and controlled by failing computer systems. It's now very clear that US aggression over the last 50 years is economic and strategic conquest pure and simple, as Michel Chossudousky so well put it. Sadly, the United States has, to my estimate, dropped over 100,000,000 tons of bombs on foreign lands over the last 50 years. What will it take for these weapons systems to be completely dismantled and for the world to come to its senses, a nuclear war, a serious accident? Who is responsible for this ever increasing mess, the Military Industrial Complex? Are the leaders of these countries or the world elitist who control them responsible? I don't have the answers maybe all of the above, but one thing is certain; at this rate man will pay the ultimate price sooner than latter. Randy Atkins http://www.ArsenalofHypocrisy.com ---- The Ethics of War Is The U.S. Military Guilty Of War Crimes In Iraq? By Jeremy Iggers Feb 7, 2005, 20:56 Axis of Logic http://www.axisoflogic.com/artman/publish/printer_15553.shtml Some people believe it is unpatriotic even to ask this question, which may be why the issue has been largely ignored by American news media. But the question of U.S. war crimes is not being ignored elsewhere around the world, where images of dead Iraqi women and children, tortured prisoners at Abu Ghraib, the devastation of the city of Fallujah and the shooting of unarmed captives in a Fallujah mosque have done much to destroy America's image abroad. It isn't only a question about the moral culpability of American troops, their commanders or their political leaders. While they bear moral responsibility for their actions, we as citizens in a democracy share responsibility for actions undertaken in our name. That responsibility is not diminished by the fact that Iraqi insurgents are committing horrific crimes against their own people. In years to come, the world community will likely ask of us: Did we know? Did we care? Did we speak out? The issue of war crimes has taken on a new urgency in the wake of a recent study by public health researchers from Johns Hopkins University, Columbia University and a Baghdad medical college, which estimates that 100,000 Iraqi civilians may have died because of the war. Those numbers, which are far higher than previous estimates, are extrapolated from a statistical sampling and may be inaccurate, but they are the best estimate available. The study attributes many of the deaths to aerial attacks by coalition forces, and found that most of the fatalities were women and children. Unless the civilians were deliberately targeted, many of these deaths may not count technically as war crimes. But United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan has said that the war itself violates international law, an opinion shared by many legal experts. Civilian casualties are inevitable in war. The wrongful actions of individual soldiers should not be taken as a reflection on the morality of our country as a whole. What does reflect on our character is how we respond: Do we hold perpetrators accountable? Do we offer reparations? Do we make every effort to ensure that civilian casualties are minimized? But there is troubling evidence that some of the worst violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, and a significant proportion of the civilian casualties, aren't simply a matter of individual misconduct, but result from deliberate policies approved by our military and civilian leaders. The Marine who was caught on camera executing a wounded Iraqi prisoner in Fallujah was quickly relieved of duty, and his commanding officers promised to investigate the incident. But according to war correspondent Evan Wright, who observed similar killings when he was embedded with a Marine unit during the initial invasion of Iraq, such executions are common practice. "One thing military officials are not saying is that the behavior of the Marine in the video closely conforms to training that is fairly standard in some units," Wright reported recently in the Village Voice. "Marines call executing wounded combatants 'dead-checking.' " Torture and abuse The torture of prisoners at Abu Ghraib has also generally been portrayed in the media as the actions of a few isolated individuals. A number of low-level enlistees are being prosecuted. But independent human rights organizations Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, and two of America's most respected investigative reporters, Mark Danner and Seymour Hersh, have all concluded, in detailed investigations, that torture of prisoners was authorized at the highest levels of command. "This pattern of abuse across three countries did not result from the acts of individual soldiers such as [Specialist Charles] Graner who broke the rules," Reed Brody of Human Rights Watch wrote recently in the International Herald Tribune. "It resulted from decisions made by the Bush administration to bend, ignore or cast rules aside. ... No soldier higher than the rank of sergeant has been charged with a crime. No civilian leader at the Pentagon or the CIA is even being investigated. But the privates and sergeants are not the ones who cast aside the Geneva Conventions, or who authorized illegal interrogation methods. Unless the higher-level officials who approved or tolerated crimes against detainees are also brought to justice, all the protestations of 'disgust' at the Abu Ghraib photos by President George W. Bush and others will be meaningless." Rather than distancing himself from those abuses, Bush nominated Alberto Gonzales, author of a memorandum offering a legal rationale for the use of torture, to be attorney general. Killing of civilians Human Rights Watch has also documented numerous cases in which military authorities have failed to adequately investigate allegations of indiscriminate or excessive force against civilians. In October, Britain's Channel 4 news aired video footage, shot from a cockpit camera, that appears to show U.S. pilots attacking and killing a group of unarmed civilians in Fallujah. The British newspaper the Independent carried a story about the April incident, which has gotten no coverage in mainstream U.S. media. According to Independent reporter Andrew Buncombe, "The 30-second clip shows the pilot targeting the group of people in a street in the city of Fallujah and asking his mission controllers whether he should 'take them out.' He is told to do so ... . At no point during the exchange between the pilot and controllers does anyone ask whether the Iraqis are armed or posing a threat." A similar incident was reported in Baghdad in September, when a helicopter fired on a group of Iraqi civilians who had gathered around a disabled Bradley fighting vehicle, killing 13 and wounding 61. There have been a disturbing number of such reports of massacres, but few have resulted in criminal prosecution. But the most troubling questions of war crimes are raised not by isolated incidents involving individual soldiers, but by strategies and tactics that put large numbers of citizens at risk. As the occupying power, the coalition forces have a legal obligation under the Geneva Conventions to protect civilian lives. The U.S. military has offered repeated assurances that the bombing of Fallujah, Baghdad and other Iraqi cities is carried out with precision weaponry that is carefully targeted against insurgent positions, and that every effort is made to minimize civilian casualties, but the sheer volume of civilian casualties undermines the credibility of those claims. We know that hundreds of civilians were killed last spring in the assault on Fallujah that followed the killing of four civilian contractors, but there is no reliable count of the number of civilians killed in the near-daily bombardment that followed -- often using indiscriminate 500-pound bombs -- or in the capture of the city in November. Most Americans probably have little sense of the scale of destruction caused by the U.S. assault on Fallujah, a city roughly the size of St. Paul. But it is devastated, reported Ali Fadhil, an Iraqi journalist for Britain's Guardian in a documentary shown on British TV. "Fallujah used to be a modern city; now there is nothing. We spent that first day going through the rubble that had been the center of the city; I don't see a single building that is functioning." In that attack, U.S. and Iraqi troops stormed the city's main hospital, making it off-limits to Iraqi civilians, and bombed a second hospital and an emergency clinic -- all violations of international law. Other problematic issues include the use of cluster bombs and depleted uranium munitions. Although Iraqi physicians have blamed U.S. use of depleted uranium munitions for increased levels of cancer and birth defects, that link is unproven. But Iraqi civilian casualties resulting from cluster bombs are well-documented. In a report in December, USA Today found that U.S. forces had fired hundreds of cluster bombs into urban areas, killing dozens of civilians, while other sources give much higher casualty estimates. There are standards in international law that govern when civilian lives may be put at risk in military conflict, but it is highly questionable whether those standards are being met. The United States has still not ratified or even signed Additional Protocol 1 to the Geneva Conventions, where most of the limits to bombing of civilians may be found, but that does not make our conduct morally permissible; rather, it marks us as failing to accept and conform to internationally recognized standards. For as long as the United States remains the world's only superpower, and as long as we refuse to submit to the authority of international tribunals, nobody else can compel our government to investigate these incidents, punish wrongdoers, or stop employing strategies that cause high numbers of civilian casualties. Those responsibilities fall to us as Americans, for the sake of our own honor and self-respect. -- Posted for educational and research purposes only, ~ in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107 ~ NucNews Links and Expanded Archives - http://nucnews.net ***************************************************************** 44 [du-list] DU - Italian probe debate Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:12:38 -0800 DEPLETED URANIUM: MARTINO AND FI STALL PROBE (AGI) - Rome, Italy, Feb. 8, 2005 http://www.agi.it/english/news.pl?doc=200502081939-1253-RT1-CRO-0-NF11&page=0&id=agionline-eng.oggitalia "It is outright sabotage aimed at hindering the work of the inquiry into depleted uranium deaths. The major culprits are Defence Minister Martino and Forza Italia, who have resorted to spoiling tactics such as delaying the appointment of committee members and interfering with the appointment of other party members. Forza Italia has failed to designate its committee members ever since the committee was established on November 17, meaning the committee has been unable to start work" says Gigi Malabarba, chief senate whip for the PRC party during a press conference, jointly attended by fellow committee members Lorenzo Forcieri (DS), Stefano Boco (Greens) and associations representing the families of deceased military personnel. "The defence minister is resorting to interference with regards to the issue of statistics by the military health bureau, quite frankly it's indecent. We're not giving up: President Pera must formally instate the committee in the upcoming days otherwise any conclusions the probe may have led to in the past 12 months may go to pot; in fact the probe must issue its conclusion prior to the close of legislature - Malabarba added. [...] Sick soldiers and the families of the deceased are being left to their own devices. We are petitioning president Ciampi for a meeting, given his keen interest on this issue" Malabarba concluded. (AGI) - 081939 FEB 05 ---- URANIUM: SCHIFANI, FI WANTS TRUTH, COMMISSIONERS NOMINATED (AGI) - Rome, Italy, Feb. 8, 2005 http://www.agi.it/english/news.pl?doc=200502081919-1248-RT1-CRO-0-NF11&page=0&id=agionline-eng.oggitalia "No sabotage by the Commission of Enquiry into Depleted Uranium. Forza Italia, as Minister Martino says, wants the truth. I am unhappy to reveal that leaders of the Left evidently have not been informed. Today we have nominated our Commissioners. Certain sorts of political point scoring and speculation are not acceptable, above all when it is to do with such painful subjects." Thus said head of Forza Italia group leader in the Senate, Renato Schifani. (AGI) - -- Posted for educational and research purposes only, ~ in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107 ~ NucNews Links and Expanded Archives - http://nucnews.net ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Need a home for your web domain? We recommend our provider, Hosting Direct https://support.hostingdirect.net/cgi-bin/affiliates/clickthru.cgi?id=nucnews ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> In low income neighborhoods, 84% do not own computers. At Network for Good, help bridge the Digital Divide! http://us.click.yahoo.com/EA3HyD/3MnJAA/79vVAA/FGYolB/TM --------------------------------------------------------------------~-> To unsubscribe from this groups send a message to du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com. In the body of the message type unsubscribe and send. Yahoo! Groups Links <*> To visit your group on the web, go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/du-list/ <*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com <*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to: http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ ***************************************************************** 45 [du-list] Middletown Iowa Army Ammunition Plant workers yet Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:12:41 -0800 Middletown Iowa Army Ammunition Plant workers yet again hold hope for closure A petition to be unveiled today seeks automatic $150,000 compensation for many former Iowa Army Ammunition Plant workers who became ill. By LAURIE MANSFIELD DESMOINES REGISTER STAFF WRITER February 9, 2005 http://desmoinesregister.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20050209/NEWS08/502090334/1010&template=printart Every time a strange new growth appears, Robert Anderson wonders how much longer it will take the government to investigate the claim that his cancer was caused by exposure to deadly substances at the Iowa Army Ammunition Plant in Middletown. He has already waited four years. Meanwhile, the health problems keep coming. Last year, it was his thyroid. The gland in his neck became swollen, cutting off his breathing, and was eventually removed. In 2001, Anderson applied to the Department of Labor for the $150,000 in compensation and medical care offered to thousands of sick former Iowa Army plant workers like himself. His application went nowhere. Today, Anderson is in St. Louis to pursue his claim and those of the co-workers he managed as a security guard shift commander at the ammunition plant, where 4,000 workers assembled and tested nuclear weapons components from 1947 to the mid-1970s. Many of his co-workers are dead or dying, friends he still feels responsible for, even though they were told there was no danger. Last week, the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health revealed that it is still sitting on nearly 500 cancer claims filed by former workers at the southeast Iowa Army plant. The institute is charged with using old plant records to help estimate the amount of radiation exposure for each worker. Spokesman Larry Elliott said the institute refuses to process the claims, saying it would require using documents classified for national security reasons. Although the institute has access to the classified papers, it questions the ethics of using the records if the public can't examine them to verify the findings. Elliott will also be in St. Louis today to ask the institute's advisory board whether the Iowa plant claims should be processed anyway. Anderson - along with U.S. Sens. Tom Harkin and Charles Grassley, University of Iowa doctors and other plant workers - have their own point of view: Do away with the controversial radiation investigations that depend on classified records and automatically compensate workers suffering from cancer. "I especially want the people I personally directed to work in and around the dangers to be taken care of," Anderson said. The petition he presents today asks that workers from 1947 to 1974 who have one of 22 cancers covered under the compensation program automatically be given $150,000. He hopes the institute's board recommends approval of the petition, which then goes to Health and Human Services Secretary Michael Leavitt. Its fate ultimately lies with Congress. If the petition isn't blocked, it will take effect by early April, according to Harkin. Workers with cancer deserve special consideration because of two factors, said Maureen Knightly, a Harkin spokeswoman: the lengthy process time and insufficient data. Cancer claims take longer to process and require examining old plant records that Knightly said are inadequate and sketchy. The claims are also more difficult to prove, requiring radiation exposure estimates, known as "dose reconstructions." In contrast, the 48 workers who filed claims for chronic beryllium disease have been compensated. Tests can easily detect the potentially fatal lung ailment. Even the institute admits the dose reconstructions aren't moving fast enough. On average, a claim moves through the institute in 67 days, missing a 60-day turnaround goal, Elliott said. "That's good, but not good enough," he said. Each dose reconstruction must be done on a case-by-case basis. Claims have been processed in anywhere from four days to 1,100 days, Elliott said. Robert Anderson's paperwork has been at the institute since March 15, 2002. "These people have been waiting for years," Knightly said. "It's just long overdue." Nationally, the institute has finished about 35 percent of the 18,775 cancer claims forwarded by the Department of Labor, Elliott said. So far, one of 116 cancer claims from the Iowa plant that the institute has completed has been recommended for compensation, according to the Labor Department. The remaining claims have not met the radiation exposure threshold necessary to qualify for the compensation, Elliott said. They were filed by a range of workers, including secretaries, who would not have been in areas of radiation exposure, he said. If the institute is advised to use the classified material to process the claims, Elliott said, officials there are confident they have sufficient information and data to perform dose reconstructions accurately. "There is a lot of information on exposure monitoring available for the Iowa plant," he said. Harkin's experts disagree, citing missing information in plant records. A report released from the institute last week listed "data gaps" for the Iowa plant. Among them was an absence of personal radiation monitoring data prior to 1955, area monitoring prior to 1962 and depleted uranium air sampling prior to 1971. If there are gaps in the records, as with the Iowa plant, the institute uses data from similar facilities as estimates. "They're using data from a different time from an entirely different facility," Knightly said. If Anderson's petition is approved, cancer claims that were denied could be revived. That would be good news to Bobby Richardson. He recently received a letter from the Department of Labor denying a claim he filed on behalf of his mother, Bernice Findley, who died in 2001. Findley's type of cancer, multiple myeloma, is one of the 22 that would qualify for the automatic compensation. Of the 605 cancer cases the institute received for review, 384 were filed on behalf of plant workers who have died, Knightly said. The number of dead or dying workers is what makes Anderson determined to get the claims processed quickly. He doesn't want to think about how much longer people would have to wait if the petition fails. "It seems like a do-or-die situation for us," he said. Vera Anderson and Karen Harshbarger MIDDLETOWN CONNECTION: Their father, James Wahl, worked at the plant. UPDATE: Wahl was an electrician and master mechanic who worked on Line 1 at the Iowa Army Ammunition plant from 1941 until he retired in 1973. He died in 1980 after being diagnosed with lung and bladder cancer. Anderson and Harshbarger believe their father's cancer was caused by his work at the plant. Harshbarger says the sisters are waiting for a ruling on the $150,000 claim they filed in their father's name. Occasionally, they receive a letter tracking the progress of the paperwork, but Harshbarger said she is skeptical she will ever get an answer. -- Posted for educational and research purposes only, ~ in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107 ~ NucNews Links and Expanded Archives - http://nucnews.net ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Need a home for your web domain? We recommend our provider, Hosting Direct https://support.hostingdirect.net/cgi-bin/affiliates/clickthru.cgi?id=nucnews ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> In low income neighborhoods, 84% do not own computers. At Network for Good, help bridge the Digital Divide! http://us.click.yahoo.com/EA3HyD/3MnJAA/79vVAA/FGYolB/TM --------------------------------------------------------------------~-> To unsubscribe from this groups send a message to du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com. In the body of the message type unsubscribe and send. Yahoo! Groups Links <*> To visit your group on the web, go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/du-list/ <*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com <*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to: http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ ***************************************************************** 46 "DU is turning the planet into a death star" Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:14:00 -0800 ----- Original Message ----- From: Thinkcivic@aol.com To: Thinkcivic@aol.com Sent: Monday, February 14, 2005 1:53 PM Subject: Simple words from a nuclear scientist BG: How tell the public about the effects of (DU) deadly uranium in US munitions? Leuren Moret, nuclear scientist, February 2005: ------------------------------------ I believe in the end that (even) you will comprehend that the amount of DU released into the atmosphere since 1991 is far more than my estimate. Whatever you or I think or differ about, the disaster is worse than we even know... but that tale will be told each year, each decade, each century. Humanity has changed the genome of the entire planet forever. How can you help us present the disaster in a way that ordinary people can comprehend? Infant mortality is increasing globally for the first time in 41 years. This planet is being turned into a death star..... ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- If those reading Leuren Moret's words above do not yet know about DU and its effects (birth defects in particular), I suggest you visit the Uranium Medical Research website ( www.umrc.net ) for a start. Dennis Kyne, a medic and veteran of Operation Desert Storm, has seen first-hand the effects on US troops. I will be glad to send you lots of other references. URANIUM MEDICAL RESEARCH CENTER, UMRC 476 Parliament St, Suite 302 Toronto, Ontario CANADA M4X 1P2 -- and -- 3430 Connecticut Ave Suite# 11854 Washington, DC 20008 Tel: (905) 713-1151; Fax: (905) 713-2680 Email: info@umrc.net Web: www.umrc.net ----------------------------------------------- BG thinkcivic@aol.com ***************************************************************** 47 Las Vegas RJ: Museum a blast from the past Monday, February 14, 2005 Exhibits document genesis, evolution of Nevada Test Site By KEITH ROGERS REVIEW-JOURNAL Troy Wade describes the days of atmospheric nuclear weapons testing during a preview of the Atomic Testing Museum on Feb. 4. Displays feature films, pictures and records of atmospheric and underground atomic tests. The museum opens Sunday. One exhibit has gadgets from the early days of nuclear tests. An exhibit in the Atomic Testing Museum depicts life in the early days of nuclear testing. Photos by ISAAC BREKKEN/REVIEW-JOURNAL In less than a week, tourists and residents alike can take a 50-year walk through time in a museum about the Cold War and one of its major battlefields: the Nevada Test Site. After a decade of "thinking and dreaming" by veteran Energy Department defense chief Troy Wade and other so-called Cold War warriors, the Atomic Testing Museum at the Desert Research Institute's East Flamingo Road campus will open its doors at 1 p.m. Sunday. The public will see not only relics and photographs of Cold War nuclear tests but also videos and some of the tools government scientists used to answer the former Soviet Union's effort to develop superior nuclear bombs. Some items are on loan from the Smithsonian Institution. "This museum is about nuclear weapons and the testing of nuclear weapons, pro and con. It shows both stories," Wade said earlier this month on a preview of the museum, which features a 90-second video as visitors enter. "It kind of sets the stage for what the world was like and why we got into this business," he said, standing by a display of the 1950 letter signed by President Truman that created the test site, 65 miles northwest of Las Vegas. In one corner is a reproduction of the office of Frank Rogers, the first chief operating officer at the test site. A radio in the office plays a 1951 news report from the test site. Visitors can follow a timeline that shows how atomic testing events and milestones paralleled other historical and cultural events and popular TV shows and commercials. In the "duck-and-cover" heyday of atmospheric nuclear testing, the test site became the focus of international attention, although more sizeable tests were being conducted in the South Pacific. The museum, designed by a British Columbia firm, has enough displays, movies, literature and hands-on exhibits that it takes five hours to see it all, Wade said. In an hour or two, most visitors can absorb the highlights, including a movie that features atmospheric tests and video interviews with pioneers in the field such as Al O'Donnell and state Sen. Dina Titus, D-Las Vegas, a longtime Las Vegas resident. Titus -- the author of "Bombs in the Backyard: Atomic Testing and American Politics" -- describes the effects of fallout associated with the tests and public skepticism of what citizens were being told by the government. "In the next half a century, you had Vietnam, you had Watergate, you had the assassination of presidents and high figures," Titus says. "People just became more and more (cynical) about government and they ceased to believe what government told them." The movie features the arrests of some of the thousands of anti-nuclear protesters that often gathered at the main, cattle-guard entrance to the test site. O'Donnell, a former field test engineer who watched early atmospheric tests through cobalt goggles, asserts his dismay with the protesters. "The very thing you're protesting against is what gives you freedom to protest," he says. Visitors step down into a concrete bunker that has been turned into a theater to watch the movie as observers would have through a porthole. "Nine, eight, seven, six, five, four, three, two, one, zero," the announcer says. Then the benches rumble, the light of the detonation lights up the sky and the bomb thunders. In seconds, a windlike shock wave from the blast whisks through the bunker. Wade noted that Mercury, the government town at the test site, became Nevada's third largest city in the early 1960s, and the test site had the largest single payroll in the state, an indication of the government's rapid pace for developing new bombs after the 1958 moratorium on nuclear testing was lifted. The 1,350-square-mile test site became the most atomic-bombed place on the planet. From the first test in 1951 to the last full-scale test in 1992, a total of 928 nuclear tests were conducted at the test site, 100 in the air and 828 below ground. Some tests included multiple detonations. The United States has observed a moratorium on full-scale nuclear weapons tests since 1992. "The whole issue of war fighting has changed," Wade said. "We've moved from superpower-to-superpower confrontation where the goals were mutually assured destruction to dealing with terrorists and extremist groups." After Sunday, the museum at 755 E. Flamingo Road will be open from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. Mondays through Saturdays and from 1 to 5 p.m. on Sundays. General admission is $10 with discounts for seniors, students and military personnel with proper identification. Children under age 6 are free. All proceeds go to the nonprofit Nevada Test Site Historical Foundation. Copyright Las Vegas Review-Journal ***************************************************************** 48 Bellona: Nuclear cruiser Admiral Nakhimov being upgraded Reconstruction and upgrade of Admiral Nakhimov nuclear cruiser is under way at the Sevmash plant in Severodvinsk. 2005-02-14 16:25 The cruiser would not be just repaired but reconstructed and upgraded according to the modern requirements, said the Russian navy commander Vladimir Kuroyedov to Interfax. The design work for reconstruction should be ready in 2006 and then the ship would undergo upgrade and reconstruction, added Kuroyedov. According to Interfax sources, Kuroyedov probably meant the old radio-electronic equipment, which is being dismantled at the moment. The new computerised equipment should be installed instead. Besides, the Granit (Shipwwreck) missile system will be changed for a newer system. The new system is ready for installation at the Russian Oskar-II nuclear submarines, the same will be installed at the cruiser, which is expecting nuclear fuel reloading at the Sevmash plant now. The Russian Heavy Missile Cruise Ship, Project 1144.2 Kirov Class was built by the Baltic Shipyard in Saint Petersburg. The Kirov Class provides the capability to engage large surface ships and to defend the fleet against air and submarine attack. Four cruisers were built but only Admiral Nakhimov (commissioned in 1988) and Pyotr Velikhiy (commissioned in 1995) remain active. Publisher: [bellona@bellona.no] , President: [frederic@bellona.no] Information: [info@bellona.no] , Technical contact: [webmaster@bellona.no] Telephone: +47 23 23 46 00 Telefax: +47 22 38 38 62 * P.O.Box 2141 Grunerlokka, 0505 Oslo, Norway ***************************************************************** 49 KVBC: Atomic Testing Museum To Open In Las Vegas February 14, 2005 A new museum tracing a 50-year history of the Cold War and the Nevada Test Site is going to open Sunday in Las Vegas. The Test Site's about 65 miles northwest of Las Vegas. The Atomic Testing Museum is at the Desert Research Institute a little more than a mile east of the Las Vegas Strip. It features a timeline and Cold War-era relics; films of the development of nuclear weapons; mock-ups of offices, bunkers and testing devices; touch-screen interactive displays; and a big piece of the Berlin Wall. It's also got a souvenir and book store, a reading room and an archive of documents relating to the Test Site. That's where a lot of the nation's nuclear testing was done from 1951 to 1992. (Copyright 2005 by The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.) [http://www.worldnow.com] All content © Copyright 2000 - 2005 WorldNow and KVBC. All Rights Reserved. ***************************************************************** 50 Las Vegas SUN: Yucca Mountain setbacks sparking debate about privatization Today: February 14, 2005 at 11:37:27 PST ASSOCIATED PRESS LAS VEGAS (AP) - Frustrated by setbacks in development of a national nuclear waste repository in Nevada, states and utilities are reviving a proposal to privatize management of the Yucca Mountain project. The idea, discussed Sunday during a conference of the National Association of Regulatory Utility Commissioners in Washington, D.C., would create a government-chartered corporation with more independence than the Energy Department to manage construction of the $58 billion repository. Proponents say that would give managers more freedom to raise and manage fees for the project and spend money from a nuclear waste fund now controlled by Congress. A 1994 report touted the advantages of having the project run by a private business that could hire and fire managers, set salaries and promote accountability. "It went nowhere," said Ronald Callen, an author of the 1994 report when he was a staff member for the Michigan Public Service Commission. The idea still might not be attractive to Congress, where lawmakers oversee Yucca Mountain and a construction fund with a $16.3 billion balance. But state officials and utility lobbyists taking a new look at the idea argue a corporate approach might be better than a government bureaucracy to oversee complex repository construction. "DOE is not a building contractor," said Greg White, legislative liaison for the Michigan Public Service Commission and chairman of a nuclear issues staff subcommittee for the National Association of Regulatory Utility Commissioners. The proposal reflects frustration among states and utility interests that have supported a government repository for nuclear spent fuel. Customers of nuclear utilities have contributed about $24 billion into a fund to build a Nevada repository. The Energy Department had pledged to take ownership of nuclear waste by 1998, but a repository has yet to be finished. Last week, the department acknowledged it will miss a 2010 target for opening the Yucca repository, with officials saying it could be 2012 or later. The Yucca plan calls for entombing 77,000 tons of the nation's highest-level nuclear waste and spent fuel from commercial nuclear power plants in 155 miles of underground tunnels beneath the mountain, 90 miles northwest of Las Vegas. --- On the Net: Yucca Mountain project: http://www.ymp.gov [http://www.ymp.gov] --- Information from: Las Vegas Review-Journal, http://www.lvrj.com [http://www.lvrj.com] ***************************************************************** 51 Las Vegas RJ: Repository's backers revive idea Monday, February 14, 2005 Supporters of Yucca Mountain Project consider shifting management from government By STEVE TETREAULT STEPHENS WASHINGTON BUREAU WASHINGTON -- Frustrated by setbacks on the Yucca Mountain Project, states and utilities are reviving an idea to shift management of the proposed nuclear waste repository away from the Department of Energy. The redesign envisions creation of a government-chartered corporation with some independence to manage construction of the $58 billion program, which again has been knocked off schedule. The idea would allow managers more freedom to spend money from the nuclear waste fund and to raise and manage fees for the project. A 1994 study, which has been dusted off and is circulating among Yucca Mountain backers, contends such an organization would have the advantages of a private business to hire and fire managers, set salaries to attract talent and promote accountability. The Yucca Mountain Project would enjoy "increased credibility" after being removed from the Energy Department, the study said. But Congress would have to go along, and the idea might not be attractive to lawmakers who oversee Yucca Mountain and its construction fund, which holds a $16.3 billion balance. When management change was floated in the mid-1990s, "it went nowhere," said Ronald Callen, an author of the 1994 report when he was a staff member for the Michigan Public Service Commission. "This is more than wishful thinking," said David Cherry, a spokesman for Rep. Shelley Berkley, D-Nev., a repository opponent. State officials and utility lobbyists taking a new look at the idea are focusing on change taking place if the Energy Department gets a repository construction license from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. A corporation-styled approach might be better suited than a government bureaucracy to oversee complex repository construction, some argue. Blueprints call for a 155-mile warren of tunnels to be carved within Yucca Mountain to hold 77,000 tons of high-level nuclear waste and spent nuclear fuel from commercial power plants. "DOE is not a building contractor," said Greg White, legislative liaison for the Michigan Public Service Commission and chairman of a nuclear issues staff subcommittee for the National Association of Regulatory Utility Commissioners. Also, White said, "The other side of the coin would be that we don't seem to be getting what we need done, and maybe somebody else could do a better job." White and other officials said that removing Yucca Mountain from the Energy Department is just an idea now, and they were unsure whether it would attract interest. The idea was discussed Sunday during a conference of the National Association of Regulatory Utility Commissioners. The proposal reflects frustration among states and utility interests that have supported a government repository for nuclear spent fuel. Customers of nuclear utilities have contributed about $24 billion into a fund to build a Nevada repository. The Energy Department signed contracts with utilities promising to take ownership of nuclear waste by 1998, but a repository has yet to be finished. Last week, the department abandoned its latest deadline and said a 2010 target for a Yucca Mountain repository would be postponed until 2012 or later. Many experts think Yucca Mountain will not open until 2015 or 2018. Nevada officials have said they believe the project has been fatally crippled because of state lawsuits, DOE mistakes and efforts by Yucca foes such as Sen. Harry Reid, D-Nev., to block the program. "As far as I can see the problems remain largely the same," Callen said. "For the first time since 1983, we don't have a (repository opening) date." Copyright Las Vegas Review-Journal ***************************************************************** 52 University Daily - Duncan expresses concerns about waste facility expansion by Katherine Amerson February 14, 2005 Waste Control Specialists LLC is requesting an expansion at an Andrews County radioactive waste disposal facility, but state Sen. Robert Duncan, R-Lubbock, has concerns about the plans. Deon Daugherty, communications director for Duncan, said the facility in Andrews County is already running, but the technical aspects of the expansion pose some problems. "What Sen. Duncan is concerned about is their application to bring in 11E2 waste, a different classification of radioactive wastes," she said. "The 11E2 stuff is uranium tailings; it's a byproduct of the Manhattan Project bombs of the 1950s." The Manhattan Project was a World War II effort to develop nuclear weapons, according to Wikipedia, an online encyclopedia. The Texas Commission on Environmental Quality governs the low-level waste already in Andrews County, Daugherty said, but the entity that should have jurisdiction over the new waste is the Texas Department of State Health Services. Another concern Duncan has, Daugherty said, is taxpayer compensation for having the material in Texas. "If this material is going to come into the state of Texas, the taxpayers should get a benefit for hosting the site," she said. There is already some 11E2 material in Texas, Daugherty said, but it is a different grade. "My understanding is that (Waste Control Specialists LLC is) bidding on it," she said. "But, the Department of Energy hasn't decided how it will appropriate the bid." The bid still is undecided, Daugherty said, but she stressed that Duncan's concerns were not about the safety of the project. "The scientists say no, that this is a safe site," she said. "(But the material has a) half-life of 1,000 years, so it's hard to tell." However, Texas Tech environmental history professor Mark Stoll said there is some environmental trepidation in regard to the waste. "I understand that there's concern that it might leak into the ground water," he said. "Radioactive groundwater is not something you want." The site is not above the Ogallala Aquifer, Stoll said, but the waste has a tendency to move, so there is the possibility of infecting the water supply. "It's not necessarily the best (location) geographically," he said. "It seems kind of suspicious the way it's being set up." Transport is another issue with the waste, Stoll said, because the only methods of transport are by car or train, neither of which are accident free. "Somebody's making money out of this," he said. "There is more politics than science, (which is environmentally hazardous)." Susan Jablonski, a radioactive waste specialist with the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality, said Waste Control Specialists LLC is applying for low-level radioactive waste disposal authority. "Our involvement is they currently have a permit for the treatment, storage and disposal of hazardous waste," she said. "They currently have a license for storage and processing with a sister company, State Health Services, (and are) seeking to get it amended." The proposal for the uranium tailings, Jablonski said, is to store them above ground. "We look at every aspect of human and environmental concerns," she said. "The first precaution is the waste form itself." The TCEQ looks at when the material will go into a site, how the waste will behave over time, ground water, surface water, vegetation, meteorology, mineral interests, how the natural site would behave over time and even engineering design of the facility, Jablonski said. "(For an underground storage facility), it's not just a hole in the ground," she said. "In our state law, there's a requirement to add concrete barriers." Waste Control Specialists LLC already has the bid for silo three, a housing facility for less radioactive waste, Daugherty said, but this bid is for silos one and two. If the expansion was approved, it most likely would happen this legislative session, she said. John Robinson, a freshman mechanical engineering major from Odessa, said he is somewhat concerned about the issue and would feel a little unsafe if this was happening in Lubbock. "Bad things in the past have happened with radioactive waste," he said. "I heard about (this) about a month or two ago." Robinson said he frequents a restaurant in Andrews County and believes the people there have mixed feelings about the waste. Numerous attempts were made to contact someone at Waste Control Specialists LLC, but no one was available for comment. [http://www.studentaffairs.ttu.edu/] | Archives | © 2005 University Daily ***************************************************************** 53 Las Vegas SUN: A huge mountain to climb February 11, 2005 Despite DOE efforts to push ahead, Yucca falling further behind schedule By Benjamin Grove and Suzanne Struglinski SUN WASHINGTON BUREAU WEEKEND EDITION February 12 - 13, 2005 WASHINGTON -- Under intense pressure, the Energy Department has pushed for years to open the nuclear waste repository at Yucca Mountain by 2010. Nuclear plant operators have filed lawsuits to keep the project's managers on track. Politicians in nuclear plant states have relentlessly lobbied Congress. Yucca contractors have rushed to meet deadlines to win bonuses. And the department itself has scrambled to overcome setbacks while steadfastly clinging to its intention of opening the repository on time. But last week Energy Department Yucca project chief Margaret Chu, who resigned Friday, acknowledged to reporters that Yucca's opening date had slipped to at least 2012. The date depends on how much money Congress gives the department, she said. Energy Department and nuclear industry officials say the project is "doable," even as it is underfunded and beset by delays. They vow to forge ahead. "The administration is focused and supportive of the repository," David Garman, an assistant energy secretary, said Thursday in response to questions from a House subcommittee about the new target date. "And we want to move ahead." But many Yucca critics say the two-year extension is wildly optimistic. "It isn't realistic," said Arjun Makhijani, an engineer and president of the Institute for Energy and Environmental Research. Makhijani, who supports geologic waste storage, but believes Yucca is a bad site, said all the uncertainties surrounding Yucca make it hard to guess when a repository could open. "They (Energy officials) should wise up and put out a date they could meet," he said. "If I were them, I'd give myself some elbow room." Study of a repository, likely the nation's biggest public works project, started more than 20 years ago. Federal law in 1987 affirmed that the solution to the nation's high-level nuclear waste problem was to store it in underground tunnels at Yucca, 90 miles northwest of Las Vegas. But after two decades of research, digging a 5-mile-long exploratory tunnel, scientific tests and a presidential endorsement, the project is still a long way from finished. Chu's acknowledgement was the first time an Energy Department official had admitted Yucca could not open by 2010. Chu resigned because of "personal circumstances," leaving the controversial project's uncertain future to a new leader. Having missed several deadlines -- the repository originally was supposed to begin accepting waste in 1998 -- the project is so far behind that the nuclear industry is looking at other options for short-term storage, including a site on an Indian reservation in Utah. Before it is able to apply for a license to build the repository and dig the miles of tunnels in which it will entomb the waste, the Energy Department faces a series of legal, regulatory and budgetary issues so burdensome that critics say the project has nearly ground to a halt. Budget Keeping money flowing to the project is instrumental to keeping it on track. But convincing Congress to fully fund the department's budget request each year is tough. A large part of that money comes from a national fund fed by a tax on ratepayers whose electricity is generated by nuclear plants. The fund contains about $16 billion. But like most federal projects, Yucca is subject to annual budget limits set by Congress. Congress -- due in large part to Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev. -- has trimmed roughly $1 billion from budget requests in the last decade. Last year, the Energy Department requested its biggest budget yet: $880 million. But in a budget stalemate, Congress froze most federal projects at the previous year's levels. That translated to about $300 million less than the department requested -- and more delayed work. Past shortfalls have forced the Energy Department to rework its repository priorities, and many delays can be traced back to a lack of funding. In recent years the department has complained that the cuts delayed its ability to prepare a license application to build Yucca or to devise a waste-shipping plan. Budget cuts -- and related delays -- infuriate the nuclear industry. Nuclear utilities have been waiting for the government to haul waste away from reactors to a repository paid in part by ratepayers for two decades. Industry officials and Yucca supporters in Congress have argued that the Energy Department should have direct access to the waste fund to use as it sees fit. The Nuclear Waste Strategy Coalition, a national group of state utility commissioners and other Yucca supporters, sent a letter to Congress and the Energy Department last week demanding the budget rules be changed and that the department receive $1 billion for the project. But critics have urged lawmakers not to relinquish their budget authority, and congressional watchers say lawmakers in general do not like to give up that oversight role -- even for projects they endorse. The radiation standard Since the repository's infancy, federal officials have faced a task never before attempted: to construct a national high-level nuclear waste burial ground. But how would safety be measured? Federal law requires that the Environmental Protection Agency decides. The agency in 2001 ruled the Energy Department would need to prove its repository design would not release more than 15 millirem of radiation -- a little more than a chest X-ray -- per year for 10,000 years. To give that time frame some context, anthropologists and archaeologists believe that 10,000 years ago the Ice Age just ended; wooly mammoths still roamed Earth; and humans had just started to figure out how to farm. The rule, criticized for being too long or too short, gave the Energy Department a goal -- and a yardstick for the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to use as it evaluates the license application. The department plans to submit a 45-volume application in December that proves its repository design can meet that standard. There's just one major problem: The standard no longer exists. A federal court last year threw out the 10,000-year period because the EPA did not follow National Academy of Sciences' findings in setting it as per federal law. That created a big hurdle for the Energy Department because a primary purpose of its license application is to explain that the 10,000-year standard can be met and that Yucca will be safe. But the court threw out the Nuclear Regulatory Commission's yardstick and threw the repository into limbo. Two things could happen now: The EPA could act by setting another standard or re-writing the old standard to better justify how it meshed with the National Academy's findings; or Congress could legislate a standard. The second option isn't likely, Yucca observers say. Former Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham recently said Congress should change the law, but a leading Yucca advocate, Sen. Pete Domenici, R-N.M., told the Sun it would be "too difficult" politically to get such legislation passed with Reid as the Democratic leader. An EPA official said a revised radiation rule is set to come out this summer, but the official would not elaborate on how the agency was responding to the court ruling. Chu said she hoped the EPA could finalize a standard by year's end so the department could hand in the application then. The academy saw no reason to limit the time frame to 10,000 years, advocating a standard that was tied to when Yucca radiation would reach a "peak dose" -- when radiation would be at its highest -- which could happen in 300,000 years. Jean Bahr, a University of Wisconsin-Madison professor of geology and geophysics, said the EPA has to answer a tough question: "What is the acceptable risk?" "It's not a scientific question, it's a policy question," said Bahr, who sat on an academy panel on the radiation standard. "They're claiming they are basing the standard on science, but that's where the discrepancy is." Bahr said there is nothing magical about 10,000 years -- the peak dose will be later than that. The EPA has to decide how much protection the government owes future generations, she said. Whatever standard the EPA sets, the Energy Department will have to prove the repository can isolate radiation until then. If the EPA sets a dramatically tougher standard, the department likely will have a lot of work to do to effectively re-evaluate the whole repository, Makhijani said. "They are going to go back and rethink all their engineered barriers," he said. "That's going to take them a few years." Licensing The Nuclear Regulatory Commission, which will license and regulate the repository, will decide if the Energy Department's plan is sufficient once it reviews the application. The commission plans to take three years to evaluate the application, with an option for a fourth. Four years may sound like a lot, but the repository is one of the biggest, most complex nuclear projects ever reviewed by the commission, which historically has spent years painstakingly toiling over license reviews. For example, the commission often spent a decade reviewing reactor license applications in the 1960s, '70s and '80s, when nuclear plants were still being built. It took 12 years to approve licenses for Comanche Peak 1 in Texas, which opened in 1990, one of the last to do so. Even now it takes the commission almost two years to review and approve nuclear plant license renewels. It's "almost certain" that the licensing phase will take longer than four years, said Joe Egan, one of Nevada's Washington attorneys. The three- to four-year time frame is doable, but it would be an "extraordinary challenge" contingent on a number of factors falling perfectly into place, including the quality of the Energy Department's work on the application, C. William Reamer, director of the commission's high-level waste management division, told the Sun. Once the department submits the application, the commission would spend up to 90 days deciding whether to even accept it, based on whether everything in the application appears in order. After that, the agency would conduct a detailed "safety review," which could take about 18 months. Then the hearing process would begin, launching what likely would be the most unpredictable phase of the review. The commission will identify issues to be explored further by special administrative boards composed of NRC employees but separate from the NRC staffers conducting the review. It's not known how long that could take, but Nevada complaints likely could slow the process significantly, officials said. What's more, Nevada can challenge in federal court both the Energy Department's application and any commission approval of it. Nevada already plans two types of complaints to the commission. One is what may amount to "hundreds" of substantive challenges that question Energy Department assertions about Yucca safety. The other is "quite a few" procedural challenges that are critical of how the Department has managed the program, Egan said. He declined to say what those challenges would be. But, he added, "It's not real hard to find examples of the DOE not following procedure." Construction The Energy Department plans to build the repository in two to three years, roughly the time it takes to build a baseball stadium. The most recent estimate is "approximately three years," spokesman Allen Benson said. But that is dependent on factors such as "adequate funding and receiving regulatory approvals in a timely manner," Benson said. Three years is an ambitious timeline, especially for a project in which minor design or construction flaws could lead to costly -- even deadly -- problems in the future, experts said. Yucca managers plan to save time in part by opening an above-ground storage pad before the underground repository is finished. They say early deliveries of waste could be accepted -- either at a surface holding facility or in the first-phase tunnels -- while construction is completed on the rest of the repository. Updated budgets, manpower and equipment cost estimates for construction are "under development," Benson said. A 2001 estimate -- the most recent available, according to the department -- set the construction cost at $4.5 billion. But experts said the bigger the public works project, the more difficult it becomes to accurately predict costs -- and timelines. "This society is trying to build ever-increasingly big projects," University of California, Berkley, civil engineering professor C. William Ibbs said. "The track record of most government agencies is not very good in terms of managing these types of projects." Experts point to other big public works projects that included significant tunneling, such as the Bay Area Rapid Transit system in and around San Francisco, the "Chunnel" between England and France and the "Big Dig" roadway in Boston. All took longer than projected to complete. Critics note the "Big Dig" contractor -- Bechtel -- also manages Yucca. The fact that Yucca is a first of its kind project also presents contractors with a slate of delay-inducing unknowns, experts said. "It's not unusual for a project to take longer and to cost more than we think it will,"said David Luberoff, executive director of the Rappaport Institute for Greater Boston at Harvard University. "Some of that is due to the fact that you simply run into things that you don't expect. Some of it is just being overly optimistic," Luberoff, who studies big public works projects, said. The containers There are several "firsts" planned for the project. Among them is devising a way to package nuclear waste for thousands of years. Vital to the Energy Department's contention that waste can be safely isolated inside Yucca Mountain is the 20-foot metal storage container. Highly radioactive spent uranium fuel rods would be packed in each of the 11,000 containers that would be stored end-to-end in more than 100 miles of tunnels. In an underground repository that would rely on natural and man-made methods to isolate deadly waste, those containers would be the most important "engineered barrier" between the radioactive material and the environment. The Energy Department has chosen a container design of a stainless steel "vessel" wrapped in a skin made of a nickel-based alloy commonly called Alloy 22. But questions linger about the compound and what fabrication designs are best suited to containers that are supposed to last thousands of years. Department officials are still designing the containers, and it has told the Sun that it has thus far commissioned only one prototype of the 10 to 15 different designs that will be needed to accommodate a vast array of waste types. Among the most troubling container questions are those about Alloy 22. The worry is that water seeping through the mountain will corrode the casks, eventually releasing the waste. Nevada and the nuclear industry have commissioned studies on Alloy 22. The industry says it will work. State officials say it won't. Both assail the way the other came to their conclusions. Nuclear officials say the containers under consideration are "robust." They say Alloy 22 is a perfect match for Yucca's tunnel environment. And they note that it's highly unlikely that moisture will reach the containers, which would be covered with titanium drip shields, according to the Energy Department. "Alloy 22 casks last as long as they do because of the environment that they are in," said Steve Kraft, director of waste management for the Nuclear Energy Institute, the leading industry lobbying group, and an active Yucca advocate in Washington. Nevada and its researchers say just the opposite, concluding that Alloy 22 could corrode and the containers could fail within 100 years. "There is no way that C-22 (Alloy 22) is going to last anywhere near as long as the DOE is saying it is going to last," said Susan Lynch, director of technical programs for the Nevada Nuclear Projects Agency. "We firmly believe (corrosion) is going to happen." A key difference in the research, according to Nevada officials, is the water used in the experiments. The nuclear industry used ground water in its research. The state used water that officials say will be coming through the mountain, which is far more corrosive. The Energy Department and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission are conducting their own studies. Marissa Bailey, the commission's engineering section chief for its high-level waste repository division, says there has been no determination about whether Alloy 22 will work. Because the cask design and metal studies continue, it is unknown if the Energy Department has enough information to back up its assertion that there is "reasonable assurance" that waste containers will not leak and harm the public, Reamer said. That includes proving the casks would hold up to corrosion, earthquakes and "to some extent" volcano eruptions. "It is up to the DOE to put in the application what it expects the container to do" -- and then back it up with research, Reamer said. And, while much attention has been focused on shipping and permanent storage containers, commission officials have another important concern: the temporary waste containers that would be used at a surface transfer facility at Yucca. Officials plan to store some waste temporarily outside Yucca because waste will have to be sorted into the tunnels according to how long it has been removed from its reactors. But so far, Energy Department officials have shown the commission little information about the temporary storage containers. Reamer said he told the department that he can't understand how it was planning to submit an application by year's end without plans for those containers. "We really haven't seen much of the design data there," Reamer said. Quality assurance Yucca critics say the quality of the Energy Department's data is also a project hurdle. As with any major public works project, managers oversee a "quality assurance" program, often called "QA," an effort designed to guarantee that the scientific work is sound and that the data results can be justified. Flaws in the Energy Department's QA program could be an obstacle to Yucca because errors can throw the whole program's research history -- and the repository's future success -- into question. "The QA is one of those hot button areas of NRC regulating," Egan said. "It's an area where there are the greatest number of licenses going amiss. QA has brought down entire projects." Yucca critics point to one example in which a nuclear plant in Ohio was nearly completed in the 1980s, but because some construction documents were not in order, the commission refused to issue an operating license. Plant owners refitted it into a coal plant. The commission, as well as the General Accountability Office, the investigative arm of Congress, have criticized the QA program at Yucca. Last year the commission told the Energy Department that it had serious concerns about the QA program. It noted a number of problems in Energy documents that showed the department had made numerous mistakes in how it tracked and organized data. For example, the commission found the department was presenting some data that could not be tracked to any source. It made some assertions without including the basis for those assertions. Even the most minor mistakes must be reviewed and corrected, Reamer said. Last spring the Energy Department launched an effort to correct the mistakes, and finished in the fall. The Yucca QA program has been "upgraded and improved," he said. The department now has "full confidence that our QA program will meet the NRC requirements," Benson said. The department seems to be "headed in the right direction," Reamer said. But the jury is still out. Yucca critics are skeptical. "The problem is that the DOE is now in its third, fourth, fifth, maybe sixth get-well plan," said Martin Malsch, a lawyer who works with Egan. "After a number of failures, you need to wonder if they are ever capable of curing the defect." Transportation Even if the Energy Department solved all its problems related to storing nuclear waste at Yucca Mountain, many questions remain about how the waste would get there. The department has not selected exact shipping routes across the country; the actual containers that hold the waste in transit do not exist; and a new $1 billion, 319-mile rail line has to be constructed in Nevada. The department plans to make progress on these issues in fiscal year 2006, according to its budget documents, but like so many aspects of the program, that is contingent on congressional funding. Yucca critics say each issue will take years of scientific analysis and bureaucratic processes to sort out. In April the department announced it would use a "mostly rail" option to ship waste from 127 sites around the country to Nevada. Part of this plan includes building the rail route, which the department has said will take about four years. Benson said a draft environmental study of the rail line construction should be done in "mid-2005." The department held public meetings around the state about what should be included in the report. Public hearings and comment periods will follow the draft's release and a final report would be issued based on those comments. Nevada sued the Energy Department over the rail line in September, saying the department proclaimed the route and applied for the land but only now is evaluating the environmental impact. It should have looked at the impact first and decided if the route was the best option, Nevada Attorney General Brian Sandoval said. The state also claims the department moved ahead with the largest railroad construction project in 80 years without consulting the Surface Transportation Board, the federal agency that oversees rail projects. Sandoval asked the U.S. Council on Environmental Quality on Jan. 26 to investigate. "It is unfortunate that DOE is plowing ahead and expending such resources when there are so many health and safety questions to be answered and the primary issue of whose impact statement it is or should be has yet to be resolved," Sandoval wrote. Building the track itself will be a challenge. Nevada transportation consultant Bob Halstead said the Energy Department is drastically underestimating the difficulty because uneven terrain will require at least 20 bridges of over 200 feet, and because of areas vulnerable to flooding, rockfalls and even earthquakes. "It's an even worse (route) choice than we have argued in the past," Halstead said. Recent flooding in Lincoln County showcased that flash flooding -- while relatively rare -- can damage tracks quickly, he said. "This ought to be a big wake-up call," Halstead said. "This is a much bigger issue than anyone has thought through." All contents copyright 2005 Las Vegas SUN, Inc. ***************************************************************** 54 GLRC: RADIOACTIVE DUMP SITE CLOSE TO THE GREAT LAKES? [http://michiganradio.org] [great lakes radio consortium] In the United States, low-level nuclear waste is stored in landfills. An Ontario town is proposing to put Canada's low-level nuclear waste in an underground chamber a mile from Lake Huron. (Photo courtesy of the NRC) In Canada, just across Lake Huron from Michigan, a small town is offering to be the home of Canada's first permanent dump site for radioactive material. The proposed site is a mile from Lake Huron. The Great Lakes Radio Consortium's Mary Ann Colihan reports on the town's work to get the site and the concerns about putting it close to one of the Great Lakes: [copyright © 2001 the regents of the university of michigan] ***************************************************************** 55 AP Wire: Aiken County asks SRS to pay more for using land | 02/14/2005 | [http://www.thestate.com/ Associated Press AIKEN, S.C. - Aiken County plans to ask the Department of Energy to renegotiate how much money it pays the county for land it acquired in 1950 for the Savannah River Site. The former nuclear weapons complex currently pays the county $808,000 for 73,000 acres. The fee is based on 1988 land values, even though the county has reappraised property three times since it negotiated the fee almost 17 years ago. It is the lowest rate per acre of the three counties where SRS is located. The Energy Department pays about $2.2 million a year for 107,095 acres in Barnwell County and about $50,000 a year for 4,212 acres in Allendale County. Aiken County wanted to renegotiate in 2003, but decided to wait because SRS was in line to land big projects that would have meant thousands of new jobs and a boon to the economy. Those projects never materialized. The county has talked to the Lower Savannah Council of Governments about representing it during the negotiations. Allendale and Barnwell counties will be asked to join the talks, Aiken County Administrator Clay Killian said. Information from: The Augusta Chronicle, [http://www.augustachronicle.com] ***************************************************************** 56 kgw.com Newspaper: Hanford dose study was suspect | News for Oregon and SW Washington | AP Wire 02/14/2005 Associated Press A landmark study that estimated radiation doses to the public from emissions from the Hanford nuclear reservation was conducted in part to defend the federal government from lawsuits, a newspaper reported. The Hanford Environmental Dose Reconstruction Project, a $27 million study that began in the late 1980s, contained significant conflicts of interest, The Spokesman-Review of Spokane, Wash., reported Sunday. The study is part of a massive class-action lawsuit that is finally headed for trial this April, in which alleged victims of radiation releases say their health was damaged. The records were obtained by lawyers for more than 2,000 people who sued Hanford contractors starting in 1990 over their exposure to radioactive iodine-131 releases during World War II and the Cold War, the newspaper reported. The first phase of their trial starts April 11 in Spokane. The documents show that after the secret Hanford releases were finally made public in 1986, the U.S. Department of Justice opposed a dose study as useless "public relations," but changed its mind when the first lawsuit for radiation damages was filed. Some of the Battelle Pacific Northwest Laboratories staff in Richland who worked on the study also worked for the Justice Department and for Kirkland &Ellis, the Chicago law firm hired to defend Hanford contractors against radiation injury claims, the documents showed. The documents provide "startling evidence" that the study was shaped to "support the litigation positions that the government and Hanford defendants anticipated," including choosing radiation dose estimates that minimize the estimated radiation exposures, Seattle lawyer Tom Foulds said in a court motion. Kevin Van Wart, of Kirkland &Ellis in Chicago, lead attorney for the Hanford contractors, denied that HEDR was set up to favor the defense. Plaintiffs' lawyers also wanted a dose reconstruction study in the 1980s as a guide to future litigation, he said. "It's absurd. This is all smoke. At trial, each side is going to present their own best estimates of the doses the plaintiffs received," Van Wart said. The study's radiation dose estimates were also used by a second group of scientists at the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center in Seattle for the $21 million Hanford Thyroid Disease Study, which explored the possibility of a link between the Hanford releases and thyroid disease in 3,440 people exposed as children. In 1999, that study concluded it could find no link between Hanford's radiation clouds and excess thyroid death and disease downwind. That result was at odds with other studies in the Marshall Islands and Ukraine that showed clear associations between iodine-131 exposures and an increase in thyroid cancers and disease. Lawyers for the downwinders will critique the two Hanford studies at the April trial, while the defense will present them as sound science. The HEDR study has long been suspect, said Bob Alvarez, a prominent nuclear critic who served in the Clinton administration as deputy assistant secretary for planning and security at the Energy Department. Washington and Oregon pressed for a dose study totally independent of the Energy Department after documents released in March 1986 showed massive clouds of radioactive iodine-131 escaped from Hanford in the 1940s and early '50s during the production of plutonium for nuclear bombs. "The die was cast in 1986 when DOE bestowed on Battelle the responsibility for dose reconstruction at Hanford. The primary motivation was to stave off liability associated with these large releases," Alvarez said. The credibility of the Hanford study will be a central focus in the upcoming downwinders' trial. During the trial of seven "bellwether" cases, the plaintiffs' lawyers will submit their own version of dose reconstruction. Some of their experts argue that the Hanford iodine-131 doses especially in outlying areas like Spokane could have been up to 12 times higher than the HEDR estimates. U.S. District Court Judge William Fremming Nielsen ruled last week that the plaintiffs can present their alternative dose reconstruction analysis. ___ Information from: The Spokesman-Review, http://www.spokesmanreview.com ***************************************************************** 57 ABQjournal: LANL Critic Whistled Before Albuquerque Journal newspaper. Sunday, February 13, 2005 Albuquerque Journal--> By Adam Rankin Journal Staff Writer Last month was not the first time quality-assurance specialist Donald W. Brown filed for whistle-blower protection while working for the U.S. Department of Energy. Brown, a 30-year veteran of quality assurance in the nuclear industry, was hired by Los Alamos National Laboratory in May 2003 as a contractor to do reviews of nuclear manufacturing and quality assurance, according to a complaint filed with the U.S. Department of Labor on Jan. 14. After writing a 22-page analysis of LANL's "broken" quality-assurance program, which he wrote is "in desperate need of repair" and puts the public and workers at risk, Brown went to the Washington, D.C.-based watchdog group Government Accountability Project and filed for whistle-blower protection, also in January. While working for a DOE contractor at the Yucca Mountain nuclear-waste repository project in Nevada 15 years ago, Brown also filed for whistle-blower protection after losing his job when he raised a number of concerns about worker safety. That complaint was settled out of court. In his most recent complaint, Brown alleges he was demoted for reporting critical failures in reviewing the quality of critical nuclear facilities and manufacturing processes at the weapons lab. Among Brown's findings at LANL were a lack of a proper welding and inspection qualification program, failure to implement industry standard welding processes, failure to inspect welding projects, and improper procurement of welding materials. These factors resulted in more than 1,000 faulty welds in LANL's 50-year-old Chemistry and Metallurgy Research building, he said. In a separate audit, which he said he was never able to finish, Brown said he found LANL had a longstanding failure to address quality-related concerns of its nuclear weapons component manufacturing process. He also asserts that when he tried to apply for a full-time position at LANL— because his position as a contractor is being made into a LANL position— he was told he wasn't eligible and wouldn't be considered, nor was he allowed to attend a training class. Claims reviewed LANL officials have said they are reviewing Brown's claims of retaliation and contend that none of his findings reveals public or worker safety risks. LANL spokesman Jim Fallin said the notion that the weapons lab has no quality-review procedure for its weapons manufacturing systems is "absurd." National Nuclear Security Administration officials have said they believe Brown's reviews focus on old problems addressed during LANL's recent shutdown and review of safety and security concerns. Fifteen years ago, Brown filed for whistle-blower protection under the same federal regulation he is citing in his current complaint, the Energy Reorganization Act. At the time, he was working for Holmes and Narver Inc., a DOE contractor at Yucca Mountain. Brown said he raised concerns that workers were not properly qualified. When proper actions weren't taken to resolve the situation, he pressed the matter. "Ultimately, that ended up costing me my job," he said. His complaint of retaliation was settled out of court, and the settlement agreement and documents were sealed from public view, according to Labor Department records. But the terms were found to be "fair, adequate and reasonable," by then-Labor Department Secretary Robert Reich. "It is not a get-rich-quick scheme," said Government Accountability Project attorney Tom Carpenter about Brown's complaint against LANL. "It is trying to get him back to the job we think he was unfairly removed from" and to get him training he was denied, allegedly because of his reviews of LANL quality-assurance procedures. Systemic problems? Carpenter said there are systemic quality-assurance problems across the laboratory's most critical facilities, impacting everything from construction to nuclear weapons designs. "He has raised issues everywhere he goes because that is his job," Carpenter said. "Frankly, if there had been adequate responses to his concerns, he never would have gone public." In his review, Brown reports, "The good news is that all problems identified in this paper can be fixed." LANL spokesman Kevin Roark said that, in fact, many of the points in Brown's analysis were known even before Brown was hired. "And many of the problems have long been solved," he said. Roark said LANL always reviews concerns raised by employees, often by independent sources, as it is doing now with Brown's analysis. LANL officials have also said they are reviewing quality-assurance matters and are "self-identifying those that need to be addressed." Aside from LANL, Brown said DOE and its Los Alamos Site Office are responsible for not ensuring adequate quality-assurance reviews. "Only recently has LASO treated quality assurance as a primary function and not as a secondary consideration, when convenient or as a 'necessary evil,'" Brown wrote. DOE should be functioning as a "third line of defense," he said, but has failed because its regulators and resources are spread too thin. Brown said he met with DOE's Los Alamos Site Office manager Ed Wilmot about his findings. Bernard Pleau, National Nuclear Security Administration spokesman for the office, said Wilmot told Brown he would follow up and evaluate his concerns. Brown said he recently received a response from DOE's Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board saying they would take up his worries in coming meetings. Copyright 2005 Albuquerque Journal ***************************************************************** 58 [du-list] DU in the news - 14th Feb. 05 Date: Mon, 14 Feb 2005 15:12:47 -0800 Online Journal, Sat, 12 Feb 2005 0:24 AM PST Oklahoma first in war crime weapons http://www.onlinejournal.com/Special_Reports/021205Nichols/021205nichols.html Adobe Acrobat Reader required. Click here to download a free copy. OKLAHOMA CITY, February 12, 2005 The US military's genocidal operation in Iraq is trucking off whole destroyed cities and acres of dirt to dumps in the desert. Kyodo via Yahoo! Asia News, Sat, 12 Feb 2005 1:33 AM PST Kyodo news summary -5- http://asia.news.yahoo.com/050212/kyodo/d886sqmo0.html _ ---------- Iraqi boy who received leukemia treatment in Japan dies Kyodo via Yahoo! Asia News, Fri, 11 Feb 2005 10:59 PM PST Iraqi boy who received leukemia treatment in Japan dies http://asia.news.yahoo.com/050212/kyodo/d886qijg0.html _ A 6-year-old Iraqi boy who returned to Iraq last October after undergoing treatment for leukemia for nearly 10 months in Japan, died last Sunday after his condition suddenly deteriorated, a Japanese civic group that sponsored his stay in Japan said Saturday. TheExperiment, Sat, 12 Feb 2005 8:12 AM PST News|National http://www.theexperiment.org/articles.php?news_id=2113 With a bit of good luck from a beautiful Louisiana winter day of 65 degrees, the anti-war effort of south Louisiana shined brightly on counter-inauguration day in New Orleans, Louisiana, January 20th, 2005. Russian Information Agency Novosti, Sat, 12 Feb 2005 2:51 AM PST IRAN NOT TO GIVE UP ITS PRINCIPLES http://en.rian.ru/rian/index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id=5405749&startrow=1&date=2005-02-12&do_alert=0 TEHRAN/MOSCOW, February 12 (RIA Novosti) - The third round of Iranian-EU negotiations on Iranian nuclear programs saw a fruitless end. "The Geneva negotiations proceeded within the framework of three administration working groups for political, economic and commercial issues. ---------- No virus found in this outgoing message. Checked by AVG Anti-Virus. Version: 7.0.300 / Virus Database: 265.8.7 - Release Date: 2/10/05 [Non-text portions of this message have been removed] ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> What would our lives be like without music, dance, and theater? Donate or volunteer in the arts today at Network for Good! http://us.click.yahoo.com/TzSHvD/SOnJAA/79vVAA/FGYolB/TM --------------------------------------------------------------------~-> To unsubscribe from this groups send a message to du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com. In the body of the message type unsubscribe and send. Yahoo! Groups Links <*> To visit your group on the web, go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/du-list/ <*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: du-list-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com <*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to: http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ ***************************************************************** 59 BBJ: Duratek's nuclear power plant contract grows - 2005-02-14 - Baltimore Business Journal Duratek Inc. said Monday a contract to decommission a nuclear power plant was increased by $13.5 million. The contract is with Consumers Energy, a longstanding Duratek customer, to dispose radioactive and non-radioactive waste at the Big Rock Point nuclear power plant, which was shut down in August 1997. Kurt Haas, Big Rock Point site general manager, said in a statement that Columbia-based Duratek provides "an especially critical role" as the project's waste handler. The Nuclear Regulatory Commission oversees the decommissioning of nuclear power plants. Facilities are decontaminated and dismantled so that sites can be restored and reused. Charlevoix, Mich.-based Big Rock Point was the longest-running nuclear power plant in the U.S. As deregulation took hold in the energy industry in the 1990s, Consumers Energy decided the one-reactor plant would be too small to compete effectively. Last week, publicly held Duratek reported 2004 earnings of $21 million on revenues of more than $286 million. CEO Robert Prince said profits and margins improved for the third year in a row, but the stock plunged when the company failed to meet analysts' estimates. © 2005 American City Business Journals Inc. ***************************************************************** NOTE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107 this material is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only. For more information go to: *****************************************************************